"AUTOBIOGRAFSKI UGOVOR" RATNOG PISMA S POTPISOM ALENKE MIRKOVIĆ I GROZDANE CVITAN

Author(s): Miranda Levanat-Peričić / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 2/2016

This paper deals with the relationship of the wartime literature and the autobiographical discourse in the fictional and non-fictional texts written by two contemporary Croatian authoresses, Alenka Mirković and Grozdana Cvitan. From the receptional point of view, when the autobiographical discourse connects with the wartime themes, the importance of the social status of the author is substituted by the socially important topics, and the question of “who has the right to the story of his own life” (Velčić 1991) turns into a question of “what is a socially relevant theme?” Prevalence of topics that are important to collective memory in wartime literature is almost self-explanatory; this kind of topic is selected by Alenka Mirković in her Vukovar war chronicle 97.6 Mhz. Glasom protiv topova. Mala ratna kronika ((11996, 22011). While the novel written by Alenka Mirković meets the reader’s expectations by offering “autobiographical contract” (Ph. Lejeune) in which the name on the cover guarantees the identity of the author and the narrator, in short stories written by Grozdana Cvitan, Psi rata i druge bestije (2007), a war reality becomes awider framework of literary (self)reflection with an absence of documentarity. Although in her war stories there is no classic autobiographical contract (since there is no correspondence between the name of the author and narrator), the character of the narrator who listens leaving the others to become the main protagonists, guarantees an authentic cover for mediation of autobiographical testimony.

"Continuities and discontinuities. Educational program of The Planned Parenthood Association in Krakow (1957 – 1993)"

Author(s): Barbara Klich-Kluczewska / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2014

The article presents the program of sexual education prepared and offered by Krakow Branch of the Planned Parenthood Association in the wider context of socio-political situation in Krakow (1956 – 1989). Since the beginning of the Association’s existence, the special attention was paid to the development of educational program, which concerned the different aspects of „family life“. The article is going to answer the questions about its goals, the educational tools used to achieve them and its social targets. To accurately determine the position of the Association in the city‘s community I will analyse its foundation and activities in wider context of the pre-war traditions of the organisation and the activities regarding premarital counselling undertaken by the Krakow Catholic Church.

"Demokracija je počela" - demokratski izbori u Općini Bjelovar 1990.

Author(s): Željko Karaula / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 2/2008

The downfall of the communist system in Europe in 1989, during a peoples’ awakening of a kind, was very soon reflected upon the events occurring in Socialist Yugoslavia, where the Yugoslav Communist Union had, until that time, exercised absolute power. Under the pressure of the communist system having fallen down in Eastern Europe, the true power takeover happened in 1990, when – after the introduction of a multi-party system – the Communist Union disappeared from the Croatian political scene. Referring to and based upon articles from local newspapers, publications issued by political parties and other written sources, the author notes how hard the way to democracy had been and indicates to the emergence of political parties in the area of the then Bjelovar Municipality. The paper presents the election results in the Bjelovar area in detail.

"Image" hrvatskih političkih stranaka

Author(s): Ivan Šiber / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 01/1994

Using the method of assigning attributes, the image of political parties represented in the Croatian parliament was researched. This research was conducted on a sample of Zagreb University’s students. The image was determined, as was its associations, and positiveness. Through factor analysis four dimensions were found, in which the first and most important is related to the image of democratic activity of the party, while the other three are indicative of political platforms - social, traditional and nation building. The political parties were found to differ significantly according to their position on each dimension.

