Fundamentalizm w świetle wybranych koncepcji psychologicznych

Author(s): Anna Zasuń / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2015

The aim of the article is to show the psychological roots of fundamentalism, which can be found in each type of the phenomenon, as well as analysis of fundamentalism, as a specific configuration of personality traits which can lead every worldview and ideology. Definitional basis for the fundamentalism is the psychological concepts, that relate to personality, cognitive style, refer to the prejudices, as well as to the concept of authoritarian personality and its constitutive characteristics. An author of the article asked about so-called “fundamentalist personality” (D. Motak) based on the diversity of the manifestations of this phenomenon and its correlation with the concepts of authoritarianism (E. Fromm, T.W. Adorno, S. Pfürtner, A. Künzli), dogmatism (M. Rokeach), intolerance and ethnocentrism. It also was taken into account psychological attitudes category (along with its emotional component, cognitive and behavioral), which was basis to presented fundamentalism

Wizerunek polityczny - tworzenie, oddziaływanie, skuteczność. Analiza na podstawie współczesnej sceny politycznej

Author(s): Agnieszka Kasińska-Metryka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2005

Od Redaktora

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish Issue: 3 (255)/2023

RUSSO-TURKISH WAR 1806-1812 - REASON OF PAVLICHIANS COMMUNITY FOUNDATION FROM CIOPLEA

Author(s): Ana Rafail (Moldovan) / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 35/2023

This article aims to present the Russo-Turkish War of 1806-1812 as the main reason for the Bulgarian Catholic Pavlichians migration near Bucharest and the foundation of the Cioplea village - 1806 - 1813. It is underlined that for many centuries, Bulgaria's southern Danube territories have been a refuge for Pavlichian communities that have suffered over many centuries executions and deportations of population, oppression of Byzantine power and Ottoman occupation. Pavlichian communities with an ancient identity marked by conflict are descendants of the Paulician community of Armenians. From the seventh century AD, the communities of Pavlichians lived on the territories of the ancient fortresses of Philippopolis near Plovdiv and in the Nicopolis area. The Catholic communities of Bulgarian Pavlichians are mentioned since the seventeenth century, when the villages of the Pavlichians were visited by the Bosnian Franciscans conducted the missions of conversion the Pavlichians to Catholicism. In the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, Russo-Turkish wars involved the Catholic communities in the anti- Ottoman resistance struggle like the Ciprovets Uprising of 1688 event with changed the identity of these communities. The defeat of the Uprising of 1688 led to the destruction of communities in Ciprovets and to the migration of Pavlichian Catholics across the Danube into Craiove and Banat. In the nineteenth century, the aggression of the Ottomans, triggered by the Russo-Turkish War of 1806-1812, determined a second migration of the Catholics Pavlichians. Main of them, returned in Bulgaria, settled to the border area of Nicopolis-Shvistov, took refuge across the Danube, on the outskirts of Bucharest, founding a new community of Catholic Pavlichians: the village of Cioplea. The article analyzes the war that cause in the nineteenth century the second migration of Pavlichian Catholics from Svishtov-Nicopole, nearby Bucharest, in the 1806-1813 period. The article concludes that, under the pressure of Russo-Turkish War of 1806-1812, the bulgarien catholic pavlichiens from Svishtov-Nicopole, were obliged to migrate once again in Romania, the reason for Cioplea Pavlicheans Community foundation.

ROMANIA, CROATIA AND ITS RELATIONS WITH GERMANY BETWEEN 1940-1945

Author(s): Mihail-Gabriel Chiricheș / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 35/2023

The present paper is probing the aspects that defined the German influence in Croatia, capturing some of the results of the subordinate politics in all aspects of the Reich and Italy. The Italian and German profiles governed the balancing policy of Croatia in favour of Germany for breaking away from the Italian friendship. Romania placed its destinies alongside Germany, these aspects being followed from the Romanian-German collaborations imposed by pacts, treaties, understandings and orientations within the Axis towards states that sought their covery of the territories taken over by Hungary in 1940.

