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Kiedy mówimy o polskiej historii, to można od biedy dopuścić – nie łamiąc konwencji poprawnego posługiwania się językiem – że bierzemy pod uwagę przede wszystkim (wyłącznie?) losy polskiej ludności. W tym sensie polska historia byłaby po prostu opowieścią o Polakach. Ale już historii Polski w ten sposób opowiedzieć się nie da.
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The problems connected with the personality,s necessity of the defense in the process of entrenchment upon his or her sexual freedom and sexual immunity are analyzed in the article. Persons who are entrenched upon their sexual freedom or sexual immunity realize their natural right for self-defense. The author of the article proposes to accept as valid the defense of less useful benefit instead of the damage to more useful benefit on the legislative level. It is proposed to change part 5 of the article 36 of the Criminal Code.
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Nowadays, it seems that economics penetrated every single area of human life. In addition to the desire of individuals to possess material goods and an increasing number of objects, which puts them at the appropriate level of the social ladder, more and more often we deal with the phenomenon of family treatment as a part of cultural exchange. This article highlights the problem of treating children as property, commodity, which you can offer to others, in relation to children born and unborn, in the area of trade in semen, commerce adoption, trafficking in children. This situation is present mainly in poor countries, where it is considered as a tool of economic rescue for the family: intended for work work, for sale, prostitution and sent to the street to beg. At the same time the child comes to the „specific” economic investment, the profits of which parents receive in the future. Therefore, it is important to highlight the problem of „child as a commodity” in the modern literature and scientific discussions.
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The business called sexual slavery has become more violent and organized and involves a lot of abusers and victims. The means used by the traffickers for the accomplishment of the trafficking activity consists of threat, violence and other forms of constraint, fraud or deception, abuse of power, taking advantage of the inability of a person to defend themselves or to manifest their will, offering, giving, receiving or accepting money or other benefits to achieve the consent of a person. This cruel form of modern slavery happens more often than we can imagine and it is not just a national and international problem, but also a local one. The victims are exploited, harassed, abused, physically or sexually assaulted with different objects. Often, the meals and accommodation conditions are inhuman. The consequences of trafficking on victims are very serious: they are exploited, harassed, abused, etc. The strategies for human trafficking prevention should take into account both the supply side, i.e. the traffickers, and the demand side of the traffic market, i.e. the owners, consumers, or clients. The institutions in charge of prevention and fighting against trafficking of persons in Romania, either separately or in cooperation, pursuant to Law No 678/2001, are the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Labour, Family and Social Protection, the Ministry of Administration and Internal Affairs, the Ministry of Education and Scientific Research, the Ministry of Health, the Ministry of Justice, the Public Ministry, the National Authority for Child Protection, County Councils, Local Councils and other institutions.
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Według świadków z epoki zaraza morowa 1710 roku, będąca nawrotem epidemii sprzed dwóch lat, rozpoczęła się w Toruniu w Zielone Świątki 8 czerwca1. Świadczą o tym także liczne zapisy z zachowanych ksiąg kościelnych: zarówno metrykalnych, jak i rachunkowych, które jednoznacznie wskazują na drugi tydzień czerwca jako początek kataklizmu. Przy czym stan podwyższonego zagrożenia epidemicznego utrzymywał się w mieście od pierwszych dni roku. Przykładowo, 13 stycznia w trakcie posiedzenia Rady Miejskiej informowano o narastającym zagrożeniu dżumowym w okolicy: zarówno na przedmieściach, jak i w jurydyce2.
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Die ersten Wochen der deutsche Besatzung in Polen charakterisierten sich der großen Beliebigkeit der eingeführten „neuen Ordnung“, dem improvisierten Charakter den gewählten Lösungen und unaufh örlichen Kompetenzstreitigkeiten zwischen Vertreter der Wehrmacht und ihnen offi ziell untergeordneten Chefs der Zivilverwaltung und Befehlshaber der verschiedenen Polizeieinheiten. Sogar nach der Hitlers Verordnung vom 8. September 1939, die Strukturen der Militärverwaltung offiziell ordnete, hörte die Rivalität zwischen Militär und Polizei nicht auf, besonders, da sie durch die Liquidierungsaktion der polnischen Intelligenz durch die Einsatzgruppen der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD und das volksdeutsche Selbstschutz überschattet wurde.
