"AUTOBIOGRAFSKI UGOVOR" RATNOG PISMA S POTPISOM ALENKE MIRKOVIĆ I GROZDANE CVITAN

Author(s): Miranda Levanat-Peričić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 2/2016

This paper deals with the relationship of the wartime literature and the autobiographical discourse in the fictional and non-fictional texts written by two contemporary Croatian authoresses, Alenka Mirković and Grozdana Cvitan. From the receptional point of view, when the autobiographical discourse connects with the wartime themes, the importance of the social status of the author is substituted by the socially important topics, and the question of “who has the right to the story of his own life” (Velčić 1991) turns into a question of “what is a socially relevant theme?” Prevalence of topics that are important to collective memory in wartime literature is almost self-explanatory; this kind of topic is selected by Alenka Mirković in her Vukovar war chronicle 97.6 Mhz. Glasom protiv topova. Mala ratna kronika ((11996, 22011). While the novel written by Alenka Mirković meets the reader’s expectations by offering “autobiographical contract” (Ph. Lejeune) in which the name on the cover guarantees the identity of the author and the narrator, in short stories written by Grozdana Cvitan, Psi rata i druge bestije (2007), a war reality becomes awider framework of literary (self)reflection with an absence of documentarity. Although in her war stories there is no classic autobiographical contract (since there is no correspondence between the name of the author and narrator), the character of the narrator who listens leaving the others to become the main protagonists, guarantees an authentic cover for mediation of autobiographical testimony.

"Continuities and discontinuities. Educational program of The Planned Parenthood Association in Krakow (1957 – 1993)"

Author(s): Barbara Klich-Kluczewska / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2014

The article presents the program of sexual education prepared and offered by Krakow Branch of the Planned Parenthood Association in the wider context of socio-political situation in Krakow (1956 – 1989). Since the beginning of the Association’s existence, the special attention was paid to the development of educational program, which concerned the different aspects of „family life“. The article is going to answer the questions about its goals, the educational tools used to achieve them and its social targets. To accurately determine the position of the Association in the city‘s community I will analyse its foundation and activities in wider context of the pre-war traditions of the organisation and the activities regarding premarital counselling undertaken by the Krakow Catholic Church.

"Demokracija je počela" - demokratski izbori u Općini Bjelovar 1990.

Author(s): Željko Karaula / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 2/2008

The downfall of the communist system in Europe in 1989, during a peoples’ awakening of a kind, was very soon reflected upon the events occurring in Socialist Yugoslavia, where the Yugoslav Communist Union had, until that time, exercised absolute power. Under the pressure of the communist system having fallen down in Eastern Europe, the true power takeover happened in 1990, when – after the introduction of a multi-party system – the Communist Union disappeared from the Croatian political scene. Referring to and based upon articles from local newspapers, publications issued by political parties and other written sources, the author notes how hard the way to democracy had been and indicates to the emergence of political parties in the area of the then Bjelovar Municipality. The paper presents the election results in the Bjelovar area in detail.

"Hele, lufťáci přijeli..."

Proč je stále v oblibě chalupářství v českých zemích

Author(s): Irena Cejpová / Language(s): Czech Issue: 3-4/2020

Petra Schindler-Wisten's monograph titled "About holiday homes and people: Holiday homes in the Czech Lands in the period of so-called normalization and transformation" (Prague: Univerzita Karlova and Karolinum, 2017) maps the phenomenon of holiday cottages in the Czech Lands since its very beginnings in the 19th century almost until today. In this respect, she focuses on the post-war period of the Communist regime, in particular the 1970s and 1980s, the years of the so-called normalization, when this type of spending one’s free time, and partly also a lifestyle consisting in spending weekends and holidays in own houses and cottages, indeed became a mass phenomenon in Czechoslovakia. Using results of oral history research, she is looking for reasons why the so-called “second housing” became so popular among various groups of the Czech society, social and economic differences notwithstanding. The reviewer appreciates the publication as the first attempt to deal with the topic in question in a clear and comprehensive manner and from a historical point of view rather than from sociological or socio-geographic ones, which represents a significant factual enrichment of the current state of knowledge. However, she also formulates some methodological reservations with respect to the research project whose results are presented in reviewed work, claiming that not enough clear reasons have been given to justify its starting points and outlining untapped opportunities in this respect.

