Obraz osláv Slovenského národného povstania v denníku Pravda v povojnových rokoch (1945 – 1948)

Author(s): Lucia Kaňuščáková / Language(s): Slovak Issue: 1/2015

The article deals with the image of the celebrations of Slovak national uprising in the daily Pravda in the years 1945 – 1948. It deals with the analysis of propaganda in post war Czechoslovakia on the example of commemorating important historical event in Slovak history – Slovak national uprising. It provides an overview and concept of celebration of the Slovak National Uprising in the early post war years. There is an analysis of the relationship of the German and Hungarian minorities in that period on the occasion of commemorating the Slovak National Uprising and the removal of democratic leaders from the Uprising image associated with preventing Democrats to participate in power. The aim of this article is to trace changes in the presentation of the Slovak national uprising celebrations on the pages of daily Pravda in the after war period, which were related to current political and social conditions and tobring information onhow socialist propaganda used historical event Slovak national uprising and its celebrations for extruding communist ideology.

Państwo Islamskie – metody rekrutacji członków

Author(s): Bartosz Kurek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3/2014

Distinguishing cartoon subgenres based on a multicultural contemporary corpus

Author(s): Ana Pedrazzini,Nora Scheuer / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2018

A literature review reveals the lack of empirical and theoretical work dedicated to systematically grasping the diversity of cartoons. Most studies have focused on political and/or editorial cartoons and have neglected other subgenres, which however are gaining space in many forms of media—such as gag cartoons. Taking genre discursive studies as a starting point, this paper is aimed at distinguishing cartoon subgenres considering their modal, thematic, pragmatic and rhetorical features. The corpus is composed of 85 cartoons (51 multimodal and 34 solely visual) from 22 countries. This corpus was obtained by means of a questionnaire distributed over 2012-2016 in which cartoonists were asked to choose a cartoon that represented their style and to justify their choice. A combination of both qualitative and multivariate statistical techniques was applied. Results allowed us to distinguish four cartoon subgenres based mostly on thematic and pragmatic features: Daily political; Timeless political; Daily media, arts and sports; and Playful cartoons. From a rhetorical standpoint, Timeless political cartoons showed the highest semiotic density (8-12 resources per cartoon), Daily political cartoons an intermediate density (5-7 resources per cartoon) and Playful cartoons the lowest semiotic density (2-4 resources). This contrast might indicate a difference in the cognitive challenge posed to readers, with a major cognitive effort demanded by political cartoons (Timeless and Daily), in addition to the necessary awareness of current affairs. In line with previous research, metaphor appeared as a characteristic resource in political cartoons followed by irony, sarcasm and allusion. Modal analyses showed that political cartoons relied more on the verbal mode to build their messages than the other subgenres.

NICOLAE CEAUȘESCU – A TOWERING FIGURE OF ROMANIAN COMMUNISM

Author(s): Ionela-Maria Zegrean / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 31/2022

With the year 1970, Nicolae Ceausescu’s cult of personality was one of the defining elements of Romanian communism. Activists, artists, writers and journalists, a series of people constantly preoccupied with material gains, important positions in society and more, brought a significant contribution to the glorification of the leader from Bucharest and his homeland, creating a real propaganda machine, which spawned a growing cult of personality. In addition to representing the figure of Nicole Ceausescu in tens of thousands of paintings, graphic works, sculptures, songs, in the area of literati and literature, the pages of literary magazines were also full of political writings that would outline the ideal image of the leader and the state. Writers such as Veronica Galis, Corneliu Vadim Tudor, Ion Brad expressed, in their own style, the feelings of love and veneration for the leader, for the country and the nation they belonged to. Despite the preponderance of writings published in such a direction, there were also works whose theme was completely distanced from what it meant to adore/praise the leader and the regime, focusing on other themes, the entire poetic discourse of writers rather focusing on the image of nature, a love etc. At first reading, these writings did not arouse any alarm sign, which is why they went unnoticed for activists of the time, being able to be published. On closer inspection, however, these creations evoked hidden meanings. The approach, in particular, of a desolate setting, of tragedy, of pain, often found in the works of writers like Ana Blandiana, Stefan Augustin Doinas, Mihai Beniuc was a hidden way of projecting a reality, which they, at that time, lived and which they were deprived of exhibiting. That's why for many of them, the period of the 1970s-1980s meant a censorship of creative ideas, with the writers being forced to express their true feelings using a coded language.