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The review of: Katarzyna Bonda, „Polskie morderczynie“, MUZA SA, Warszawa 2008, ss. 304.
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The fact that violence is a constant companion of all social relations and movements and that it has not changed its goal only indicates that it can not be expected that the percentage of violence and violent behavior is reduced (or disappears). The only thing that remains is that violence as a phenomenon is “held” within acceptable limits as well as other negative phenomena such as traffic accidents, ecological accidents, health disorders and so on. Domestic violence is quite certain a phenomenon that marks today’s world and is known to all. It is manifested in different forms and different intensities, and becomes visible and causing attention only when cases of violence are found in black chronicles of media. Unfortunately, the trend of domestic violence is accompanied by a trend of everyday violence that occurs in school, at matches, as criminal events, as violence by extremists and the like. From the above it can be seen that domestic violence is equally a big problem for society as any other violence. As far as our country is concerned, we can say that domestic violence is known and occurs in the smallest places and rural areas, and not only in large cities. This paper presents the security aspect of domestic violence as a person, society and the security system itself. It also provides an overview of international and national positive legal sources that regulate the fight against domestic violence. The Republic of Serbia, as a signatory of numerous international conventions in this field, has undertaken the obligation to adopt national legal acts regulating protection against domestic violence, and the last one is the Law on the Prevention of Domestic Violence that began to apply on 1 July 2017. Significant novelties regarding the protection of victims in the form of urgent measures, new competencies of the police, public prosecutors’ offices, courts and centers for social work and their mutual cooperation provide hope that the protection of victims of domestic violence will be at a significantly higher level in the future. The fight against violence is always a long-lasting process, which involves the implementation of several different preventive and repressive methods and resources in the security, legal, social, psychological, educational, cultural and religious spheres. In this fight, there are always several factors interactively connected, which act synergistically to achieve one goal.
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Any action inevitably leads to reaction. Maestro's of modern times have seized power and came to the throne of world governance in most cases through lies, deceit and injustice. On the way to achieve these privileges, they were not afraid to violate the rights of others, apply another injustice, humiliation, etc., and when it was necessary, they were not afraid to occupy someone else's country and expel or destroy all its inhabitants, and even entire nations. And what 's even worse than that is that the modern world has accepted this actions as normal and that these things are legalized and accepted by international organizations which are primarily established to establish justice and to stand on the side of the weak against bullies and to protect the world peace. Unfortunately, they took the side of the usurpers of others' rights and homelands, homes, thugs and kidnappers and instead of protecting human rights, they started protecting the laws of the jungle. It was inevitable that such unjust actions of the contemporary world will inevitably lead to different reactions, and one of them is the topic we want to write about and which we want to investigate in the light of Islamic teachings as the only realistic and objective criteria for what is now happening and taking place in a world full of hypocrisy, absurd and illogical things, injustice and falsehood.
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In the last decade of the 21st century, informational and communicational technologies (ICT) have taken very important place in different areas of the human existence. Thanks to the possibilities that they provide, they make possible fast exchange of the information and, in this way, they connect people who live physically distant from each other. ICT are equally available to adults, as well as to children and youth. Positive sides of these technologies are to develop capabilities of communication, enables finding information, to develop critical thinking and to stimulate lifelong learning. New multimedia technology makes acquired information a part of dynamic system of learning and makes it capable to satisfy the needs of individual. In the process of using these ICT, along all the good and useful sides, there are many dangers that can have, as consequences, abuse of children. The research that has been presented in this work has for its goal to determine the factorial state of application of ICT with elementary and secondary school students. The specific goal of this research is directed to finding the nature of connection between the risk factors and students’ behavior, in order to undertake the adequate measures for finding the strategies that will give permanent and efficient results in prevention and correction of inadaptable behavior. With the aim of improving the system of children protection against child pornography and other ways of sexual abuse and exploitation, through ICT, this research can contribute prevention and strengthening the campaign on the Council of Europe Convention ratification.