DEVET TEZA O APOKALIPSI

Author(s): Srećko Horvat / Language(s): Croatian Issue: 37-38/2023

Prazne ulice i sablasni gradovi, policijski sat i karantena; zatvorene trgovine, restorani, škole i kazališta; zatvorene granice u većini zemalja; oko tri milijarde ljudi u lockdownu ili u nekoj vrsti izolacije; laserski termometri, geolokacijsko praćenje i masovni nadzor; stotine milijuna nezaposlenih radnika; vedro nebo nad nama, izvanredno stanje pod nama; stotine milijardi skakavaca roji se u prostranstvima Afrike i Azije hranjeno klimatskim promjenama; plamte najveći požari ikada zabilježeni u černobilskoj "Zoni isključenja", podudarajući se s godišnjicom nuklearne nesreće i trenutnom pandemijom; potresi i poplave; autoritarni kapitalizam i ekofašizam u porastu su u cijelom svijetu.

RHETORICAL CONSTRUCTS IN THE LEGITIMATION OF POLITICAL POWER

Author(s): Nicolae Iuga / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 36/2024

Ideologically, the last century has been broadly dominated by three principled constructs, which we can think of as belonging to the same genus, which we call high-powered chauvinism. The communist ideology claimed that all the revolutions produced in the entire history of humanity did nothing but replace the dominance of one social class with the dominance of another class, that is, to change one form of exploitation of man by man with another form of exploitation. But, for the first time in history, the proletariat is called, somewhat messianically, to abolish private property and, by doing so, to completely abolish every form of exploitation of man by man. In the course of the socialist revolution, the proletariat not only emancipates itself, but, by emancipating itself, it also emancipates, objectively and even involuntarily, the entire society. In German Nazism, Hitler replaces the proletariat of the communist ideology with the German people, replaces the social class saving mankind with the superior race of the Aryans, also meant to save mankind. The superior race and the need to safeguard it, for the good of all mankind, is the principle from which the absolute ideological truth and the belligerent rhetoric in this case derive. Finally, in the contemporary hegemonic neoconservative ideology, the United States must hold global dominance, because it has military power, and it must have as much military power as possible, in order to hold global dominance for as long as possible. This construct says: we are the strongest military alliance in History, so we are always right. These constructs have had bad consequences and can only have bad consequences.

THE VISITS OF CORNELIU MANESCU TO THE FORMER FRENCH MAGHREB COUNTRIES IN 1968

Author(s): Bogdan Iulian Ranteș / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 36/2024

This study aims to analyze the visits that the Romanian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Corneliu Mănescu, made to Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. In that year, the Romanian official became known worldwide due to the fact that he was then elected president of the UN General Assembly. Thus, he was invited to visit many countries, but he was not able to honor them all. The three states were selected because, at that time, their relations with Romania were on the rise. It was initially proposed that these visits be included in a tour, but Algeria objected because they were not on good terms with Morocco. In the article we will study how these visits were prepared, their schedule and the discussions that Mănescu had with the leaders and other officials of those states. The receptions worthy of a real head of state that Mănescu received in Morocco and Tunisia will also be presented, as several protocol norms were broken. It will also be analyzed how these events were propagandistically speculated by the Romanian communist press.

VISIT OF TSAR NICHOLAS THE SECOND TO CONSTANTA (1914) AND ITS IMPORTANCE FOR RUSSIAN-ROMANIAN RELATIONS

Author(s): Ștefan-Mario Rădulescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 36/2024

At the beginning of the twentieth century, the Kingdom of Romania found again the moment to approach the Russian Empire, which was now in an alliance with France and then with England. Romanians began to overcome the injustices done in the past, realizing that the only chance to fulfill the national ideal (a possible union of Transylvania and Bukovina with the Kingdom of Romania) could be done with the help of Imperial Russia. A special episode that improved the diplomatic relations between the Kingdom of Romania and the Russian Empire was the visit of Tsar Nicholas the Second in Constanta on June 1st, 1914. On the occasion of this visit, the royal family of Romania aimed for a potential marriage between Prince Carol, the son of Prince Ferdinand and Princess Maria and the grand duchess Olga Nikolaevna, one of Tsar Nicholas's daughters. This event would also have an important role in the subsequent decision of the Kingdom of Romania to enter the war that was just about to begin.