AUGUSTUS, THE MAN

Author(s): Adrian-Cosmin Petrică / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 31/2022

Like all the Romans from wealthy families, Augustus benefited from all the necessary conditions for the formation of qualities that would propel him into the political career he followed. Augustus was born into a middle-class family, the equestrian class, his predecessors showing great ambition and gradually evolving into the importance of the magistrates they occupied. From this perspective, Augustus showed himself to be a continuation of the success of his predecessors. Destiny played an important role in shaping the personality of the future emperor. Growing up under the sign of his uncle's greatness, Augustus showed from childhood the qualities necessary for a leader, continuing to perfect his training. Although, physically, the gods did not endow him with a strong organism, self-discipline, energy, ambition, and patience compensated for the shortcomings of physical qualities. The constant contact with his uncle Julius Caesar made Augustus a legendary character, able to draw important conclusions from the mistakes of his predecessors, adaptable, who led Rome into a new era.

REPERE ALE RELAȚIILOR ROMÂNO-POLONE ÎN LEGĂTURĂ CU CHESTIUNEA UCRAINEANĂ LA FINELE PERIOADEI INTERBELICE

Author(s): Ionuț BRAN / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 32/2023

At the end of the interwar period and the beginning of 1940, the attitude of the Ukrainian minority in Romania was strictly dependent on the international political situation. The leaders of this minority were aware of the intensive action coordinated by the leaders of the Ukrainian emigration in order to create a united front, with the aim of achieving, by any means, an independent Ukrainian state. Ukrainian leaders were on standby, waiting for a decisive event to determine their stance. In this context, the developments in Romania's relations with Poland were also relevant, as well as the attitude of the Polish state in relation to the Ukrainian emigration.

INTEGRATION OF REFUGEES INTO THE ROMANIAN SOCIETY

Author(s): Răzvan Moroșanu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 32/2023

Humans have been migrating from ancient times. The first migrators were the tribal peoples in search of food, land and resources. They were not considered refugees or asylum seekers, but gatherers or hunters who explored new lands. Therefore, it is a fact that refugees have always existed but the formalization of international community's responsibility to provide protection and to find solutions for refugees only dates back to the founding of the League of Nations. This organization defines refugees in categories, mainly according to their country of origin. The refugee crisis has represented a topic of great interest to the international community since the creation of the United Nations. Through the asylum process, refugees and other people who needed protection were offered access to assistance offered by other states. But, in some cases, the national asylum system proved to be ineffective and offered asylum seekers unequal access. In order to solve this problem, the European Union developed a common European asylum system designed to harmonize the national asylum systems and procedures of the member states and to facilitate the examination of the asylum seeker requests. In order to do this, the European Union relied on the existing international legal framework, regulated by the provisions of the 1951 Convention and the principle of non-refoulement.

INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL IMPLICATIONS OF THE FRANCO-PRUSSIAN WAR ON ROMANIA

Author(s): Denisa Anamaria BURNEI / Language(s): English Issue: 33/2023

The Franco-German War or the Franco-Prussian War represented the conflict of 1870-1871 between France and Prussia, the latter enjoying the support of the North German Confederation and some South German states. On the continent, the end of the war meant, on the one hand, the unification of Germany and the formation of the German Empire led by Wilhelm I of Prussia, and on the other hand, the end of the reign of Napoleon III, the end of the Second French Empire and the replacement to that of the French Third Republic. For Romania, this conflict had significant implications, both externally and internally. Externally, Romania's neutrality towards the Franco-Prussian war became necessary for the Great Western Powers, their goal being to block the expansionist tendencies of Russia and the Habsburg Empire. On the internal level, the Romanian political groups perceived the confrontation between France and Prussia differently, which caused a series of disturbances that the young Prince Carol I faced. Two directions prevailed: one of those who believed that Romania was indebted to the bias of France and one who believed that prudence should prevail. However, no matter the side, the entire Romanian political class continued to faithfully follow the national objectives, hoping that the end of the war would bring with it the independence of the Romanian state.

