Poraz mišljenja
Je ne pensais pas que nous pourrions nous retrouver en guerre. J'ai eru trop longtemps que des valeurs nous etaient acquises a jamais. J'ai appris que nul n'est a Yobris d'un retournement de l'histoire.
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Je ne pensais pas que nous pourrions nous retrouver en guerre. J'ai eru trop longtemps que des valeurs nous etaient acquises a jamais. J'ai appris que nul n'est a Yobris d'un retournement de l'histoire.
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Făcând parte din „pachetul Erika III”, Directiva din 23 aprilie 2009 precizează obligaţiile statului pavilion (JOUEL 131 din 28 mai 2009), obligaţii deja definite în art. 74 al Convenţiei dreptului mării – Montego Bay, care afirmă mult mai mult. Directiva cere însă că statele membre ale UE trebuie să supună administraţia lor unui audit al OMI (Organizaţia Maritimă Internaţională) în cel mult şapte ani, sub rezerva unui răspuns pozitiv al acestuia, şi să impună obligaţii speciale statelor membre care figurează pe „lista neagră” a Memorandumului de la Paris.
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Review of: Aija Sakova. Valu, mälu, kirjandus. Kirjanduskriitikat ja vestlusi aastatest 2004-2017. Tallinn: EKSA, 2017. 255 lk.
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Materials from the conference “German Reunification - Successes and Challenges in the Light of Contemporary Debates": Of Learning Processes and Search Movements, or: On the Historicization of the „Aufbau Ost“ („Reconstruction East“)
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The Poet Arcadie Suceveanu is part of the paradigm of the 80’s generation sensitivity. He is an innovator of poetical writing. Native of Bucovina, settled in Chisinau, he integrates perfectly in the Romanian literary circuit.
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Review of: Sead Selimović, UBIJENI I PROTJERANI: Promjene u etničkoj strukturi stanovništva Bosanskog podrinja od 1991. do 2013. godine pod uticajem rata protiv Bosne i Hecegovine, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla, Tuzla 2022, 446 str.
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Izvještaj sa okruglog stola TUZLANSKA KAPIJA – UBIJANJE MLADOSTI 1995. NEKAŽNJENI RATNI ZLOČIN, Centar za istraživanje moderne i savremene historije Tuzla i Institut za istraživanje zločina protiv čovječnosti i međunarodnog prava Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Tuzla, 23. maj 2022. godine
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Since 1989, in the discourse on the transition in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the descriptions “regulated”, “negotiated”, “controlled” change or revolution have been used. In general, there is agreement in research on the issue regarding the contractual nature of change. The article examines in parallel the problems in the economic development of Poland and Bulgaria in the 1980s, the positions of these countries in an international aspect (especially the attitude towards them on the part of the West and the Soviet Union), the degree of preparedness and the approach of the negotiating sides – authorities and opposition, and the results of the change thus regulated.
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The thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the independent national states in Central Asia (the former Muslim republics of Soviet Central Asia) is an occasion for retrospection and assessment of the degree of achievement of the goals set in 1991, namely: building strong, independent, and internationally significant states; unification of ethnically heterogeneous components into cohesive nations; market economy; multiparty democracy and liberal civil society. The appearance of these states on the geopolitical map was a consequence of the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the political transformations in the Eastern Bloc after the end of the Cold War. Their common historical, political, economic, and cultural heritage motivates researchers to apply regional discourse in comparative analyses examining the processes in the five republics. Such an approach is justified, especially in view of the specifics of other significant geopolitical regions. However, the truth is that during the period in question the differences in their identities became more and more visible. Only after 2018, the processes of maturing and outgrowing political selfishness gave a chance for the beginning of constructive regionalism and fruitful cooperation among the five Central Asian republics.
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Review of: Jugoslavija: poglavlje 1980–1991. Beograd: Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji, 2021, 963.