"Image" hrvatskih političkih stranaka

Author(s): Ivan Šiber / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 01/1994

Using the method of assigning attributes, the image of political parties represented in the Croatian parliament was researched. This research was conducted on a sample of Zagreb University’s students. The image was determined, as was its associations, and positiveness. Through factor analysis four dimensions were found, in which the first and most important is related to the image of democratic activity of the party, while the other three are indicative of political platforms - social, traditional and nation building. The political parties were found to differ significantly according to their position on each dimension.

"Provincializimi i Evropës" dhe Debati Publik Mbi Integrimin Evropian

Author(s): Enis Sulstarova / Language(s): Albanian Issue: 2/2006

Në prag të nënshkrimit të Asociim Stabilizimit me Bashkimin Evropian, në shtypin shqiptar nisën replikat e ashpra midis Ismail Kadaresë dhe Rexhep Qoses, jehona e të ciht vazhdon edhe sot. Prej këtij debati, ku u përshinë gati të gjithë intelektualët dhe opinionbërësit më në zë brenda dhe jashtë kufirit shtetëror (deri te arbëreshët, shih Mandala & Marku, 2006), si edhe prej debateve të tjerë të ngjashëm që janë shfaqur më parë dhe herë pas here në shtypin shqiptar, krijohej përshtypja se çështja e integrimit të Shqipërisë në BE po debatohet seriozisht në publik. Mirëpo nuk është kështu. Si ndodh rëndom në këtë vend, debati Kadare-Qose, si edhe shumë të tjerë para tij, ishte tejet provincial, me gjithë përfshitjen në të të intelektualëve tanë të shquar. E quaj provincial, sepse nuk u fol mbi përfitimet e shoqërisë shqiptare prej procesit të anëtarësimin, detyrimet e Shqipërisë në këtë fazë të re të rrugës së integrimit, mbi ecurinë e reformave, mbi ngadalësimin apo edhe dështimin e tyre të dukshëm në disa drejtime, mbi altemativat e ofiuara për realizimin sa më mirë të objektivave të integrimit etj. E thënë shkurt, nuk ishte një debat politik. Debati u soll në mënyrë të ngushtë rreth pyetjes së çuditshme: a janë apo jo evropianë shqiptarët? Pse ndodhi kjo? Pse mendimi intelektual shqiptar është i paaftë të gjenerojë një debat politik mbi integrimin dhe ta lerë "integrimin" të përdoret vetëm në rrafshin e propagandës elektorale dhe të garës së rëndomtë të partive pohtike për të marrë flamurin e evropianizmit? Pse jem i një vendperiferik duhet të zhvillojmë vetëm debate publikeprovinciale?

"Sve što smo imali, sve što smo bili, svelo se na uspomene". Osobne Pripovijesti i pisma prognanika iz istočne Slavonije

Author(s): Irena Plejić / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 15/1992

Based on three personal narratives and three letters of refugees from war struck regions of Croatia, the author investigates how such accounts can be approached as ethnographic data, the structure and contents of these accounts reveal that the war and refugee experience have influenced the way the refugees see themselves and think about certain core values of their culture. The author brings some insightful observations about the war as a period of reversed order, about gradual transformation of the cosmopolitan attitude of the inhabitants of Vukovar, about photographs and other mementos saved from the family house, which is seen as an irreplaceable determinant of the identity of the refugees, and finally, about the iconography of the refugees' current living quartos.

"Takvoga bogatstva oni nisu vidjeli"

Author(s): Marina Škrabalo,Tea Trkulja / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 15/1992

Transcribed personal narratives of two refugees from central (a Serb from Banija, male, about 60 years old), and eastern Croatia (a Croat from eastern Slavonia, female, about 60 years old) are treated in this text as ethnographic data. The authors have arranged their accounts in contrastive pairs which relate their attitudes, notions and commentaries about the beginning of the war in Croatia, about encounters with different armies (Yugoslav national army, Croatian army, etc.), about the transformation of daily life in war situation, about the things which the refugees thought were important to take when leaving their homes and about their return.

"Tripe Soup for All Women!"

