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The #MeToo movement has had a profound cultural impact on US society, and notably on US party politics. While many studies have addressed the #MeToo-related controversy arising from the Brett Kavanaugh nomination to Supreme Court Justice in 2018, the relationship between #MeToo and US politics before this event has remained understudied. This article, therefore, addresses this gap by looking at the role of politics at the beginning of the #MeToo movement. Focusing on the first six months of online activity on Twitter (October 2017 – April 2018), over 2 million tweets with the #MeToo hashtag are analyzed to identify the main activity patterns across the dataset and to gain insight on user behavior and participation in the conversation. Results point to the weaponization of #MeToo in the political context from its inception. It is suggested that #MeToo reflects the polarized political climate in the US and that it can be conceptualized as part of the wider “culture wars” (Hunter 1991) that characterize the public debate.
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„Gledao sam ovo sa Anom. Stvarno idu predaleko. Naručeno pitanje, neka leva TV, pa odgovor – nizak napad na vas.“Ovo je jedna od više sličnih poruka kojima su me juče obavestili da sam bio predmet kritike premijerke Ane Brnabić na njenoj konferenciji za medije. I da je uz kritiku moje stručnosti (i to, zamislite, baš povodom mog nedavnog teksta na Peščaniku, koji je stavljen u isti rang sa pitanjem državne televizije Kine!) kažu, doduše tiše, u pola glasa, dozvolila sebi i nekakve insinuacije na račun mog, zna se, lošeg karaktera i zlih namera.
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Svako od nas, svakoga dana sretne bar jednu budalu koja ima konačni i jedino važeći sud o bilo čemu. O svemu što je vidljivo, prikriveno ili nedostupno nesavršenom ljudskom oku, taj će znati sve. Takvih se mitomanskih napasti čovek može nekako i otresti: ’ajde, kuš more, idi svojim putem, sjaši brate!
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Clubhouse is a social network allowing only real-time oral communication. While its 2020 worldwide launch went largely unnoticed in Eastern Europe, it took countries such as Ukraine and Russia by storm in February 2021. Users were enticed by the platform’s exclusivity (invitation only and limited to IOS users), unusual format, and compatibility with post-covid social life. For some time, Clubhouse was the dominant theme of discussions on other social media, mainstream news media organizations started launching daily talk shows in the app, and early adopters engaged in a plethora of participatory activities ranging from propagandist broadcasts to 24/7 rooms where bots would recite Russian classical poetry, from fervently seeking ways to monetise their participation to creating the somewhat unexpected genre of audial fakes. In this article we intend to analyse the turbulent arrival of the new app in Russia and Ukraine from the perspectives of media ecology and media archaeology. Focusing on the app’s mediality and remediation, the social media discourse about it and particular content in some of the notable rooms, we highlight the conjunction of social environment, the already existing and novel technological affordances, as well as users’ perceptions and expectations in the emergence of a new niche in the ecology of participatory media. Based on this, we will also try to outline some possible scenarios for the new platform in Eastern Europe’s dense mediascapes. We argue that the prompt rise of Clubhouse’s popularity was not thanks to its special authenticity, as some suggest, but rather because of the normalization of group long-distance conversations (e.g., via Zoom), coupled with the intentional monomedia poverty of affordances and clearly delimited boundary between the roles of broadcasters and listeners, which was perceived as liberating in a produsage-saturated environment. This actually limits the participatory media potential of content creators and influencers, increasing their power and reviving monological models of communication that suggest a passive audience.
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Der Tod Enver Hoxhas am 11. April 1985 beendete fast vierzig schmerzliche, aber sehr produktive Jahre in der modernen Geschichte Albaniens: vom erfolgreichen nationalen Befreiungskampf bin zur ebenso mühseligen Errichtung einer neuen Sozialordnung.