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Review of: Matthias Fink, Srebrenica. Hronologija jednog genocida ili šta se desilo sa Mirnesom Osmanovićem, Dobra knjiga, Sarajevo, 2020.
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Journalism acquires different contours in wartime conditions. Information and propaganda are intertwined. The rule “to hear the other side” is generally not respected. Public radio in wartime conditions, even when trying to serve the people, can only operate within the framework of the official policy. The public station Radio Mostar becomes practically overnight the HVO’s (‘Croatian Defense Council’) news organ. Radio HOS, the War Studio Mostar in the Vranica building (later the War Studio Mostar on the left bank of the city), Radio “Herceg-Bosna” and other radio stations will be active in Mostar during the war. A press release becomes the dominant “journalistic genre” under these special wartime conditions. Patriotic music in the wartime radio stations’ programmes arouse national sentiment, improve soldier morale and encourage civilians in shelters.
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This paper analyses the continuity of efforts of Bono Zvonimir Šagi to promote promote dialogue with unbelievers. The period after the Second Vatican Council until the establishment of the Croatian state and the period after the establishment of the Croatian state are taken into account. The first part discusses pre-council, council and post-council attitudes of the social doctrine of the Catholic Church and scientific and theological reflections on dialogue with unbelievers. The second part discusses the situation in the Catholic Church in Croatia after the Council and after the independence of the Croatian state, regarding the dialogue with unbelievers. The third part analyses attitudes of Bono Zvonimir Šagi on the complex phenomenon of atheism, and the specifics of the influence of atheism on the predominantly Catholic population in Croatia in the period of Yugoslav socialism and the post-socialist period. The authors summarise in conclusion the contribution of Bono Zvonimir Šagi to dialogue in general, and dialogue with unbelievers in particular.
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This article provides an insight into the cooperation of musicologist Lovro Županović and conductor Vladimir Kranjčević at the Varaždin Baroque Evenings festival. This cooperation lasted for nearly three decades (1971 – 1999) and was one of the most significant projects promoting early Croatian music at the time. Županović studied, discovered and transcribed works by little known Croatian composers, and Kranjčević staged them at the Varaždin Baroque Evenings, as evidenced from numerous published records and twelve volumes in the series of music editions entitled Monuments of the Croatian Musical Past, edited by Županović. As the director of the Varaždin Baroque Evenings, conductor Vladimir Kranjčević embraced the concept of openness to various interpretative aesthetics. Moreover, the Baroque Evenings frequently featured repertoire from the 16th up to the early 19th century. Thus, Županović was in a position to prepare sheet music for contemporary Varaždin premieres of pieces by composers such as Wisner von Morgenstern and Leopold Ebner, as well as the vocal oeuvre by the preeminent Croatian master of Renaissance polyphony, Julije Skjavetić. In adition, a number of professional and scholarly conferences were attached to the festival, and Županović also staged several concerts in cooperation with his Zagreb musicology students. There is no doubt that the first thirty years of the Varaždin Baroque Evenings were marked by the cooperation between Županović and Kranjčević.
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Firstly, the author analyzes those resources of historical memory that distinguish Hungary and Poland from the other states of Central and Eastern Europe. On the one hand, these resources most strongly associate them with the West, and on the other, they allow them to oppose it to justify their alternative development path. Secondly, he analyzes the cases of populists of various types across the region since 1989, highlighting those who campaigned with interpretations of the past to delegitimize political opponents, mainly from the left. Finally, and thirdly, he presents policies of memory of the right-wing governments of Hungary and Poland. In his opinion only they meet the criteria for the definition of historical populism. This term is what he calls a consistent governmental policy aimed at liberal elites and globalization as embodied by the West. It is conducted by changing the sense given to the entire past following the ideology of ethnocentrism and neo-traditionalism. This ideology is addressed to people-nation (lat. populus) to whom it assigns the role of an heir of a unique history and national tradition.