"Provincializimi i Evropës" dhe Debati Publik Mbi Integrimin Evropian

Author(s): Enis Sulstarova / Language(s): Albanian / Issue: 2/2006

Në prag të nënshkrimit të Asociim Stabilizimit me Bashkimin Evropian, në shtypin shqiptar nisën replikat e ashpra midis Ismail Kadaresë dhe Rexhep Qoses, jehona e të ciht vazhdon edhe sot. Prej këtij debati, ku u përshinë gati të gjithë intelektualët dhe opinionbërësit më në zë brenda dhe jashtë kufirit shtetëror (deri te arbëreshët, shih Mandala & Marku, 2006), si edhe prej debateve të tjerë të ngjashëm që janë shfaqur më parë dhe herë pas here në shtypin shqiptar, krijohej përshtypja se çështja e integrimit të Shqipërisë në BE po debatohet seriozisht në publik. Mirëpo nuk është kështu. Si ndodh rëndom në këtë vend, debati Kadare-Qose, si edhe shumë të tjerë para tij, ishte tejet provincial, me gjithë përfshitjen në të të intelektualëve tanë të shquar. E quaj provincial, sepse nuk u fol mbi përfitimet e shoqërisë shqiptare prej procesit të anëtarësimin, detyrimet e Shqipërisë në këtë fazë të re të rrugës së integrimit, mbi ecurinë e reformave, mbi ngadalësimin apo edhe dështimin e tyre të dukshëm në disa drejtime, mbi altemativat e ofiuara për realizimin sa më mirë të objektivave të integrimit etj. E thënë shkurt, nuk ishte një debat politik. Debati u soll në mënyrë të ngushtë rreth pyetjes së çuditshme: a janë apo jo evropianë shqiptarët? Pse ndodhi kjo? Pse mendimi intelektual shqiptar është i paaftë të gjenerojë një debat politik mbi integrimin dhe ta lerë "integrimin" të përdoret vetëm në rrafshin e propagandës elektorale dhe të garës së rëndomtë të partive pohtike për të marrë flamurin e evropianizmit? Pse jem i një vendperiferik duhet të zhvillojmë vetëm debate publikeprovinciale?

"Sve što smo imali, sve što smo bili, svelo se na uspomene". Osobne Pripovijesti i pisma prognanika iz istočne Slavonije

Author(s): Irena Plejić / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 15/1992

Based on three personal narratives and three letters of refugees from war struck regions of Croatia, the author investigates how such accounts can be approached as ethnographic data, the structure and contents of these accounts reveal that the war and refugee experience have influenced the way the refugees see themselves and think about certain core values of their culture. The author brings some insightful observations about the war as a period of reversed order, about gradual transformation of the cosmopolitan attitude of the inhabitants of Vukovar, about photographs and other mementos saved from the family house, which is seen as an irreplaceable determinant of the identity of the refugees, and finally, about the iconography of the refugees' current living quartos.

"Takvoga bogatstva oni nisu vidjeli"

Author(s): Marina Škrabalo,Tea Trkulja / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 15/1992

Transcribed personal narratives of two refugees from central (a Serb from Banija, male, about 60 years old), and eastern Croatia (a Croat from eastern Slavonia, female, about 60 years old) are treated in this text as ethnographic data. The authors have arranged their accounts in contrastive pairs which relate their attitudes, notions and commentaries about the beginning of the war in Croatia, about encounters with different armies (Yugoslav national army, Croatian army, etc.), about the transformation of daily life in war situation, about the things which the refugees thought were important to take when leaving their homes and about their return.

"Trzeba umieć sobie radzić"

Author(s): Olga Drenda / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 672/2018

Polska w latach 90. przeżywała uwiedzenie karykaturalnym z dzisiejszej perspektywy światem wielkiego biznesu, uosabianym przez okładki poradników dla przyszłych milionerów: eleganci w doskonale skrojonych garniturach podskakują z entuzjazmem przed siedzibą giełdy.

"Važno je imati moćnog vođu!" Analiza autoritarnosti u hrvatskom društvu od 1999. do 2018. godine

Author(s): Krunoslav Nikodem / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 3/2019

The primary goal of this paper is the analysis of authoritarianism in Croatian society which is based on the results from the European Values Study. In a theoretical sense, we are following Bob Altemeyer’s concept of authoritarianism, which is defined as the combination of three attitudinal clusters–authoritarian submission, authoritarian aggression and conventionalism (Altemeyer, 1988). The analysis is divided into two parts. In the first part we analyse separately eight particles which comprise our authoritarian construct with the basic socio-demographic characteristics for the year 2018. In the second part we use the authoritarianism index as criterion for the three-predictor model (socio-demographic characteristics, religiosity and trust). On the basic level, the results show an increase of those who consider that having a strong leader is good and that it would be a good thing to have greater respect for authority in the near future. Further analysis shows that a lower level of education, the importance of God in life, and trust in the Church are the most important predictors for authoritarianism in Croatian society.