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Drenica stretches in the central part of Kosovo, between the region of Kosovo and Dukagjin. The Serbian and Montenegrin occupation of Kosovo in October-November 1912 and its violent annexation in the frame of the Kingdom of Serbia and the Kingdom of Montenegro in 1913, as result of the decisions by the London Conference of Ambassadors, was followed by the Albanians resistance in armed defending of their lands. Drenica in its territory had an organized and armed movement, which practically despite could not pull off her ideals, however did not leave the Serbian military and police administration on silence. This movement, as far as it had human-military powers, also tried protecting the Albanian population against the general Serbian oppression. Based on the sources and materials above, it is understood that Drenica was active approximately during one year (July 1913 - June 1914) within the framework of the Albanian National Movement, for the liberation of Kosovo from Serbian and Montenegrin occupation-annexation, and its unification with Albania. Through the organization of this armed movement, which was developed with surprising methods and strategies and in numerically small (30) and large groups (2.000), depending on the geography of the action, the Albanians of Drenica hit and challenged the Serbian administration in all its security (military and police) and government segments (state bodies of districts and communes).
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This article provides an overview on some of the key issues related to the Bleiburg commemoration and more broadly the cultural memory of Partisan crimes at the end of the Second World War. Drawing upon four years of fieldwork, media analysis, and recent historiographical debates, the authors take a transnational approach in examining why Bleiburg remains one of the most controversial commemorations not just in Croatia but in the region. The article focuses on historical narratives in the commemorative speeches, the role of space in shaping memory politics, symbols and monuments present at Bleiburg Field, and the broader context of how Austrian politics affects the commemoration and its public perception.
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This article’s objective is to categorize potential jihadists in Europe and provide an overview of contemporary methods for their recruitment. Taking into account the ubiquity of the Internet and social networking platforms, and the fact that younger generations are spending an ever increasing amount of time using contemporary communication technology, this article focuses on those recruitment methods that make use of social networking platforms and mobile applications for the spread of extremist propaganda, as well as for communication with potential adherents. An analysis of the age structure of individuals involved in the planning and carrying out of terrorist acts in Europe from November of 2015 to September of 2017 supports a hypothesis that contemporary recruitment methods are especially effective in targeting a younger demographic. In addition, this article negates the importance of traditional physical exposure to radical behavior, which serves to explain the increasing number of terrorist attacks in Europe conducted by radicalized citizens of European countries.
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On the basis of statements and data published primarily in various lists of victims – lists of human losses in World War II and the post-war period, names and numbers are given as indicators of human losses, victims, i.e. of people from Malo Nabrđe who died, were killed or who disappeared, as well as of soldiers and civilians during World War II and the immediate post-war period. In all, 44 persons from Malo Nabrđe, who lost their lives to violence (16 soldiers, 28 civilians), are mentioned in various lists of human losses. Among them 19 Serbs are recorded; according to the records of the victim lists, 15 of them lost their lives in the camps of the NDH (Independent State of Croatia), 14 persons in Jasenovac and 1 person in Stara Gradiška, five of whom were Serbian women who, according to records from the victim lists, lost their lives in the camps of Jasenovac and/or of Stara Gradiška or were killed in their homes by Ustashas. According to the entries from the list of victims, 25 Croatians, Germans and Hungarians from Malo Nabrđe (records from the victim lists often provide contradictory information, hence it is not clear whether the persons were Croatian, German or Hungarian) lost their lives during World War II and the post-war period. However, according to the review of entries on every single person reported as human loss in the victim lists, a series of ambiguities and inaccuracies can undoubtedly be determined. Some of the recorded persons were not from Malo Nabrđe, i.e. when they lost their lives, they did not live in Malo Nabrđe. In many cases persons born in Malo Nabrđe, but living somewhere else, were recorded as Malo Nabrđe human losses. It is noticeable that the lists on human losses from Malo Nabrđe contain records of non-existent persons, i.e. entries with incorrect names and surnames of persons supposedly from Malo Nabrđe. Moreover, the victim lists in some cases contain records of persons who undoubtedly lost their lives, but cannot be considered victims of World War II and the post-war period.
