HELSINŠKE SVESKE №12: Minorities in transition

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Referring to minority rights, we refer to an endeavor to establish equality. What minorities want is what all of us want. It is promotion and development of minority rights that indicate to aspirations to bring about social equality so that each individual has same rights as the other. Minority rights are not something one should be afraid of, they are no threat whatsoever to a society's indivisibility, its integrity. Minority rights are, as I've said, an endeavor to establish equality, for there is no indivisibility unless there is equality. We are anxious to safeguard our society, we care for law and order, and that what equality is about. Unfortunately, we have social inequality in terms of human rights. We have weak, divided societies that - politically unstable as they are - might threaten international piece and security. So, by encouraging minority rights we, in a way, encourage peace and security. It is the European Commission's generosity that made this conference possible. Therefore, let me remind you, that funds supporting activities such is this one are provided by citizens of the European Union. These public funds, therefore, reflect their aspirations and the wish to uphold minority rights in this region. This conference also reflects cooperation between the Helsinki Federation and the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia. I take pride in working together with the Helsinki Committee in Serbia. I see it as a most reliable organization that overdid itself at extremely hard times of this country's history. I think the Committee in Serbia has always had the right stuff and deserves to be both commended on and recognized for its courage, integrity and dedication to key principles. This prompts me to tackle the issue of civil society. Usually, whenever there is a political overturn civil societies have to cope with a special tension. Such was the tension ensuing Czechoslovakian velvet revolution. As you know, new people came to power, the people that used to advocate human rights. So, once elected, they thought there was no longer need for the Chapter 77 or the Helsinki Charter. However, people from the Helsinki Committee said, "Stop for a moment, there is such need and very much so”. For, who should protect rights of those that were hurt? Who should watch out for the way the government and people in power behave? Who should keep an eye on the respect of human rights and the government's attitude towards international standards? There certainly are problems in Yugoslavia and Serbia. They are many, and can only be settled if there are intellectual and moral resources, through support and assistance of various non-governmental organizations that keep a sharp lookout at steps taken by the state and attitudes of people in power, and watch out for respect of commitments the state took upon itself by signing international documents. No state that lacks a strong civil society can plume itself when it comes to the situation in the domain of human and minority rights.

HELSINŠKE SVESKE №12: Tranzicija i manjine

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

Referring to minority rights, we refer to an endeavor to establish equality. What minorities want is what all of us want. It is promotion and development of minority rights that indicate to aspirations to bring about social equality so that each individual has same rights as the other. Minority rights are not something one should be afraid of, they are no threat whatsoever to a society's indivisibility, its integrity. Minority rights are, as I've said, an endeavor to establish equality, for there is no indivisibility unless there is equality. We are anxious to safeguard our society, we care for law and order, and that what equality is about. Unfortunately, we have social inequality in terms of human rights. We have weak, divided societies that - politically unstable as they are - might threaten international piece and security. So, by encouraging minority rights we, in a way, encourage peace and security. It is the European Commission's generosity that made this conference possible. Therefore, let me remind you, that funds supporting activities such is this one are provided by citizens of the European Union. These public funds, therefore, reflect their aspirations and the wish to uphold minority rights in this region. This conference also reflects cooperation between the Helsinki Federation and the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia. I take pride in working together with the Helsinki Committee in Serbia. I see it as a most reliable organization that overdid itself at extremely hard times of this country's history. I think the Committee in Serbia has always had the right stuff and deserves to be both commended on and recognized for its courage, integrity and dedication to key principles. This prompts me to tackle the issue of civil society. Usually, whenever there is a political overturn civil societies have to cope with a special tension. Such was the tension ensuing Czechoslovakian velvet revolution. As you know, new people came to power, the people that used to advocate human rights. So, once elected, they thought there was no longer need for the Chapter 77 or the Helsinki Charter. However, people from the Helsinki Committee said, "Stop for a moment, there is such need and very much so”. For, who should protect rights of those that were hurt? Who should watch out for the way the government and people in power behave? Who should keep an eye on the respect of human rights and the government's attitude towards international standards? There certainly are problems in Yugoslavia and Serbia. They are many, and can only be settled if there are intellectual and moral resources, through support and assistance of various non-governmental organizations that keep a sharp lookout at steps taken by the state and attitudes of people in power, and watch out for respect of commitments the state took upon itself by signing international documents. No state that lacks a strong civil society can plume itself when it comes to the situation in the domain of human and minority rights.