"Нико не сме да вас бије" Слободан Милошевић у Косову Пољу 24-25. април 1987. Историја и мит

Author(s): Kosta Nikolić / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 2006

1 Decembrie la Cluj-Napoca (1949-2004). Anatomia unei sărbători

Author(s): Elena Bărbulescu,Constantin Bărbulescu / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 7/2005

Cercetarea comemorărilor lui 1 Decembrie în Clujul postrevoluționar este realizată pe două paliere: unul etnologic, folosind metoda anchetei participative, și un al doilea istoric, constând în analiza discursului presei și a celui istoriografic. Cu alte cuvinte, într-o primă parte studiul trece în revistă modul cum după 1989 a fost comemorat 1 Decembrie la Cluj-Napoca, face un istoric al evoluției sărbătorilor comemorative, iar într-o parte secundă se reconstituie destinul semnificației Unirii în perioada 1948-1989. În intervalul 1948-1968 nu există comemorări oficiale ale evenimentelor din 1918, iar discursul istoriografic recuperează timid după 1960 o semnificație națională a evenimentelor de la 1 Decembrie. Comemorarea explodează fastuos în 1968 cu ocazia semicentenarului și va căpăta tot mai multă importanță, direct proporțional cu poziția tot mai independentă a regimului Ceaușescu față de URSS. Comemorarea este un eveniment simbolic direct subordonat discursului politic. Dar și discursul istoriografic este supus celui politic; anul 1968 reprezintă și relansarea temei Marii Uniri în istoriografia română, temă care de acum și până în 1989 are un destin asigurat. De fapt, destinul postrevoluționar al lui 1 Decembrie nu poate fi nici măcar imaginat în absența recuperării sale în ultimele trei decenii ale perioadei comuniste. Din acest punct de vedere avem de-a face cu o continuitate.

1980 Sonrası Türkiye’nin Büyük Kent Sorunu ve Göç Olgusu

Author(s): Ece Demiray Erol,İbrahim Erol / Language(s): Turkish / Publication Year: 0

Türkiye’de 1980 sonrası değişen bölgesel politikalar çerçevesinde büyük şehirlerin nüfusları aşırı bir biçimde artmıştır. Türkiye’deki göç hareketlerinin artışında Neoliberal politikalar ve küreselleşme hareketleri etkili olmuştur. Bu göç olgusunun perde arkasında büyük kentlerdeki daha iyi yaşam koşullarının varlığı, yeni iş fırsatları, eğitim ve sağlık hizmetlerinden daha iyi yararlanma ile kültür olanakları ön plana çıkmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın amacı büyük kent sorununu analiz etmek, büyük kentlerin olumlu ve olumsuz etkilerini tartışarak optimal şehir büyüklüğünü ortaya koymak ve bu çerçevede göç olgusunu değerlendirmektir. Değerlendirmeyi zorlaştıran en önemli etken bu alandaki çalışmaların çok az olmasıdır.

21. Yüzyıl Postmodern Japon Edebiyatının Aykırı Sesleri: İkezava Natsuki, Seirai Yūiçi ve Kobayaşi Takici

Author(s): Devrim Çetin Güven / Language(s): Turkish / Publication Year: 0

The 20th century ended with the dissolution of systems based on “modernist” ideals. Although the 21st century was considered to become the construction process of a unipolar but multibase, decentralized, harmonious “new World”, it began as an era of crises of terror, war, refugee issues reminding Huntington’s twisted prediction entitled “the clash of civilizations”. To these were added major economic crises and ecological disasters such as tsunami and global warming. These crises deeply affected Japan, which is one of the important actors of the new world order, especially at the socioeconomic level. In response to such national and international crises, in Japanese literature it was observed several efforts of settling accounts with the past on the one hand, and grasping the “present” on the other. To grasp and express these phenomena a new language, a new style and an entirely new imagination were needed. Indeed, the most predominant feature of 21st century Japanese literature is the reception of postmodernism at theoretical and artistic levels. The prominent figures of this new postmodern literature have been such experimental writers as Tawada Yōko, Levy Hideo, Ikezawa Natsuki and Seirai Yūichi who skilfully articulated the national-international crises, and the individuals’ reactions at them. In our article, we named this literary style as “alternative postmodern Japanese literature” and focused on three specific works: Ikezawa Natsuki's novel Burden of Flowers (2000), Seirai Yūichi’s short stories Ground Zero— Nagasaki (2006) and Kobayashi Takiji’s novella Crab Cannery Ship (1929) that was rediscovered by readers in 2008. We aim firstly to explain the originality of this sui generis literary current, then to demonstrate how postmodernism was received by such writers as Ikezawa and Seirai, or how such theories were anticipated almost a century ago, as is the case in Kobayashi’s text, finally to put forward suggestions about how these literary works with such features may contribute to the education of Japanese language.

