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The paper studies the concrete, daily life in the Julian March during the two World Wars. Senožeče, a village with 750 inhabitants, was chosen as the model for this analysis. Special attention is given to the political, social, cultural and psychological factors that motived the members of the Slovene minority to take membership in the National Fascist Party (PNF).
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The paper deals with the mass deportations of Slovenes from the Ljubljana region, following the so-called disarmament raids by the occupier in February and March 1942. It also presents the establishment of temporary concentration camps in Čiginj and Dolenja Trebuša, in the Julian March. From September 1942, after Slovenes from Primorska had begun joining the Slovenian partisan units in great numbers, the occupier retaliated by deporting their relatives to the prisons in Kostanjevica near Gorizia (for women) and Zdravščina (for men). After February 1943, 2,250 prisoners were deported to concentration camps in Italy. Men were sent to Cairo Montenotte in Liguria and women to Freschette di Alatri.
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The review of: -Magdalene Koch, Der Widerstand der Kommunistichen Partei Österreichs gegen Hitler von 1938 bis 1945. Neobjavljena disertacija na dunajski filozofski fakulteti, 1964. -Hans Janschitz, Ferlieferhof. Ein Bericht iiber die amtlichen Untersuchungen der Masenmorde in der Schiessstate Ferlieferhof. Graz (1946), 74 strani.
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In the course of Word War II, Macedonia was decided between the Bulgarian and the Italian occupying forces. Both of these invaders systematically deported certain categories of inhabitants, largely Serbs and Jews, founding these actions on appropriate legal acts. The Bulgarian invaders initially deported only Serbs and Jews but later Turks, Albanians and Macedonians were also expelled. Serbs found refuge in Serbia but Jews were led away to the Treblinka concentration camp in Poland. Members of other nationalities were also, although in a lesser degree, forced to leave their homes. At the request of the Ustasha government of NDH, Croatians were deported to Croatian territory.These deportations were meant to »correct« the mistakes made by previous Yugoslav regimes. The article is founded on information extracted from Yugoslav and foreign literature and archives.
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This supplement gives in a concise form, based on the data obtained from primary sources and abundant literature, all aspects and forms of the denationalization and genocide measures which were exercised by the enemy and domestic quislings during World War II against discriminated individuals as well as peoples in the south-east of Europe, firstly towards Jews, Serbs, Slovenes and Gypsies. The first chapter deals with the initial phase of the war, in the south-east also known as the arbitrage period in which the Axis powers, Germany and Italy, acting as judges, used the quarrels between Hungary and Rumania over the mixed inhabited Transylvania, to strengthen their influence in these two countries. The second chapter is dealing with various forms of forced emigration or rough turning out of homes of entire nationalities into other regions and countries. This system of racial purification of certain countries or regions was most roughly and massively applied in parts of Yugoslavia, especially towards Slovenes and Serbs. Stated facts bring on the conclusion that the major part of the Yugoslav citizens were, for a longer or shorter period, driven off or simply thrown out of their homes.The third chapter deals with document verified data that the German citizens also had to abandon their homesteads in especially large numbers towards the end of the war. Before the retreat of the German army in 1944, Volksdeutschers had to leave their homes and start the exodus towards the Reich. The fourth chapter is dealing with long-term measures of denationalization of certain nations: in the field of culture and education - no use of mother tongue or alphabet allowed; national schools closed down; all forms of cultural life hindered or forbidden, while the enemy's culture is forced upon the people; all forms of national tradition destroyed or erased etc; in the field of economy - confiscation of personal property; certain professions not allowed; in the field of religion - converting into the other nation's religion, as during the ,,NDH” (Independent State of Croatia) when the orthodox were converted into Roman Catholics, etc. This chapter also describes the system of race checks and administrative transferring of individuals and parts of the population into another, „higher" nation, as was done in parts of Slovenia which were included in the Reich.