LJUDSKA PRAVA I PRAVOSUĐE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (2010-2011) - Izvještaj o provedbi preporuka u sektoru pravosuđa u BiH iz Univerzalnog periodičnog pregleda Vijeća za ljudska prava Ujedinjenih nacija

Author(s): Adisa Zahiragić,Arijana Ljuca,Branko Todorović,Elma Demir,Jasmina Omičević,Maja Šoštarić,Milena Savić,Nedim Jahić,Sanela Rondić,Saša Madacki,Srđan Dizdarević / Language(s): Bosnian

Since its inception in 1948, with the creation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, international human rights regime was based on traditional mechanisms of protection of rights developed by the United Nations (UN), which gave a significant role to the states. Namely, the states are primary actors not only in the international processes of implementation and monitoring of human rights but also in guaranteeing the rights and running the process of self-monitoring and reporting. In the absence of capacities of the UN bodies to directly monitor the human rights situation in all Member States, when member states fail to be sufficiently self-critical NGOs, whose fundamental role is to monitor and report on human rights protection and advocate for better protection thereof by local government institutions and international organizations, play an important role. Efficient protection of human rights requires a strong engagement of civil society at both, national and international levels, as civil society organizations are the only entities that continuously monitor the situation on the ground and work on raising awareness about existing rights and call the decision makers for accountability in case of their violation. Justice Network in Bosnia and Herzegovina defined the role of monitoring and reporting on human rights in domestic and international institutions as their primary form of action. Justice Network, which brings together 52 non-governmental organizations whose primary objective is to support government institutions in strengthening the efficiency, independence and accountability of the judicial system of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as quality information, education and advocating for the interests of citizens in the justice sector, has identified monitoring and reporting on human rights as an essential mechanism by which it seeks to realize its goals. Development of judicial system in BiH, which effectively protects human rights and promotes the rule of law is not possible without a detailed and continuous evaluation of the system for monitoring of compliance of national legislation with international standards. Taking as a basis the results of monitoring of the human rights situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Justice Network will encourage the activities that allow a stronger influence of citizens through civil society organizations in the process of making of new decisions and implementation of existing regulations in the field of justice. In this way, the Justice Network will give its contribution in encouraging an active participation of its members and civil society in the development of an independent, efficient, accountable and lawful actions of the judiciary in Bosnia and Herzegovina. To this end, the Justice Network has created working groups tasked to analyze and monitor the work of justice sector institutions. The Working Group responsible for analyzing the public policies in the area of justice sector produced several research papers, which were published within a publication called Access to Justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina. These studies were intended to inform both professional and general public about the problem of access to justice in Bosnia and Herzegovina observed from different angles. They particularly deal with the evaluation of effectiveness of judicial system in BiH, when it comes to exercise of certain rights such as: right to free legal assistance, free access to information in the justice sector, protection of the rights deriving from labor relations; protection of the political rights of national minorities in BiH through the judiciary, protection of witnesses / victims of war crimes; re-socialization of juvenile offenders, and the necessity of harmonization of court practice in order to ensure an equal access to justice for all citizens. To complement this analytical work, a Working Group responsible for development of a “Universal Periodic Review” (UPR) on the situation of human rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina was established, as well as A Justice Network, which conducted a monitoring of justice sector institutions responsible for implementation of the recommendations from UPR, which Bosnia and Herzegovina assumed in the field of justice. Representatives of the Association for Democratic Initiatives, the Center for Information and Legal Aid of Zvornik, the Human Rights Centre of the University of Sarajevo, the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in BiH, the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Republika Srpska, the Youth Initiative for Human Rights, the Association of associates and advisers in the courts and prosecutor offices in BiH, the BiH Association of Judges, the Association of Women Judges of BiH, and the Association “Women to Women” have worked jointly on monitoring the implementation of recommendations of the UN Council for Human Rights in judicial sector of Bosnia and Herzegovina. As a result of this work a publication titled Human Rights and Judiciary in Bosnia and Herzegovina: A report on implementation of the recommendations for justice sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the Universal Periodic Review of the UN Human Rights Council (2010 - 2011) was developed. Recognizing the importance of the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) as a new international instrument for fight for human rights, which the UN Council for Human Rights applies in the process of monitoring human rights in the UN member states, the Justice Network in Bosnia and Herzegovina adopted the UPR as a tool in their work already in April 2010. After consultations between the members, the Justice Network joined the UPR process through the development of UPR recommendations for BiH, which were presented by a three-member Delegation of the Justice Network on the 14th session of the UN Council for Human Rights held on 11 June 2010 in Geneva. In addition to the preparation of recommendations and presentation thereof in Geneva, the Justice Network organized and delivered training on this mechanism for representatives of civil society and the justice sector. Also, two roundtables were organized for the same target group, one in Sarajevo and one in Banja Luka, in which conclusions have been defined for effective implementation of UPR recommendations in the BiH judiciary. The Report on Human Rights and Judiciary in Bosnia and Herzegovina is a continuation of work on the application UPR mechanism, but at the same time, it is also a unique publication of this kind. The aim of publishing of this report is to give an insight into the process of implementation of recommendations issued by the UN Council for Human Rights, or by its member states, which were created in a process of Universal Periodic Review (UPR). Monitoring of implementation of the UPR recommendations by the members of the Justice Network focuses on the judicial system, and includes only those recommendations that have been identified as crucial for improving the justice sector in BiH. In addition to making a general review of protection of human rights through the judiciary, the authors also identified recommendations for decision makers aimed at encouraging the authorities to apply UPR recommendations in justice sector more efficiently and promptly in order to fulfill the assumed commitments of Bosnia and Herzegovina towards the international community and its citizens. We hope that this report will be a useful source of information not only to judiciary but also to NGO sector, and we hope it will initiate and develop the interest of civil society organizations in taking concrete actions in the field of justice. Justice Network will certainly continue its activities aimed at monitoring of human rights protection in the justice sector, and will seek to develop further activities related to reporting to local government institutions and international organizations within the Universal Periodical Review (UPR). We use this opportunity to thank all those who were involved in the preparation of analyses and development of this publication. Special thanks goes to the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), which provides technical support to the BiH Justice Network and its members through the Justice Sector Development Project II (JSDP II).