21ST CENTURY WILLS

Author(s): Dubravka Klasiček / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2019

Wills are formal legal affairs that must satisfy strict prerequisites in order to be valid. Otherwise, they will be either automatically null or voidable. The rules pertaining to the form of wills have always been strict and have required wills to be made in a certain way. It is said that the amplified formalism promotes testamentary intent, ensures reliable evidence of testator’s wishes and reinforces the gravity of testation. However, it seems that, as of late, formalism sometimes clashes with the real intent of the decedent. Some countries have already adopted rules that allow judges to consider documents that do not meet all of the formal requirements needed for wills, to be valid and have effect. By doing so, they have opened the door to creation of certain new types of wills, made with the help of digital technology, that have never existed before – i.e. wills created with the help of smartphones, cameras or computers. Wills made with the help of digital technology are extremely informal but nonetheless; they purport testamentary intentions of the people who made them. These wills would not have any effect in most countries, however, in some, they can be declared valid, under certain conditions. This paper deals with a number of such examples and implications of abandoning strict formalism concerning the form of wills.

30 YEARS OF TRANSFORMATION AND RECONSTRUCTION. THE SECURITY OF ROMANIA IN THE POST-COMMUNIST ERA

Author(s): Roxana Olteanu / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2020

In 2020, Romania celebrates 30 years since the establishment of the first contacts with NATO and three decades since the creation of its first post-communist security institutions. If the year of 1989 is one of breakup from the communist regime, the evolution of 1990 represents, therefore, the first steps for resetting most of the areas of state functioning, including the issues related to national security. The purpose of this paper is to provide a short glimpse into Romania’s security situation in 1990, in order to reveal the progress of the 30 years of mutations and reform, and to highlight that there are areas that need further improvement and lessons to be learnt. In relation to the recent past, the study operates with three concepts: understanding (the path), consolidating (the objectives already achieved) and improving (the vulnerable areas of transformation).

A BOSNIAN FORTRESS. Return, Energy and the Future of Republika Srpska

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2007

Twelve years after its own vicious war, Bosnia and Herzegovina has changed tremendously. It has seen the large-scale return of displaced persons, the return of property and a comprehensive process of demilitarization. Freedom of movement has been restored. Interethnic violence has disappeared. New institutions at the state level govern an increasingly integrated single market. The changes that have taken place in Bosnia over the past twelve years have been no less profound than those which transformed Western Europe in the 12 years after World War II. || This report investigates conditions in a municipality in Republika Srpska on the former frontline that was once infamous as a hotbed of (Serb) nationalism. Doboj, divided by the war and today split into four parts, has long been a mirror of wider trends. Ten years ago, Doboj was notorious as a centre of hard-line nationalism. The Bosniak and Croat villages in the vicinity had been ruthlessly destroyed. The few remaining non-Serbs were under intense pressure to leave. The SDS (Serb Democratic Party), founded by indicted war criminal Radovan Karadzic, held Doboj firmly in its grip. There was little reason for hope that the multiethnic life of this region could ever be restored.

A cincea mineriadă (18-22 ianuarie 1999). Două perspective jurnalistice

Author(s): Ruxandra Cesereanu / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 2/2002