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Reviews of: 1. Andrej Mitrović, SRBIJA U PRVOM SVETSKOM RATU, SKZ, Beograd 1984, 582. Review by: Dušan T. Bataković 2. Momčilo Zečević, NA ISTORIJSKOJ PREKRETNICl (Slovenci u politici jugoslavenske države 1918-1929.) Knjiga I, Prosveta, Beograd 1985, 448 Review by: Janko Prunk 3. Branislav Gligorijević, IZMEĐU REVOLUCIJE I DOGME , Liber, Zagreb 1984. Review by: Saša Marković 4. Đ. Piljević , R. Bogdanović , V. Glišlć, N. Živkovlć , M. Švabić, P. Kačavenda , J. Vujošević, D. Dimitrijević, V. Ćirković, BEOGRAD U RATU I REVOLUCIJI 1941-1945, 1-2, Beograd 1984, 739 str. Review by: Branko Petranović 5. Dr Slavko Vukčević, BORBE I OTPORI U OKUPIRANIM GRADOVIMA JUGOSLAVIJE 1941-1945. Review by: Zoran Lakić 6. Dragoljub Petrović, ISTOČNA SRBIJA U RATU I REVOLUCIJI 1941-1944, Beograd 1984, str. 291 Review by: Dragan Aleksić 7. Dr Milan Vesović - mr Milan Matić - Josip Vučković, Veljko Vlaković. Sećanja - hronologija - bibliografija. Beograd. Titograd. Ljubljana. Institut za savremenu istoriju. Istorijski institut Crne Gore. Partizanska knjiga. 1985, str. 374 sa ilustracijama Review by: Zoran Panajotović
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At the beginning of Operation ‘Barbarossa’, the 6th ‘Vânători’ (Huntsmen) Regiment wasstationed near the Prut River, waiting for orders from the 14th Infantry Division to cross itinto Bessarabia through the Sculeni border point. This article studies the involvement ofsoldiers belonging to that regiment in the earliest actions aimed at exterminating the Jewsduring the summer campaign of 1941. The study has two parts. In part one, I present themanner in which the withdrawal from Bessarabia, in 1940, was perceived by members ofthe regiment. At the same time, I present the ways in which the hatred against the Jews wasfueled, through orders and intelligence reports sent by the higher echelons of the militaryto the members of the regiment. The last pages in the first part of the study about this unitof the Romanian Army aims at reconstructing the soldiers’ involvement in the exterminationof the Sculeni Jews in the early days of the war. The other massacres in which soldiers ofthe 6th ‘Vânători’ Regiment were involved are focused on in the latter part of this project.
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The paper examines the attitudes of the Austrian Jesuits to antisemitism in the interwar period. This question is highly relevant for the study of antisemitism and the Holocaust, because of the strong influence of Catholicism within Austrian society and the prominent role played by Austrians in the Holocaust. The scientific literature has argued that the Austrian context was of central importance to the formation of both antisemitic and anti-antisemitic views among Catholics. However, the dynamics and internal nuances within high ecclesiastical circles have remained understudied. The present research indicates the permanence of an entrenched anti-Jewish tradition as well as the start of a novel reconsideration of this very tradition within the Jesuit Order in Austria. By analyzing tensions in the positions of the Austrian Jesuits, this research contributes to a better understanding of the continuity and rupture in antisemitism in Austria in the period immediately prior to the Holocaust.
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Czernowitz was the Habsburg Empire’s „Vienna of the East“; it had a lively German-speaking Jewish community, almost all of whom were persecuted or murdered during the time of the Second World War. Yet the memory of Cernowitz lives on, passed on as it is by survivors and their descendants „like a wonderful present“ and a „relentless curse“, as noted by Aharon Appelfeld. We find evidence of old Cernowitz in historical reports, memoirs, documents and literary works. These include impressive contributions by Cernowitz-born writers. In their lecture, Marianne Hirsch and Leo Spitzer focussed primarily on materials from family albums and collections in order to tap into the world of Jewish Cernowitz before its destruction. In particular, they analysed street photographs depicting daily life which had been taken on the city’s streets before the Second World War and during the occupation by Romanian fascists and their allies from Nazi Germany. What do these ordinary and apparently opaque images tell us about the rich and diverse past? We were astonished to discover that they tell and show us a lot in that they reveal both more and less than we had expected.
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Most people are very surprised by the claim that we live in the most peaceful period in history. Are we not flooded with media reports and images of conflicts around the world today, some of them very active and bloody, and others seemingly waiting to happen? Have the United States and its allies not been involved in a series of messy wars over the past few decades? Scholars, for their part, ask themselves, if there has indeed been a decline in belligerency, when exactly did it begin: with the end of the Cold War, in 1945, or perhaps earlier? And what exactly caused it?
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Review of: Klára Pinerová - Stanislav Balík, Vít Hloušek, Lubomír Kopeček, Jan Holzer, Pavel Pšeja, Andrew Lawrence Roberts: Czech Politics. From West to East and Back Again. Budrich. Opladen u. a. 2017. 278 S. ISBN 978-3-8474-0585-6. (€ 29,90.)