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY - RUSSIAN INFORMATION CAMPAIGN AGAINST UKRAINIAN STATE AND DEFENCE FORCE

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The report was executed for the NATO StratCom COE by the Centre for Applied Research under the Estonian National Defence College. The objective of this research is to identify how the Russian media portrays the Ukrainian military and security structures, including the policies of the Kiev government and their ‘collaboration’ with the West. The research group looks at how messages disseminated in the media attempt to construct attitudes and advocate behaviours in parallel to political and military events on the ground in Ukraine. The research covers the period from 1 April until 31 December 2014 and analyses the following Russian media: Regnum, Komsomolskaya Pravda and TV Zvezda. These media are important because they target not only Russian internal audience but also the Russian-speaking communities in the former territory of the USSR. The researchers used standardised content analysis in accordance to a specially developed Coding Manual and enriched the findings with data from 25 structured interviews with Ukrainian representatives (media, political and military experts, as well as soldiers and officers involved in the military conflict). From December 2014 the Russian military has adopted a new doctrine that explicitly states that information superiority is essential to achieving victory on the physical battleground in the modern war. It is crucial for NATO to draw appropriate conclusions from the on-going conflict in Europe in order to further strengthen the unity of the alliance and avoid such conflict scenarios between Russia and NATO in the future. Russia’s information activities have played a significant role in the overall military operations carried out in the territory of East Ukraine since 2014. Information operations were used at all levels starting with the political level (against the state of Ukraine, state structures, politicians) up to the tactical level for justifying military actions initiated by pro-Russian forces. Information confrontation and a variety of psychological operations continue to play a substantial role in the current crisis in Ukraine. Russia uses various media channels to conduct its operations against Ukraine, including governmental and private TV channels (e.g. Pervyi Kanal, Rossija 1, NTV, Russia Today, LifeNews), radio (e.g. Radio Mayak), mobile phone operators (e.g. KyivStar), Internet sources (including online publications, e.g. Regnum, TV Zvezda, Кomsomolskaya Pravda, Itar Tass, RIA Novosti ) and social media networks (e.g. YouTube, Facebook, Vk.com, odnoklassniki.ru). Some Ukrainian sources hold pro-Russian attitudes and can also be used to spread disinformation (e.g. Vesti). The separatist People’s Republics of Donetsk and Luhansk have their own channels producing anti-Ukrainian propaganda (e.g. dnrnews.com, novorus.info). The current study has focused on the media channels that represent the Russian mainstream—Komsomolskaya Pravda, TV Zvezda, Regnum. These mass media channels are generally critical against the Ukrainian government and armed forces, but do not offer a critical view of the Russian government; they justify Russian policy in Ukraine and see the Ukrainian crisis as a battlefield between Russia and West, referring to the clash of civilisations with the West (primarily the US and NATO, but also the European Union) allegedly intending to advance its sphere of influence towards Russian borders.