Transgression of Gender Boundaries as Part of Female Identity in Communist and Contemporary Bulgaria

Author(s): Albena Shkodrova / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2021

There is growing interest into how cultural frameworks produce stereotypes of “masculine” and “feminine” foods. The patterns and dynamics of this process have been discussed mainly from a socio-cultural perspective, but the research thus far has failed to create a conceptual framework to explain both the persistence in the association of some foods with a specific gender and shifts in others. Based on a case study of attitudes in communist and post-communist Bulgaria towards tripe soup – a dish with great potential to be perceived as manly – this article suggests that it is useful to consider food gendering as composed of several levels of codification. One of them is the perception about what constitutes masculinity and femininity in general, and this transpires to be the most conservative and consistent across periods and cultural frameworks. The second level of codification is the attribution to foods of certain traits, which are then associated with the content of masculinity and/or femininity. The associations made on this level are sometimes able to shift, depending on the cultural framework, but they can also form stable compounds, such as the association between meat and masculinity. The third level of codification is the inclination of the sexes to transgress the borders set by the first two levels in the process of building their gender identity. As gender is not something that one is, but something that one does, individuals assume their gender roles depending upon circumstances, and it is possible that this level of “codification” is a level of constant enactments, the most volatile of the three. This article investigates how tripe soup was constructed as “masculine” and how these discourses have been challenged. It argues that the process reflects shifts in the acceptability of women’s association with “masculinity”, rather than changes in the perceptions of what constitutes “the feminine” or “the masculine”.

"Trzeba umieć sobie radzić"

Author(s): Olga Drenda / Language(s): Polish Issue: 672/2018

Polska w latach 90. przeżywała uwiedzenie karykaturalnym z dzisiejszej perspektywy światem wielkiego biznesu, uosabianym przez okładki poradników dla przyszłych milionerów: eleganci w doskonale skrojonych garniturach podskakują z entuzjazmem przed siedzibą giełdy.

"Važno je imati moćnog vođu!" Analiza autoritarnosti u hrvatskom društvu od 1999. do 2018. godine

Author(s): Krunoslav Nikodem / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 3/2019

The primary goal of this paper is the analysis of authoritarianism in Croatian society which is based on the results from the European Values Study. In a theoretical sense, we are following Bob Altemeyer’s concept of authoritarianism, which is defined as the combination of three attitudinal clusters–authoritarian submission, authoritarian aggression and conventionalism (Altemeyer, 1988). The analysis is divided into two parts. In the first part we analyse separately eight particles which comprise our authoritarian construct with the basic socio-demographic characteristics for the year 2018. In the second part we use the authoritarianism index as criterion for the three-predictor model (socio-demographic characteristics, religiosity and trust). On the basic level, the results show an increase of those who consider that having a strong leader is good and that it would be a good thing to have greater respect for authority in the near future. Further analysis shows that a lower level of education, the importance of God in life, and trust in the Church are the most important predictors for authoritarianism in Croatian society.

"Нико не сме да вас бије" Слободан Милошевић у Косову Пољу 24-25. април 1987. Историја и мит

Author(s): Kosta Nikolić / Language(s): Serbian

(Bio)političke strategije rasprave o „mješovitim brakovima" u Ljiljanu 1994. godine

Author(s): Sabina Veladžić / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 7/2022