MARKERS REGARDING THE POLITICAL-ADMINISTRATIVE ORGANIZATION OF ROMANIA IN THE CAROL II PERIOD

Author(s): Mihaela Postolache / Language(s): English Issue: 34/2023

In the history of Romania, King Carol II represents one of the most debated and cost-famous characters. Throughout his reign (1930-1940), many cultural achievements were made, but they were overshadowed by the controversies surrounding the king's private life and the slipping of the country on the slope of authoritarianism. In 1938, in the context of the deteriorating domestic political situation and growing international tensions, Carol sensed the opportunity to establish a regime of personal authority. To give legitimacy to the new form of state organization, the king and his relatives understood the need to gain the trust of the population. To this end, a true cult of the monarch's personality was built to create the image of a saving leader, of the "providential man".

ROMANIAN-IRAQIAN RELATIONS DURING 1979-1989

Author(s): Roxana Georgiana Nistor / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 34/2023

Romanian-Iraqi relations between 1979-1989 were marked by numerous opportunities for collaboration, but also by a series of problems created mainly by the conflict situation between Iraq and Iran. However, the authorities in Bucharest knew how to exploit an unfavorable situation and turn it into an opportunity. Thus, during this period, Iraq becomes one of the main economic partners of the Romanian state, being also the largest market for numerous Romanian products. Considering the desire of the Iraqi authorities to invest massively in restoring the state's infrastructure at all levels - from roads, electricity networks and refineries, to schools, hospitals and housing - the Romanian authorities were very receptive and tried to develop partnerships that would cover all these needs. Thus, towards the end of the period we are referring to, Romanian-Iraqi relations had reached their highest point, Iraq being one of the main economic partners of Romania.

Nacjonalistyczny internet. Rekonstrukcja medialnego ekosystemu polskiej skrajnej prawicy w internecie

Author(s): Marcin Pielużek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3 (255)/2023

The article’s main objective is to reconstruct the media ecosystem of the Polish extreme right on the Internet. The starting point was 15 websites of the most recognisable Polish far-right organisations, which were indexed using the Hyphe tool to identify other websites with the same ideological profile, this identified 312 websites. These were then further analysed using social network analysis methods and tools in order to answer the following research questions: 1) how dense is the network of connections between the different sites; 2) what is the diversity and dominant ideological orientation of the far-right Internet; 3) what types of sites are used to disseminate far-right content? The research results show that far-right websites are poorly networked but that a few sites act as opinion leaders and content distributors linking different communities. At the same time, despite the ideological diversity, two communities – radical nationalists and autonomous nationalists – are critical in the reconstructed media ecosystem. While the different types of sites function as important media sites for each milieu, each milieu uses the different types of sites in slightly different ways.

Kampania społeczna jako narzędzie rządowego komunikowania kryzysowego w mediach społecznościowych w pierwszym roku pandemii COVID-19 w Polsce

Author(s): Anna Lusińska,Ewa Miłoszewska -Podrażka,Anna Kalinowska-Żeleźnik / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3 (255)/2023

The aim of the article is to identify the social campaign used as a tool for government crisis communication in social media in the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic in Poland and to attempt to analyse and evaluate the information provided through advertising spots dedicated to the COVID-19 pandemic in the light of Internet users’ opinions. Quantitative and qualitative research methods were used, including source studies, media content analysis, desk research and case study. The authors put forward the thesis that by means of selected spots aired as part of the social campaign conducted by the Ministry of Health, during the first year of the pandemic in Poland (from March 4, 2020, to March 4, 2021), this Ministry tried to inform and educate the public about safety and public health measures implemented to reduce the spread of the COVID-19 virus. The results of the research showed the government’s lack of experience in using new media channels in crisis communication, which caused a fierce public discourse in social media, for which the rulers were not prepared. The discourse in Polish society, emerging from the comments of users of selected social media on the information provided through advertising spots dedicated to the COVID-19 pandemic, stimulates and encourages action, arousing anxiety due to the disruption of the established information order. We can discuss its potential to generate changes, on condition that social information campaigns are carefully prepared.