Intervjui (2004-2005)

Author(s): Vladimir Goati,Drinka Gojković,Bogoljub Milosavljević,Nataša Mrvić-Petrović,Vehid Šehić,Nemanja Nenadić,Ivan Ahel,Vera Ranković,Dragica Vujadinović,Desimir Tošić,Latinka Perović,Goran Cetinić,Nikola Samardžić,Miroslav Hadžić,Zagorka Golubović,Jelica Minić,Dubravka Stojanović,Jovica Trkulja,Norbert Mappes-Niediek,Andrej Mitrović,Radmila Radić,Aleksandar Stevanović,Srećko Mihailović,Todor Kuljić,Alexandra Milenov,Milica Delević-Đilas,Janja Beč-Neumann,Marko Kovačević,Ljubinka Trgovčević,Nenad Prokić,Sonja Biserko,Srđa Popović,Stojan Stamenković,Nataša Kandić ,Mirjana Miočinović,Zoran Stojiljković,Miroslav Prokopijević,Srđan Bogosavljević,Tünde Kovacs-Cerović,Snježana Milivojević,Vladimir V. Vodinelić,Saša Đogović,Čedomir Čupić,Milan Podunavac,Svetlana Lukić,Aleksandar Vučo,Pavle Rak,Olga Popović-Obradović,Andrej Nosov,Desanka Radunović,Mladen Lazić,Ranko Bugarski,Nada Korać,Biserka Rajčić,Dragana Nikolić-Solomon,Biljana Kovačević-Vučo,Milan Vukomanović,Nebojša Bugarinović,Stevan Lilić,Tamara Lukšić-Orlandić,Milorad Timotić,Lazar Stojanović,Aleksandar Baucal,Jelena Milić,Nenad Havelka,Božidar Jakšić,James Lyon,Bogdan Ivanišević ,Sonja Liht,Vuk Stambolović,Ljubiša Rajić,Vesna Rakić-Vodinelić,Richard Daničić,Vesna Petrović,Saša Gajin,Siniša Šikman,Ivan Jovanović,Dragoljub Todorović,Teofil Pančić,Vesna Nikolić-Ristanović,Branislav Čanak,Petar Jevremović,Verica Barać,Mirko Ilić,Gordana Matković,Goran Miletić,Srbijanka Turajlić,Milena Jauković,Ana Miljanić,Ivan Vejvoda,Zorica Trifunović,Dušanka Gačić-Bradić,Dragan Popadić,Dušan Ilija Bjelić,Svetlana Logar,Tanja Mandić-Rigonat,Obrad Savić,Marijana Toma,Miroslav Jovanović,Goran Svilanović,Želimir Bojović / Language(s): Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian Publication Year: 0

Interviews by Želimir Bojević, with: 1. Goati, Vladimir 2. Gojković, Drinka 3. Milosavljević, Bogoljub 4. Mrvić-Petrović, Nataša 5. Šehić, Vehid 6. Nenadić, Nemanja 7. Ahel, Ivan 8. Ranković, Vera 9. Vujadinović, Dragica 10. Tošić, Desimir 11. Perović, Latinka 12. Cetinić, Goran 13. Samardžić, Nikola 14. Hadžić, Miroslav 15. Golubović, Zagorka 16. Minić, Jelica 17. Stojanović, Dubravka 18. Trkulja, Jovica 19. Mappes-Niediek, Norbert 20. Mitrović, Andrej 21. Radić, Radmila 22. Stevanović, Aleksandar 23. Mihailović, Srećko 24. Kuljić, Todor 25. Milenov, Alexandra 26. Delević-Đilas, Milica 27. Beč-Neumann, Janja 28. Kovačević, Marko 29. Trgovčević, Ljubinka 30. Prokić, Nenad 31. Biserko, Sonja 32. Popović, Srđa 33. Stamenković, Stojan 34. Kandić , Nataša 35. Miočinović, Mirjana 36. Stojiljković, Zoran 37. Prokopijević, Miroslav 38. Bogosavljević, Srđan 39. Kovacs-Cerović, Tünde 40. Milivojević, Snježana 41. Vodinelić, Vladimir V. 42. Đogović, Saša 43. Čupić, Čedomir 44. Podunavac, Milan 45. Lukić, Svetlana 46. Vučo, Aleksandar 47. Rak, Pavle 48. Popović-Obradović, Olga 49. Nosov, Andrej 50. Radunović, Desanka 51. Lazić, Mladen 52. Bugarski, Ranko 53. Korać, Nada 54. Rajčić, Biserka 55. Nikolić-Solomon, Dragana 56. Kovačević-Vučo, Biljana 57. Vukomanović, Milan 58. Bugarinović, Nebojša 59. Lilić, Stevan 60. Lukšić-Orlandić, Tamara 61. Timotić, Milorad 62. Stojanović, Lazar 63. Baucal, Aleksandar 64. Milić, Jelena 65. Havelka, Nenad 66. Jakšić, Božidar 67. Lyon, James 68. Ivanišević , Bogdan 69. Licht, Sonja 70. Stambolović, Vuk 71. Rajić, Ljubiša 72. Rakić-Vodinelić, Vesna 73. Daničić, Richard 74. Petrović, Vesna 75. Gajin, Saša 76. Šikman, Siniša 77. Jovanović, Ivan 78. Todorović, Dragoljub 79. Pančić, Teofil 80. Nikolić-Ristanović, Vesna 81. Čanak, Branislav 82. Jevremović, Petar 83. Barać, Verica 84. Ilić, Mirko 85. Matković, Gordana 86. Miletić, Goran 87. Turajlić, Srbijanka 88. Jauković, Milena 89. Miljanić, Ana 90. Vejvoda, Ivan 91. Trifunović, Zorica 92. Gačić-Bradić, Dušanka 93. Popadić, Dragan 94. Bjelić, Dušan Ilija 95. Logar, Svetlana 96. Mandić-Rigonat, Tanja 97. Savić, Obrad 98. Toma, Marijana 99. Jovanović, Miroslav 100. Svilanović, Goran