In her paper, the author presents an analysis of the debate on „mixed marriages" initiated in June 1994 by Džemaludin Latić, editor-in-chief of the Bosniak national weekly Ljiljan. The research focus of the paper, however, is not on „mixed marriages" as a „phenomenon of socialist past "but on discourse in Ljiljan as a linguistically constructed social reality/past that is produced through discussion. That discourse aimed at creating a new narrative and ideological basis far group bonding, i. e. at completing the process of national homogenization. Media elite gathered around Ljiljan was part of the Bosniak political elite - that emerged during the „ democratization " period in the late 1980s and early 1990s - which shaped political paradigm of „ the new ethnonational order " and in that sense Ljiljan represented „ideological apparatus" of post-socialist political and social power structures. Main feature of the discourse produced in Ljiljan, through the bitter dispute with Oslobodjenje, newspaper which narratively and ideologically shaped reality in the socialist period, was dramatic revision and simplified stigmatic presentation of the socialist past, victimization of Bosniak nation, and stigmatic collective categorizations of Others. Discussion in Ljiljan was aimed at defining and pointing at both the external and internal enemy of the Bosniak nation, with the latter being represented by those who were considered to be the carriers of the ideological values of the overthrown socialist system. They were to be isolated within the new political order, silenced and pushed towards the social margins, and the values from the social past were re-evalueted and proclaimed to be lie and illusion. Thus, the Interna! Others included m embers of „mixed marriages" who, with their „multicultural" matrimonial association, were perceived as the ones that violated symbolic boundaries of traditional Islamic collective identity. The Serbs were, on the other hand, defined as the main External Other, and this collective categorization included even those who remained 1992-1995 in besieged Sarajevo, and they were, as well, equated with Chetniks and Communists through discussion in Ljiljan. it is important to stress that the debate in Ljiljan was marked by strong ideological repulsion toward the secularism and civic conceptions, especially European secularism, which relied on the Christian cultural tradition as hegemonic. Source of the hostility and animosity far the main political and social protagonists of the recent socialist past was in the personal traumatic experience of the Young Muslim Group, since 1 990 new political elite, which went through the rigged Sarajevo process in 1983, as well as in their ideological repulsion toward the modernization and secularization processes of transformation through which Bosniaks and Bosniak family passed during socialist period. Since the debate erupted in the war year 1994, which was preceded by dense period of brutal violence, concentration camps, mass rapes, and the passivity of European diplomacy towards all these horrific happenings, the author believes that all mentioned contributed to the radicalization of discourse in the national media and that, also, suffered violence was misused by the media and new political elite in order to complete the process of homogenization of the Bosniak collective on the basis of the exclusive ideology of „cultural fundamentalism". The author also shows that Džemaludin Latić, Ljiljan's editor-in-chief, tried to use the discussion to encourage the restoration of institutional power and control of the Islamic Community over the matrimonial union of members of national and cultural collective. Namely, within the patriarchal discourse in Ljiljan, the „monocultural matrimonial union" was perceived as a framework within which the Bosniak national society should be revived and renewed on the basis of Islamic traditional and cultural principles. Within the private sphere, woman as mother played a key role in the process of primary socialization and therefore the focus of a significant part of the discussion within Ljiljan was on her body and life and her responsibility far the postwar biological and cultural revival of the collective. Therefore, the ban on mixed marriages applied primarily to her, Bosniak/Muslim woman. This in fact presented a biopolitical strategy that stood behind the discussion, focused on the bare lives of national subjects, ie. on their subjectivization and socialization within the new political order. Political and social protagonists of that order wanted to ensure „ valid " biological, cultural and ideological reproduction of the new political system and therefore permanent legitimacy of their political, social and economic power. This could be achieved only by directing collective identity self-understanding of national subjects through the monoperspective culture of remembrance and through their social and cultural practices.

(Post)socialističtí ekonomové jako objekt historického zkoumání

Současný stav bádání a perspektivy

Author(s): Václav Rameš / Language(s): Czech Issue: 3/2017

The article examines the current state of research in the field of the history of economic sciences and activities of Czechoslovak economists in the era of socialism. It provides an overview of basic contributions, both domestic and foreign, on this topic since the 1990s, examining works of Johanna Bockman, Jiří Suk and Gil Eyal in a greater detail. It also mentions the latest research projects concerning this topic. In the end, the author offers a list of available sources (archival documents and published memoirs) which can be used in future research.

1991 წლის მოსკოვის აგვისტოს პუტჩი და საქართველოს კომუნისტური პარტიის პოზიცია

Author(s): Aleksandre Mosiashvili / Language(s): Georgian Issue: 7/2022

In the early 1990s, the Kremlin continued to try to stop the inevitable collapse of the Soviet Union. The so-called Some of the Soviet republics had already declared the restoration of state independence and were patiently waiting for the de-jure recognition process to begin. In such a situation, in August 1991, certain forces in Moscow staged a coup. The aim of the putschists was to remove from the ranks of the Soviet government those people who, in their view, were contributing to the disintegration of the USSR and trying to replace them with individuals who would halt the disintegration process by demonstrating and / or using force. The mentioned event was followed by mixed reactions, both outside the Republic of Georgia and in Georgian political circles. A relevant statement was made by the Georgian national government, including its president, about the position of the Georgian government. The statement was cautious, measured and called on the Georgian people to remain vigilant and not to resort to provocations. Different positions were observed by the representatives of the opposition forces. Among them, the position taken by the Communist Party of Georgia, which was a direct support of the coup in Moscow, is noteworthy. The newspaper "Life" of the Georgian Communist Party reported about the open expression of this position. The previous article is a kind of analysis of the political assessments and results of the time around this issue. Interestingly, the newspaper is dated August 21, which makes us think of the following: Members of the Georgian Communist Party were hoping for a victory in the current coup. But they still did not know that August 21, the date of the newspaper's publication, would coincide with the end of the coup. It must be said that the position taken by the Communists posed a great threat to the de facto independence of Georgia, and the response of the authorities was quite logical.