Model infiltracji Jeżowa a zajęcie Krymu przez Federację Rosyjską

Author(s): Marek Świerczek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 30/2024

The author analysed the scale of betrayal among the officers and officials of the Ukrainian state during the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014. The main research problem was an attempt to explain the anomaly in the activities of the special services in the form of recruiting 1,400 officers of the Ukrainian SBU to the Russian FSB. In an attempt to explain this phenomenon in the practice of secret services, the author used the theory of offensive intelligence and counter-intelligence created and developed in the USSR from the early 1920s, as well as the findings of cognitive psychology regarding the phenomenon of projection as the main mechanism for explaining the behavior of other people. Thanks to the synthesis of psychology and the analysis of the theoretical achievements of the Soviet secret services, the author put forward a hypothesis about the mass recruitment of the SBU officers in the Crimea long before the annexation. According to the author, the main mechanisms of mass recruitment of agents in order to control the opponent’s organisation were broadly understood corruption and cronyism characteristic to the post-Soviet area.

Political Extremism and Its Implications: An Inquiry into Violence, Struggle, and Self-Sacrifice

Author(s): Yuliy Yuliev / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2024

This research paper draws upon English novelist George Orwell’s observations on human proclivities toward struggle and self-sacrifice, as seen in his criticism of “Mein Kampf”, and uses them to explore the complex nature of political extremism. By analyzing the evolution of the political narrative since the 1970s, from economic to cultural issues, it investigates the foundations of extreme nationalism within contemporary liberal democracies. In order to show the features and motives of this phenomenon, the study observes several European far-right groups through the lens of extreme nationalism, uncovering similar themes of anti-globalization, immigration, and European Union views. It delves further into the examination of human beings by taking a closer look at the way culture shaped our development as a species and the fundamental urge for identification and belonging, providing insights into the psychological underpinnings of extreme beliefs and behavior. It also looks at the foundations of group violence, discussing it as a morally motivated behavior meant to maintain and preserve social ties and the concept of struggle as behavioral mechanisms exploited by extreme nationalists. To thoroughly assess the validity of Orwell’s ideas, the research combines the theoretical framework with a case study of the contemporary tendencies towards extremism in the U.S. political system. The analysis leads to the conclusion that George Orwell’s findings that the attractiveness of political extremism has its roots in basic features of human nature are still applicable in modern democratic societies.

Terrorism Discourse and Emotions: Australia

Author(s): Zuzana Měřičková / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2024

Terrorism has been often considered to be a subjective label rather than a distinct form of violence. Discourse has played an important role in creating the threat of terrorism, as well as in the legitimisation of counterterrorism level. The importance of studying discourse can thus no longer be denied. This article analysed the character of official discourse on terrorism delivered by Australian prime ministers between 9/11 and the end of 2019, since Australia is one of the countries involved in the War on Terror. The author used the NVivo software to analyse speeches delivered by John Howard, Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard, Tony Abbott, Scott Morrison, and Malcolm Turnbull. She applies Norman Fairclough’s three-level Critical Discourse Analysis to study the character of the speeches, positive and negative emotions which were invoked by the speeches and the connections that were drawn to other discourses. She also analyses the context in which the speeches were delivered as well as the adopted counterterrorism measures that were legitimized in the speeches. The results of the analysis demonstrated that all Australian prime ministers used the terrorism label to some extent, however each of them delivered speeches on terrorism that had a different character. All of the analysed prime ministers, with the exception of Kevin Rudd, also presented emotional discourse on terrorism. The article demonstrates how is the terrorism label portrayed differently by each speaker, and that not all discourse on terrorism has to necessarily be emotional.