Komunikacja medialna Konfederacji Wolność i Niepodległość w czasie kryzysu wewnątrzpartyjnego

Author(s): Anna Szwed-Walczak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3 (255)/2023

The aim of the research was to reconstruct the communication strategy of the Confederation Liberty and Independence [Konfederacja Wolność i Niepodległość] party during the internal crisis that began after the Russian Federation’s aggression against Ukraine. The research period covered the period from February 24, 2022 to February 13, 2023. The subject of the research were statements and publications published in the official media of the Confederation [Konfederacja], as well as social media of party leaders and interviews they gave. Content analysis was used in the research. Research has shown that a multi-community party such as the Confederation [Konfederacja], in order to solve the internal crisis, was forced to implement a consensus strategy in the field of discussion about the war in Ukraine and the marginalisation of activists who undermine the integrity of the group. As part of the pursuit of consensus, a communication strategy was implemented, which can be described as searching for a community of values by expanding the field of reference to the problem. The marginalisation of the Libertarians [Wolnościowcy] resulted in their withdrawal from the party, thus stabilising the internal situation in the Confederation [Konfederacja].

Twitterowa komunikacja polityczna w kontekście wojny w Ukrainie: analiza porównawcza wpisów Roberta Biedronia i Antoniego Macierewicza

Author(s): Klaudia Żubryk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3 (255)/2023

The digital revolution has brought social media into the space of politicians’ activities, the most widely used of which is Twitter. This platform fosters special participation of users and informing the audience about the most current events in almost real time. It can also be understood as one of the most effective tools of modern political communication. The proposed article provides a comparative analysis of the communications of Antoni Macierewicz, who is associated with Poland’s ruling camp in 2022, and Robert Biedroń, one of the opposition leaders. The analysed communications concern the first month of the war in Ukraine. Both quantitative methods, including elements of statistical analysis, and qualitative analysis, based mainly on content analysis, were used to conduct the study. The aim of the study is to identify differences in communications and to show their twitter statements about the war in Ukraine in the context of a broader political communication strategy in line with the program of the party represented and relating to activities on the political scene (Polish or European). The analysis also points to the diversity of messages communicated through the social medium and the general polarising tendencies developing despite public voices calling for unity to help the victims of Russian aggression.

Macierzyństwo jako temat publikacji i element wizerunków medialnych kobiet świata polityki w wybranych polskich tygodnikach opinii

Author(s): Katarzyna Brzoza-Kolorz / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3 (255)/2023

The aim of the analysis conducted is to show how motherhood was portrayed in four Polish weekly opinion magazines Gazeta Polska, Newsweek Polska, Polityka and Wprost, during selected periods, over the years 2000-2019, and how the role of the mother projected media images of women in the world of politics. Preliminary assumptions were made that motherhood is politicised in the publications and that the editorial line of the surveyed weeklies influences the way they write about it. In addition, an attempt was made to test the validity of the claim that wives of politicians were more often portrayed in the role of the mother than female politicians, and the role of the mother was more strongly exposed in the portrayal of Polish female politicians than foreign ones. The research method used was a content analysis of selected publications, sourced from weekly opinion magazines, which was carried out based on the author’s categorisation key and with the support of the IBM SPSS program. In the course of the conducted analyses, the research objectives were achieved and the adopted research hypotheses were confirmed.

Политиката в България в края на XIX и началото на XX век. Визуални образи (според изданията „Илюстрация светлина“ и „Българан“)

Author(s): Dobrinka Parusheva / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Issue: 1/2023

This paper deals with the use of the visual in representing politics in the newspapers and journals in Bulgaria during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This is done by using data from one illustrated journal – Ilyustratsia Svetlina (Illustration Light), and from one humoristic newspaper – Balgaran. The question about the role of the visual images in the coverage of politics and politicians is discussed, as well as the use of political cartoons as a powerful way of political communication. The author seeks to answer the question of whether in Bulgaria, like in Europe, this period was transformative for the way political themes were covered.

Relacjonowanie wojny w kontekście bezpieczeństwa - badania polskich i ukraińskich dziennikarzy

Author(s): Aleksandra Seklecka,Agnieszka Węglińska,Tetiana Razumenko / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2023

The paper aims to show journalists’ work in the conflict region from the perspective of three aspects of security: soldiers, civilians and victims, and the personal safety of media workers. Another goal is to compare the attitudes of journalists from Poland and Ukraine. The study comprised eighteen interviews with journalists from Poland and Ukraine on the Ukrainian-Russian war from 2022–2023, conducted in January–June 2023. The research sample was a group of journalists reporting the conflict native to Poland and Ukraine. The fulfilment of the set objectives was based on qualitative analysis, and the interviews were analysed using the method of condensation and interpretation of meaning. The authors conclude that respondents adapt their work style to the specifics of the conflict, working with victims of the battle is a test of responsibility for them, and that media organizations usually do not sufficiently care about the safety of their employees. Respondents from Poland have a greater distance to this conflict than Ukrainians.