1995-2015 - Women and Political Life in Post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina

Author(s): / Language(s): English

(English edition) While working on improving our program and portfolio on women’s human rights we quickly realized the absence of a detailed and visible account of “women’s” history in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although there are a significant number of publications and several activist initiatives that address certain fragments of history and explore events, periods of time, and regions, there is currently no exhaustive institutional account of women in Bosnia, nor are attempts being made to create one. The academic community has unfortunately failed in this area. The history of women and their contribution to public life remains at the margins of academic inquiry. The Sarajevo Open Centre published the book Women Documented: Women and Public Life in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 20th Century. The book was edited by Jasmina Čaušević, a program coordinator at the Sarajevo Open Centre, in cooperation with ten authors. Through publishing this book, the Sarajevo Open Centre and our partner organizations wanted to celebrate the centenary of the First World War in a different way. It was precisely the work on Women Documented that revealed to us the need for further work exploring women’s history in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We hope that our (virtual) museum of women’s history in Bosnia will eventually be institutionalized in Bosnian society. In November and December 2015, we will commemorate the 20-year anniversary of the Dayton Peace Accords – the international agreement that brought peace to Bosnia and Herzegovina and laid the foundations for the long and grueling process of peace-making and trust-building. The Dayton Peace Process was, as this book will demonstrate, a classic example of male politics. The commemoration will, again, be dominated by men – Bosnian and Herzegovinian and world leaders. We decided to conduct this research and publish this book to challenge the male-dominated approach to memory. This publication aims to offer systematic insight into the role played by women in political life. Our goal is to offer a better understanding and a concise overview of political life over the past 20 years, based on the stories of a number of women - activists, politicians and institutional leaders - with the hope that it will inspire other authors to explore BiH political history during this period of time. Since this aspect of history is particularly under-researched, the very process of gathering information was challenging and so we welcome constructive criticism, comments, and suggestions for improvement and enrichment of this text. I would like to thank Marina, Arijana and Edita, who accepted to work with the Sarajevo Open Centre on this project. I would also like to thank my colleague Maida Zagorac, who has helped me immensely with her excellent oversight of both the technical and the substantive aspects of this text. I also owe thanks to the Embassy of Swiss Confederation in Bosnia and Herzegovina for supporting our work and the research of women’s history in Bosnia and Herzegovinian.

20 de ani de etimologie: 1989-2009

Author(s): Sorin Paliga / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2010

The paper resumes the main etymological works – first of all etymological dictionaries, but also some other books focusing on various etymological aspects – referring to Central and Southeast European languages: Slavic, Romanian, Albanian, Hungarian, in vocabulary and place naming. The author points out the outstanding situation of Romanian, without any ‘Academic’ etymological dictionary, a situation unparalleled in Europe. The author also briefly resumes some of his studies and books recently published.

25 rokov univerzitnej slovakistiky v Prahe

Author(s): Magdalena Kroupová / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 1/2020

V minulom roku uplynulo štvrťstoročie od otvorenia samostatného odboru slovakistika na Filozofickej fakulte Univerzity Karlovej v Prahe. Po výučbe jednotlivých slovakistických predmetov v priebehu druhej polovice 20. storočia sa historickým medzníkom v roku 1994 stal vznik Kabinetu slovakistiky, prvého českého pedagogicko-vedeckého pracoviska zameraného špeciálne na štúdium slovakistických disciplín a česko-slovenských vzťahov.

25 Years of Public Administration Developments and Reforms in V4 region

Author(s): / Language(s): English

This publication deals with the public administration development in Visegrad member states during the last 25 years. The first four chapters describe development of public administration in Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. In the last chapter are summarized approaches to public administration development and discussed good praxis that was used during reforms in mentioned states.

25 years of public administration in the Czech Republic

Author(s): Bojka Hamerníková,Milan Lindner / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Fundamental political and economic changes have taken place in the Czech Republic in the past quarter of a century. It is a relatively long period of time, during which all areas of life of society have been radically transformed, with public administration being no exception. The significant milestone of the country’s history was marked by the events of November 1989. The political, legislative, and economic changes – in a word “dismantling” – of the socialist state and its transformation into a democratic state relying on the market economy also required transformation regarding the perception of its role, activities of executive apparatus and institutions, nature and quality of public administration employees, and effectiveness of their work. And it is a very challenging and prolonged transformation that is not always absolutely clear. By analyzing the public administration development during the period, we should point out the key moments of its transformation and allow critical assessment of individual steps of various reforms, both planned and implemented. This is the only way to determine the pros and cons of the existing development and to indicate the trends of going forward.