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The aim of this study is to adapt Rape Victim Empathy and Rape Perpetrator Empathy Scales (Smith & Frieze, 2003) into Turkish. The sample of the study consisted of 267 university students (213 females and 53 males). Rape Victim Empathy Scale (REMV), Rape Perpetrator Empathy Scale (REMP), Attitudes toward Rape Victims Scale (ATRVS) and Empathy Scale Short From was used as data collection tools. Both exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were used to test the factor structure of the scales. 4 of 18 items are removed according to exploratory factor analyses results. Confirmatory factor analyses results showed that, consistent with the original scales, both REMV and REMP have two-factored (the during and post subscales) structures. Cronbach’s alphas are .90 for REMV and .89 for REMS. For subscales alphas are vary between .80 and .90. Validity and reliability analyses indicate that the Turkish adaptation of the scales provide sufficiently psychometric properties to be used in research in our country. It is expected that REMV and REMP will contribute to studies and interventions about rape.
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Fear of crime is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon consisting of cognitive, affective, and behavioral dimensions. This concept is defined as a negative emotional reaction of dread or anxiety to crime or the symbols associated with crime (Ferraro & LaGrange, 1987). In recent years, fear of crime has been recognized as an important social problem. Conceptualizing, measuring, and analyzing this concept, therefore, have received increased attention in interdisciplinary research. Research on fear of crime has addressed four specific theoretical approaches, namely the vulnerability, victimization, disorder, and social integration models. The aim of the current work was to examine the existing literature on fear of crime and make some suggestions for further research. First, we provided a short review of the definition, measurement, and determinants of fear of crime. Next, we made some suggestions for future research.
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Unlike the actual consent of the victim, which is in Serbian literature considered as a ground for excluding unlawfulness of a crime, in our textbooks of criminal law presumed consent is not usually considered as an independent ground of justification. This institute is based on the hypothetical will of the victim, on the idea that in some cases, although the holder of the good didn’t actually consent, act which endangers some of his goods does not deserve to be considered a crime, either because it appears to be in the holder’s interest, or because it represents an insignificant value to the holder. The requirement is that the perpetrator could have expected that the holder of the good, if asked, would consent. Presumed consent is common in the field of medical treatment, where an unconscious patient is often in dire need of immediate medical intervention. Contrary to the prevailing theory, the author argues that the presumed consent does not deserve its own place in the structure of crime, given its overlap with the institute of necessity.
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On May 29, 2012, the violence following the allegations that a Buddhist woman was raped by three Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine (Arakan) province put the Rohingya people on the agenda of the international public. The transformation of attacks by state and state-sponsored activists against Rohingya people into ethnic cleansing operations has brought with it a great tragedy of humanity. With operations, thousands of Rohingya people lost their lives for nearly six years, leaving hundreds of thousands of homes to shelter in neighboring countries. Rohingya people came to the world agenda with these events. But it is possible to say there are historical background of the living. Because Rohingya people are the minority group that has been subjected to the most discrimination and violence since the establishment of the modern Myanmar state. Despite the fact that violence and discrimination have attracted more international public reaction in recent years, the Myanmar government continues to ignore and destroy the Rohingya people. This situation has made it an important requirement that the Rohingya tragedy be evaluated in international legal dimension. In this context, firstly Rohingya politics of Myanmar will be discussed and then how the event will be evaluated in the context of international law. From this point of view, in this study, firstly Rohingya politics of Myanmar will be discussed and then how the event will be evaluated in the context of international law.
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В 2017 году Россия отметила 100-летие Революции 1917 года и 80-летие начала Большого террора 1937–1938 годов. Важным событием этого года, имевшим символический смысл, было открытие «Стены скорби» – мемориала жертвам политических репрессий – в Москве 30 октября 2017 года, в государственный День памяти жертв политических репрессий. Открывал «Стену скорби» президент России Владимир Путин, который в 2015 году поддержал инициативу правозащитников и издал указ о возведении памятника. Руководитель Фонда памяти, специально созданного для строительства мемoриала, Роман Романов – директор Государственного Музея истории ГУЛАГа, один из наиболее влиятельных агентов памяти о политических репрессиях в России. Интервью с ним, взятое Зузанной Богумил в июле 2018 года, дает представление о том, как юбилейный год повлиял на память о политических репрессиях и какую роль в новых проектах памяти, широко поддерживаемых российскими властями, занимает Соловецкий архипелаг. Романов – ключевая фигура в создании Ассоциации российских музеев памяти, сохраняющих память о советских репрессиях. Кроме того, он является членом рабочей группы по координации деятельности, направленной на реализацию выработанной в 2015 году концепции государственной политики по увековечению памяти жертв политических репрессий.
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