ALEXANDRU N. LAHOVARI: THE MOST POWERFUL ORATOR

Author(s): Daniela Mihaela Samoilă / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 37/2024

Alexandru Lahovari's success, as a politician and statesman, is undoubtedly due to his exceptional oratorical talent, along with his solid culture, his passionate nature, with his measure and spirit of justice, and, as with all great orators, his faith strong in the truth and justice of her words, which, as a rule, she managed to convey to the audience as well. Listening to Alexandru Lahovary when he spoke, you thought that there were two personalities in him: one that spoke to the mind; it was his mind. Another that went to the heart was his warm and sincere passion. This is why in his speech as in his deed he was both measured and vehement, both respectful and mocking, both logical and enthusiastic. His pressed word, united with the decisive gesture and the persuasive look, gave his reasoning even greater power. In the political order, there was no freedom that Lahovari did not defend, no national interest that he did not support. Going through any of Alexandru Lahovari's speeches, you get the interesting impression that he is (almost) always right and, transposing yourself in time, with an effort of imagination, over a century back, you are with him, you feel how he convinces you in most cases, even if you belong to another era and even if you have, perhaps, other political beliefs, what does this secret consist of? Precisely in Lahovari's art of oratory, comparable, we think, with that of your Mihail Kogălniceanu or that of Nicolae Titulescu. But let's see what his contemporaries thought about the great conservative politician.

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ROMANIAN DIPLOMATIC AGENCY IN PARIS (1860)

Author(s): Denisa Anamaria Briceag / Language(s): English Issue: 37/2024

After the double election of Alexandru Ioan Cuza, on January 5 and 24, 1859, the Romanian political class was preoccupied with the international recognition of the new ruler and the perfection of administrative unity. All these efforts were supported by the activity of Romania's diplomatic agents in the French capital, the creation of the Agency itself representing a symbol of independence. The Agency of the United Principalities in Paris was officially recognized on August 26 / September 7, 1860, after Ioan Alecsandri (the first holder of the Agency) presented the letters of accreditation to the French Foreign Minister, Edouard Thouvenel, thus obtaining the right to use the cipher in his correspondence. Apart from Constantinople, where the existence of an Agency was provided for in the Paris Convention, during Cuza's reign, Agencies were established in Paris and Belgrade. In 1880, the Romanian Diplomatic Agency in Paris was transformed into the Romanian Legation in Paris, as a result of gaining state independence.

AID TRANSPARENCY AND THE IMPACT OF THE DONOR-RECIPIENT PARTNERSHIP IN AFRICA

Author(s): Raveena Parbhoo / Language(s): English Issue: 37/2024

The past two decades are reviewed to see how transparent donors have been and how it has impacted their partnership with recipient nations in Africa. Their partnership plays an essential role in how aid is implemented. Corruption in resource-rich African countries is often linked to transparency and accountability. There has been an ongoing development process to lift living standards across the continent for decades. This paper examines the role of donors in promoting or preventing transparency in aid-dependent countries. It finds that while donor efforts have been significant, they often face limitations due to local context and lack of transparency. The donor-recipient relationship's power imbalance is a significant factor in aid effectiveness. Donors can influence projects and impose conditions, but recipient countries lack ownership. This imbalance can lead to disappointing or sustainable aid outcomes. This paper investigates the governance gap and the relationship between good governance, accountability, and transparency of donors. One of the most important areas in which to increase aid is transparency in operations. An index is provided to evaluate and classify donors according to the transparency of their aid efforts through ranking and assessing donors' transparency in aid delivery. This is done by providing a comprehensive understanding, which can enhance transparency research in recipient countries when combined with conceptualization and operationalization.

Reklamowe strategie komunikacyjne w Internecie w wyborach parlamentarnych w 2023 r.

Author(s): Anna Ryłko-Kurpiewska,Katarzyna Maciejewska-Mieszkowska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 52/2024