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After the overthrow of communist rule in 1989, the entire social system underwent a transformation, giving rise to new institutions and new social concepts and mechanisms. In the field of pension security, social insurance premiums were introduced as a special payment outside the taxation system in 1993; in 1994 Act No. 42/1994, on supplemental pension insurance with a state contribution, launched the 3rd pillar of the pension system in the form of private saving for retirement with a state contribution. The 1st pillar of the Czech pension system was established by Act No. 155/1995, on pension insurance. Right from the start the system was designed with a high degree of solidarity, which placed demands on its financial sustainability. Parametric adjustments were therefore rolled out gradually over the years: e.g. increasing the minimum insured period, changing the level of premiums, increasing the retirement age, limiting the extent of included substitute periods etc. The so-called minor pension reform in 2011, undertaken in connection with a ruling of the Constitutional Court, brought an adjustment of the reduction limits with a view to strengthening the merit factor in the pension system and extending the reference period for calculating pensions. In order to ensure greater diversity in sources of funding, fiscal sustainability and the spreading of the financial burden across more generations within the pension system, the establishment of the 2nd pillar, the capital-funded pillar, was enacted, but with fewer than 100,000 participants it fell short of expectations. The current government decided to abolish the 2nd pillar. It set up an expert pension commission tasked with recommending how to abolish the 2nd pillar, revising the mechanism for increasing the retirement age and finding ways to motivate the population to save in the 3rd pillar. It should also draw up a new form of pension valorisation and find a way to even out transfers between citizens, families and the state.
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The article focuses on transformations with regard to the parental allowance and parental leave between 2007 and 2014 as well as on the results of the reform of parental benefits with regard to the reconciliation of parental and professional responsibilities. It employs the latest quantitative data from the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs database on parental benefits and Czech data from two waves of TransPARENT international qualitative research from the years 2011 to 2014. The research was based on interviews with 16 parent couples who were expecting the birth of their first child and with the same couples when the child reached the age of one-and-a-half years. The article presents the views and real-life experiences of parents with concern to the reconciliation of their parental roles and paid employment. The possibility of reducing the period over which parental allowance is received whilst maintaining the total volume of the benefit was found to encourage women to return more quickly to the labour market. At the conception level, it was found that parents do not perceive caring for very young children as presenting an obstacle to work for the female partner; however, limits were perceived in terms of the ways in which to provide for the care of children when the woman is at work.
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Electoral threshold, the restrictive amendment of the laws regarding political parties and polarizing logics of the political life in the post-communist Romania determined the number of the political parties represented in the Parliament be decreased over approximately those 3 decades after the year 1989.
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Although pension systems are among the most stable elements of social systems, even they evolve. In recent decades, dozens of countries have joined in by enacting minor adjustments or significant reforms. Due to the complexity of the task, experts are invited to participate in the preparation of such changes; due to their social sensitivity vis-a-vis the broad electorate, politicians pay a close attention to it as well. We apply the theory of discursive institutionalism along with the method of frame analysis to study the nature and content of the discourse on Czech pension reform between 2004 and 2014. The center of our focus is on the institutional framework and the content of the communication of its key actors - politicians and experts. It turns out that even though the politicians cannot make do without the experts while providing them the opportunity to exercise their professional duties and knowledge in the decisionmaking process, the politicians, themselves, ultimately have the final word.
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The study’s aims are to analyze the endorsement of the ethos of conflict (EoC) narrative in the Serbian-Albanian conflict among the adults in Serbia, its relation to political conservatism, and its role in pushing conservative political action. A total of N = 1613 adults (aged 18+) were recruited for face-to-face interviewing, in a representative sampling procedure, in December 2019 in Serbia. The results show high endorsement of EoC in the Serbian-Albanian fray; the mediation effect of EoC (having both high EoC and high conservatism is associated with greater political activism); the relation between EoC and political activism is moderated by age (the older population endorsing higher EoC was more politically active). In the future, we should address more actively the mobilizers of reactionary political actions in public and individual spheres, to better understand the mechanisms for achieving long-term peace.
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