A cincea mineriadă, din 1999, este cel mai vizibil rodul narcisismului şi grandomaniei liderului sindical Miron Cozma, care o instrumentează pentru a-şi camufla statutul de infractor cu mai multe procese pe rol, dar şi pentru a-şi consolida o viitoare poziție politică. Perspectiva Puterii şi aceea a Opoziției, însă, diferă față de mineriadele anterioare. În 1999, Puterea aparținea fostei Opoziții (din timpul mineriadelor anterioare), adică alianței CDR, USD şi UDMR, iar Opoziția era reprezentată de fosta Putere, adică de PDSR, secondată de PUNR şi PRM. Perspectiva Puterii va fi redată de ziarul România liberă. În ce priveşte perspectiva Opoziției în 1999, aceasta va fi înfățişată prin săptămînalul România Mare, oficiosul extremistului partid cu acelaşi nume, condus de Corneliu Vadim Tudor. Cum implicarea politică a acestuia a fost dovedită în mineriada din ianuarie 1999, Miron Cozma fiind “aghiotantul” său, România Mare a incitat direct minerii la revoltă, pentru a profita în cazul în care ar fi izbutit râvnita lovitură de stat. Ion Iliescu şi PDSR, deşi au susținut moral şi ideologic mineriada din 1999, se vor feri, totuşi, de o implicare vizibilă în răzmerița minerilor şi, la limită, chiar de alianța cu PRM.Autoarea reface prin analiza presei două perspective jurnalistice asupra unui fenomen de istorie contemporană care a adus violența primitivă în trecutul foarte recent a unei Românii, derutate, traumatizate, reamintind din nou, dacă mai era cazul, de excepția românească, aflată într-o gravă dificultate de a găsi rețete non-violente în tranziția de la comunism la o societate deschisă, democratică. Analizând cele două perspective radical opuse, studiul oferă o viziune complexă asupra unui fenomen controversat din istoria recentă a României, oferind eşantioane convingătoare despre curentele de opinie şi despre confuzia valorilor dintr-o societate încă nevindecată de traumele totalitarismului comunist şi fracturile etice şi axiologice existente în ceea ce putem numi, o Românie profundă. În acelaşi timp sunt analizate mecanismele manipulării propagandistice ale mineriadei, în scopul obținerii unui profit politic sau în scopul exonerării de grave responsabilități a liderilor.

A Dangerous Nexus? History, Ideology and the Structure of the Contemporary Chetnik Movement

Author(s): Nejra Veljan,Maida Ćehajić / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2020

During the Yugoslav era (1945–1992), the Serb ethno-nationalist Chetnik movement and its motivating ideology were unambiguously condemned in public discourse. This followed the defeat of foreign occupiers, including Italian fascists and German Nazis, who had been aided by collaborationists within Ustasha (Croat ethno-nationalist and fascist) and Chetnik ranks. Thus, in the period after World War Two, public accusations of Chetnik membership were levelled pejoratively in Yugoslavia, and it was clear: to be a Chetnik was to be a traitor. Many former members of Chetnik detachments tried to conceal or minimize their participation in the movement, but some continued fostering Chetnik ideals in the privacy of their homes, even as a shared Partisan/Yugoslav identity was publicly nourished.

A pseudo-multi-vector policy. Moldova under the Socialists

Author(s): Kamil Całus / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2020

In November 2019 a new government took power in Moldova under Ion Chicu as prime minister. Formally non-partisan, the new cabinet is in fact controlled by President Igor Dodon and the pro-Russian Party of Socialists of the Republic of Moldova (PSRM). The establishment of this government brought an end to the five-month political experiment of Maia Sandu's coalition government, which was composed of the pro-Western ACUM bloc and the Socialists. In essence, the takeover of power by the latter means a halt to any real reforms, a worsening of relations with the West, and a far smaller chance that the legal proceedings currently underway into the country's biggest corruption scandals will have a positive outcome. Also, the multi-vector foreign policy declared by the government and President Dodon, which is aimed at maintaining good relations with both Russia and the EU, will in practice increase the Kremlin's influence in Moldova.Although President Dodon has gathered quite a significant amount of power, his situation remains uncertain. He does not control the parliamentary majority, and is forced to rely on the support of the Democratic Party of Moldova (PDM), which has been weakened by the crisis. The main challenge for Dodon is the presidential election which is scheduled for the end of this year. However, the weak and increasingly fragmented pro-European opposition plays into the hands of Dodon and his group.

A strategic continuation, a tactical change. Russia’s European security policy

Author(s): Marek Menkiszak / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2019

1989 marked the beginning of a short but intense period of thorough geopolitical changes in the eastern part of Europe. The simultaneous weakening and liberalisation of the communist regime in the USSR led by Mikhail Gorbachev, the gradual limitation of Moscow’s economic and political support but also its shrinking control over the countries in the Soviet bloc and domestic political crises inside these countries led to a rapid downfall of the communist governments in Central-Eastern Europe. The military, economic and political structures of the Soviet bloc were dissolved within a timeframe of just two years, and the Soviet Union itself ceased to exist in December 1991, to be replaced with fifteen new independent states. The Russian Federation became the main successor to the USSR as it, albeit seriously weakened, inherited a large section of the Soviet empire’s resources and had to redefine its interests in the new post-Cold War European and global order that was being formed.