Belarus’s Coercive Engineered Migration Case of 2021–2022: Categorisation of State Media Narratives

Author(s): Andrei Yeliseyeu / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2023

This study deploys a narrative analysis of stories on the topic of the so-called migration crisis on the EU-Belarus border published on the website of the key Belarusian publishing house Belarus Segodnya between the 1st of June 2021 and the 31st of March 2022. The key eleven narratives were deconstructed through a close engagement with and interpretation of over 1,500 topical publications. The ongoing humanitarian crisis at the EU-Belarus border which peaked in late 2021 followed from the Belarusian regime’s attempt to attain foreign policy goals, foremost the suspension of EU sanctions. The study applies the concept of coercive engineered migration proposed by Kelly Greenhill and finds that the content of most identified narratives fits Greenhill’s predictions that coercing actors focus on manipulating the ability and willingness of targeted states to accept groups of migrants and that challengers tend to impose hypocrisy costs on targets to increase coercive power. The analysis suggests that some of the major state media narratives fit into two groups of coercing strategies proposed by Greenhill while others can be accommodated in the category related to hypocrisy costs. These “blame shifting” narratives cast full responsibility for the origin and persistence of the migrant crisis on the targeted actors. An additional “triggering catastrophe” category is proposed which includes narratives which project cataclysms for the targeted actors and high cost of not hosting migrants for them.

KAKO TVITUJU CRNOGORSKI POLITIČARI KRITIČKA ANALIZA DISKURSA TVITOVA TOKOM PRVIH STO DANA 44. VLADE CRNE GORE

Author(s): Sonja Špadijer,Sabina Osmanović,Nemanja Stankov,Jasmina Nikčević / Language(s): Montenegrine Issue: 2/2024

This research analyzes the political discourse of tweets made by Montenegrin politicians on the platform www.X.com (formerly Twitter). Given that one of the most prominent political topics during the first 100 days of the 44th Government of Montenegro was EU integration, this study seeks to interpret the views and beliefs of politicians on the subject through a critical discourse analysis of their tweets. The corpus consists of tweets published by Montenegrin political leaders during this period, from October 31, 2023, to January 31, 2024. Since tweets are a more concise form of political communication compared to interviews or speeches, this research explores whether the discourse of tweets differs from other political genres and how these differences manifest. Alternatively, it considers whether tweets still contain the essential elements that characterize traditional political discourse. Preliminary results from both quantitative and qualitative analyses at the microtextual level indicate a significant tendency toward linguistic economy in tweets, reflected in lexical and syntactic features such as the frequent use of verbal nouns and catchphrases. Regarding discourse modality, notable differences are observed in the degree of commitment expressed by the speaker or writer. At the macrotextual level, rhetorical figures and argumentative macrostrategies, commonly found in other forms of political discourse, are also present in tweets. Pragmatic elements, such as speech acts, implicatures, and presuppositions, are similarly evident.

When No One Is Watching: Ideology, Influence, and Networks of Ultras and Hooligans in Romania – Notes of Investigation

Author(s): Max-Anton LÖSCHE / Language(s): English Issue: 17/2024

Football subcultures like those of ultras and hooligans are infamous for their proximity and welcoming attitudes towards far-right and right-wing extremist actors and ideologies in Eastern Europe. Romania makes no exception. While not all ultras or hooligans can be categorized as far-right or right-wing extremists, this article takes a close and in-depth look into the political expression, mentalities, and networks of the Romanian football subculture. Through research from the inside of the social-media channels, stadiums, and events set up by the groups analyzed in this paper, the author focuses on three main elements: political expression and opinions of Romanian ultras and hooligans, their networks in Europe, and the threat they pose to the democratic society through violence. The article concludes that taking the developments in the football subculture seriously means to understand the three mentioned elements as a dangerous synthesis that can become a threat, one that is overlooked or generally downplayed by the State authorities.