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this article is to present the results of the analysis of media messages and to indicate the communication strategies adopted by election committees in the 2023 parliamentary elections in Poland.THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem is to indicate the specificity of targeting advertising messages in the 2023 par‑liamentary elections in Poland, taking into account their personalised nature and resulted from the specificity of the analysed phenomenon. Quantitative research, comparative analysis of statistical data and secondary research results, qualitative and quantitative analysis of the content and persuasive potential of the messages were used. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The argument consists of three parts. The aim of the first is to show the increasing role of social media in the electoral communication process on the example of opinion polls and statistical data analysis. Further considerations focus on the analysis of the costs associ‑ated with the online promotional activities of committees. The third focuses on presenting the specifics of personalisation of advertising messages and consist‑ency of activities in the context of election slogans.RESEARCH RESULTS: The article presents the author’s analysis of the online advertising strategy of election committees in the 2023 parliamentary elections. It allowed for the conclusion that committees, aware of the escalating role of the Internet in electoral messages, not only increase financial outlays on this medium, but also adjust the means of persuasion in order to personalise messages.CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS:The generational change of voters has influenced the intensity of online ad‑vertising messages. For the first time, online advertising and the possibility of personalising messages in electoral content were used on such a scale. It is not only the long‑established indirect nature that has become a characteristic feature of advertising messages, but also the participation of communication intermediaries.

The Unpolitical Foundation of Political Realism

Author(s): Denis Kirov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Issue: 2/2024

This article aims at exploring political realism and, in particular, examining the way in which the fundamental definition of international relations theory is formulated. The main thesis is that the way in which the concept of realism is structured conflicts with the inherent meaning of the proposition of ‘political realism’ because it ignores the essence of the concept of the ‘political’. This conflict is expressed in defining realism entirely in terms of and within the conceptual field of ethics. Realism thus becomes not an essentially political theory but a moral-normative one, which takes away its explanatory potential. The only way to overcome this theoretical obstacle is through changing the presuppositions of realism with those belonging to political reality.

Teaching the January 6th Insurrection: Historical Perspectives on a Crisis in American Democracy

Author(s): ERIC FURE-SLOCUM / Language(s): English Issue: 42/2024

This article offers a framework for analyzing and teaching the January 6, 2021, insurrection at the US Capitol. The crisis itself offers an opportunity to unpack and better understand American political discourses and institutions. I focus on four historical and contemporary currents that elucidate the January 6th crisis: 1) White supremacy and backlashes against Civil Rights; 2) conservative assaults on the New Deal order and the regulatory state; 3) organized labor’s decline, right-wing populism’s rise, and nativism; 4) political polarization, sectarianism, and minority rule. These themes enable students to assess both crucial challenges posed by January 6th and the vitality of American democracy.

The Narratives of Hate Used by Romanian Parties Labelled as Far-Right. A Comparative Narrative Analysis

Author(s): Susana Dragomir,Ioan Hosu / Language(s): English Issue: 64/2023

This article presents a qualitative comparative analysis of the primary hate narratives employed by three political parties: the Iron Guard Party propaganda, the Greater Romania Party (PRM), and the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR). The study focuses on the following variables: ‘foreigners,’ ‘freemasons,’ ‘Jews,’ ‘protection of Faith and Nation,’ and ‘rotten political elites.’ The analysis is based on official propaganda materials of each party, including patriotic songs, leaflets, newspapers, programmatic documents, and speeches of the leader for the Iron Guard. In the case of the PRM, the analysis includes the party’s official program, ideology, poems, and pamphlets by the leader (Corneliu Vadim Tudor), speeches, interviews, press articles, and extracts from party journals Romania Mare (Greater Romania) and Tricolorul. The AUR’s official website, political program and ideology, Facebook posts, pages, press interviews, articles, and speeches of its leaders constitute the object of analysis. The narratives extracted were analyzed using the ATLAS.ti software, revealing striking resemblances among the hate narratives employed by the parties.

Irony and the war. How ironic utterances used in social media discourse related to the war in Ukraine counter disinformation

Author(s): Andreea Nicoleta Soare / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2023

This paper analyzes the types of irony used on social media, specifically X (former Twitter), regarding the war in Ukraine. Starting from the approach of irony from the Gricean perspective (Grice, 1989) and from Dynel’s types of irony (2013), we will take a closer look to a specific Twitter account, DarthPutin, which impersonates the Russian president, from a discourse perspective, by supposedly presenting his evaluation of the war in Ukraine. It is argued here that the type of irony used on this account is propositional negation irony and is used to both show the user’s stance to the Kremlin regime in relation to the war inUkraine and counter the false information spread on social media and Moscow’s propaganda regarding the war.