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The article analyzes the changes in the way the narrative of what happened during World War II has been told in the Eastern European countries since the fall of communism and the disintegration of the Eastern Bloc. There, the discarded Marxist-Leninist ideology and Soviet mythologems about the war have been replaced by new narratives. Besides, each country focuses on its own experiences, searches for its own truths and wishes to insert its own stories into the common European narrative. The study examines the changes in two of the Eastern European countries – Poland and Bulgaria, which belong to different cultural, historical and geopolitical areas, but nevertheless show certain similarities in their development. The analysis focuses on the two main directions in which the construction of the new European narrative has been developing: 1) Turning the Holocaust into a central event in the memory of WW II that is to displace all other issues related to the Nazis’ coming to power and engaging the world in a war; 2) Victimization of Eastern Europe, i.e. bringing into the big European narrative the Eastern Europeans’ vision of themselves as double victims ‒ of Nazism and of Stalinism. In conclusion, the author argues that both in regard to their communist past as a result of the war, and in relation to the Holocaust, Poland and Bulgaria have their own interpretations that cannot always be woven into the general narrative. The situation is similar in the rest of the countries from the former Eastern Bloc. This is why thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall many of the memory boundaries that Tony Judt described as early as in 1992 as remaining “solidly in place”, are still present.
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Until 2014, all Ukrainian presidents except Viktor Yushchenko participated in the celebration of the Soviet and Russian myth of the Great Patriotic War (GPW). Presidents Leonid Kuchma (1994 – 2004) and Viktor Yanukovych (2010 – 2014) participated in official commemorations in Moscow attended by other former Soviet republics. President Yushchenko (2005 – 2010) did not attend the celebration but neither did he seek to remove the GPW from Ukrainian memory politics. Only during Petro Poroshenko’s presidency (2014 – 2019) was the Soviet triumphalist and militaristic narrative of the GPW (1941 – 1945) replaced by commemoration of Ukraine’s participation in Europe’s victory over Nazism and the human suffering of Ukrainians during the Second World War (1939 – 1945) integrated into an overall European tragedy of the loss of millions of lives.
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Sabbatarians were the only proselyte religious community that had an official institutional form in nineteenth-century Europe. This study aims to present the history and gradual disintegration of the Sabbatarian community and their acceptance of a common fate with Transylvanian Jewry during the Second World War. This is realized by, first, outlining the historical context of the formation of Sabbatarianism; second, by describing the social and political circumstances of Transylvanian Jews in the first half of the twentieth century; and third, by giving a detailed presentation of the 1944 deportations and other related events.
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The accession of post-communist states into the Council of Europe system enlarged greatly the territory of effective protection of human rights in Europe and at the same time compelled the European Court of Human Rights to address the current effects of past violations of human rights by communist regimes. It gave the Court an opportunity to establish a legal standard of how to deal with matters such as the public presence of communist symbols and insignia, de-registration of neo-Communist parties, and the relevance of past membership in the Communist parties for an exercise of electoral rights in a newly democratized state. This opportunity was at the same time a challenge, and the Court was less than successful in meeting this challenge, despite the fact that it had already established the relevant legal standards when deciding about the cases triggered by the Nazi past. Without making it explicit, and without articulating openly the relevant differences, the Court has not established any equivalence between legal treatments of the aftermath of the two types of criminal regimes in the European recent past. The article discusses three recent cases belonging to these categories and concludes that there is a clear contrast between the Court’s treatment of “post-ommunist” cases and the same Court’s earlier treatment of equivalent “post-Nazi” cases; the article offers some explanations for the discrepancy which reflects a broader dualism in European collective memory of the past.
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The article deals with the support of the idea of an independent Croatian state by the Croatian Catholic hierarchy in the interwar and the war period (1929–1945). That was very different from the approval of the created by the Nazis in 1941 Independent State of Croatia (ISC), in which the Ustasha government practiced the most extreme nationalistic policy – extermination of whole ethno-national groups in the country (such as Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies). Part of the hierarchy could not stay away from the national question, which was predominant for the Croats in the whole interwar period and supported the illegal separatist Ustasha nationalistic movement. The act of establishment of the ISC in April 1941 was openly welcomed by the Church. The Ustasha power was Croatian in national terms and Catholic in religious aspect. Some of the clergy, especially the lower, but even some representatives of the higher hierarchy went too far, participating in the structures and policy of the regime. But the Church, as an institution, led by the Zagreb Archbishop A. Stepinac was against any persecution of people on the basis of ethnos, nation, religion, or race. The reason the higher hierarchy did not publicly condemn the regime was the fact its alternative in the war period was the Great-Serbian or Communist dictatorship.