BETON - Kulturno propagandni komplet br. 019, Beograd, utorak, 15. maj 2007.

Author(s): Aleksandar M. Novaković,Marjan Čakarević,Saša Ćirić,Tomislav Marković,Dejan Medaković,Lazar Bodroža / Language(s): Serbian

MIXER, Aleksandar Novaković: Kvisling iz Gročanskog sokaka; CEMENT, Marjan Čakarević: Skromnost praznine; ŠTRAFTA, Saša Ćirić: Logocentričko čišćenje filozofije; ARMATURA, Slobodan Georgijev: Nadzirana nezavisnost za Srbiju; VREME SMRTI I RAZONODE, Tomislav Marković: Nedićgrami; BULEVAR ZVEZDA, MEDAKOVIĆ, Dejan; BLOK BR. V, Lazar Bodroža: Patrijarh 3000

Prosecuting War Crimes

Author(s): Tihomir Ponoš,Zoran Pusić,Vesna Teršelič,Josip Kregar,Mladen Stojanović,Sovjetka Režić,Miren Špek,Marko Sjekavica,Milena Čalić-Jelić,Jelena Đokić Jović,Maja Kovačević Bošković,Emina Bužinkić,Bruno Vekarić,Maja Munivrana Vajda,Mirko Klarin,Vesna Alaburić,Drago Hedl,Boris Pavelić,Suzana Kunac,Eugen Jakovčić,Veselinka Kastratović,Nikolina Židek / Language(s): English

CHAPTER 1 Historical, political and legal aspects of war crimes trials; CHAPTER 2 First 10 years of war crimes trials in the Republic of Croatia - from 1991 to 2000; CHAPTER 3 War crimes trials from 2000 to 2011/ Facing the mistakes from the 1990s; CHAPTER 4 Achievements and drawbacks of war crimes trials; sanctioning of hate speech until 2013; CHAPTER 5 The role and the influence of the ICTY on Croatian judiciary; The media and monitoring of the war crimes

Antiratni pokret u Bosni i Hercegovini devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća

Author(s): Edin Omerčić / Language(s): Bosnian

U tekstu će biti riječi o postojanju širokog kruga političke, intlektualne i kulturno-umjetničke opozicije koja je od kraja osamdesetih godina radila prije svega na iznalaženju rješenja izlaska iz jugoslovenske krize, potom na spriječavanju izbijanja ratnih sukoba, te na okončanju istih, odnosno kroz kulturno-umjetnički angažman tokom rata nastojala ukazati na stradanja civilnog stanovništva. Građom i izvorima koji se iznose i koriste u tekstu pokušava se tema osvijetliti iz više različitih perspektiva. U prvom dijelu teksta ukratko se izlaže kontekst u kojem su djelovale nenacionalističke organizacije i političke stranke, antiratna i građanska udruženja. Zatim će se ukazati na masovne antiratne proteste i na pojedinačne individualane pokušaje adaptacije stanovništva na novonastale ratne okolnosti.

DVADESET GODINA DEJTONSKOG SPORAZUMA

Author(s): / Language(s): Croatian