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Newly available documentation from the State Archive of Bosnia-Herzegovina indicates that the majority of sites where Muslim civilians were killed during the Second World War remained unmarked as late as the mid-1980s. The existing scholarship, most of which argues that Yugoslavia’s communist regime sought to “de-ethnicize” the remembrance of all of the interethnic violence of the war, has failed to notice and explain this apparent bias against Muslim civilian war victims. This article seeks to answer the question of why so many sites in Bosnia-Herzegovina where Muslim civilians were killed remained unmarked after the war. It does so through the reconstruction and analysis of the wartime and postwar history of Kulen Vakuf, a small town located in northwestern Bosnia. The analysis of the dynamics of mass killing in the region reveals that the communist-led Partisan movement absorbed large numbers of Serbian insurgents who had murdered Muslims earlier in the war. The transformation of the perpetrators of the massacres into Partisans created a postwar context in which the authorities, to avoid implicating insurgents-turned-Partisans as war criminals, and the Muslim survivors, out of fear of retribution and a desire to move on, agreed to stay silent about the killings. The end result was the absence of monuments for the victims.
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This article analyzes how the ideological discourse of the Croatian fascist movement (the Ustaša) evolved in the course of World War II under pressures of the increasingly popular and powerful communist armed resistance. It explores and interprets the way the regime formulated its ideological responses to the political/ideological challenge of the leftist guerrilla and its propaganda in the period after the proclamation of the Ustaša Independent State of Croatia in 1941 until the end of the war. The author demonstrates that the regime, faced with its own political weakness and inability to maintain authority, shaped its rhetoric and ideological self-definition in a direct dialogue with the Marxist discourse of the communist propaganda, incorporating important Marxist concepts in its theory of state and society and redefining its concepts of national boundaries and racial identity to match the communists’ propaganda of inclusive, civic national Yugoslavism. This massive ideological renegotiation of the movement’s basic tenets and its consequent leftward shift reflected a change in an opposite direction from the one commonly encountered in narratives of other fascisms’ ideological evolution paths (most notably in Italy and Germany): as the movement became a regime, the Ustaša transformed from its initial conservatism, traditionalism (in both sociopolitical and cultural matters), pseudofeudal worldview of peasant worship and antiurbanism, anti-Semitism, and rigid racialism in relation to nation and state into an ideology of increasingly inclusive, culture-based, and nonethnic nationalism and with an exceptionally strong leftist rhetoric of social welfare, class struggle, and the rights of the working class.
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Accounts of the Final Solution in Bulgaria and Romania often stress the differences between the two countries, attributing Bulgaria’s relatively low victimization rate (18 percent) and Romania’s relatively high one (approximately 50 percent) to differing levels of anti-Semitism or local attitudes toward Jews. This article argues that, broken down by region, Bulgaria and Romania were actually quite similar, in that both countries participated in the victimization of Jews in newly acquired territories while protecting those in the “home country.” By investigating the complex negotiations between Nazi Germany and local officials in each of these countries, the author shows that because of their close alliance with Nazi Germany (and not despite this), the governments of Bulgaria and Romania were both able to protect their own Jewish citizens. Both countries essentially traded loyalty in military and economic affairs for concessions, delays, and limitations in the Final Solution. This observation has fascinating moral implications, since it suggests that countries could only protect their own citizens by cooperating with Nazi Germany. It also illustrates that far from being passive subjects of coercion, weak states in imperial relationships can actually bargain to change the terms of their own subjugation. Imperial hegemony is partly a product of negotiation and international contracting, not unmitigated coercion.
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On 22 October 2003, with the initiative of Romania’s president Ion Iliescu, the International Commission for the Study of the Holocaust in Romania (ICSHR) was set up. Nobel laureate for peace and American writer of Romanian origin Elie Wiesel was appointed as its president. In spring 2006, with the initiative of Romania’s president Traian Băsescu, the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania (CPADCR) was formed. Vladimir Tismăneanu, the American political scientist of Romanian origin, became its president. Both commissions were established with the purpose of producing a final report on the two forms of totalitarianism in Romania: the extreme right totalitarianism between 1940 and 1944, and the extreme left totalitarianism between 1944 and 1989. Both commissions rested on legal and ethical grounds and they addressed Romanians’ expectations and dilemmas linked to their recent traumatic history.
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