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To što se događa pred našim očima nije samo obična turbulencija. Za globalizirani svijet koji je rođen na ruševinama Hladnog rata pandemija korona virusom jeste raskršće sa mnogo putokaza čovječanstvu. Nadam se da ćemo izabrati onaj smjer koji će temeljito pretresti našu savjest i inteligenciju, donijeti očekivani preokret prema onom nivou solidarnosti, razumijevanja i zajedništva među ljudima koji budućim pokoljenjima može obezbjediti stvarni mir i zdravlje na planeti. Da li će biti većine u našim društvima za taj izbor? Da li će se krenuti drugim putem izolacionizma i civilizacijske regresije? Odgovor je danas neizvjestan. Oduvijek sam pripadao onoj manjini koja je pažljivo slušala one naučnike, ekonomiste i političare koji su upozoravali čovječanstvo kroz kataklizmična predviđanja silaska u pakao jer ne marimo za prirodu već mahnito trčimo za profitom.
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Public speaking of statesmen has always been the focus of analysis and a topic of discussion for the experts, citizens and the media, especially when it comes to public communication of the highest state officials. Modern oratory and public communication theories are in the state of constant change and new technologies are rapidly leading this discipline towards novelties but, at the same time, they keep reminding us to uphold standards and usual practices. An analysis of verbal communication of heads of state is often the main core of research in which authors seek to detect deviations from and adherence to standards in the speeches but also, they try to compare the same speeches using comparative analysis by which they try to identify the distinctions and similarities. The topic of this research is an analysis of verbal communication of the winning speeches of the last three presidents of the Republic of Croatia and in this research, the main goal is to compare and analyze the content of the speeches. The paper concludes that each of the speeches has its flaws and imperfections but also that each speaker demonstrates advantages and each one of them implemented skills and knowledge into their speech.
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Sie müssen wissen, daß sich - während Ihre Beratung tagt - über 150 gesetzesachtende, friedliebende Staatsbürger wegen ihrer pazifistischen Überzeugung in Ungarn im Gefängnis befinden. (Die Zahl der aus anderen Gründen verurteilten politischen Gefangenen kenne ich nicht.) Manche von ihnen gerieten ins Gefängnis, weil sie ihre Wehrpflicht im Rahmen der auch in Ungarn formell bestehenden waffenlosen Heeresgattungen ableisten wollten - aus religiösen Gründen. Sie wurden unter der falschen Anklage der „Kriegsdienstverweigerung“ verurteilt. Andere wurden eingesperrt, weil sie aus religiösen oder Gewissensmotiven wirklich den Dienst verweigerten, wobei die Behörden willkürlich - im Widerspruch zu den Paragraphen 77 und 61 der Verfassung - behaupten, daß sich die Glaubens- und Gewissensfreiheit nicht auf die „Wehrpflicht beziehe“.
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The article focuses on the ways in which identity is created through its antithesis that is constructed as its mirror image. Thus, political unity is based on the figure of the enemy, the creation of which will be discussed from the standpoint of semiotics and strategic narratives. The first approach makes sense of antithetical meaning-making, while the second one makes it possible to formulate specific strategies used to create and consolidate the antithetical identity. The result of this synthesis offers a new theoretical framework, able to dissect both the functions and the limits of antithetical identity creation, demonstrated by a possible security dilemma as an example. This model is then used to analyse the foreign policy of the Russian Federation.
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Mediji su javili: predsednik je u helikopteru jeo pitu zeljanicu. Taj državnički podvig, koji je šef SNS-a izveo na putu iz Novog Pazara ka centru zaraze, prilježno je oslikao Dejan Ilić u svom jučerašnjem tekstu.
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Komšija zove iz svog dvorišta: svrati na čašicu. Ili da ti prebacim čokanjče preko tarabe? Odbijam. Odlučio sam da sve što se ima dogoditi preživim bistre glave. Uzimam sekiru da cepam drva. Ništa kao udaranje po panjevima ne vraća snagu. Igra plamena u peći je očaravajuća. Jutros je prestala zima, a vanredno stanje je tek na početku.
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The aim of this article is to analyse te assumption and objectives of Poland's external security policy in the political concepts of the Liga Polskich Rodzin (the League of Polish Families) and Ruch Narodowy (the National Movement). These are two parties of the national camp, which during the Third Republic of Poland introduced their representatives to the parliament: LPR independently, while RN from the lists of Kukiz'15 and Konfederacja electoral committees. Both parties, thanks to their presence in the parliament, tried to change the reality by formulating and presenting to the citizens their vision of Polish politics from the point of view of national values. One of the elements of this vision was the concept of external security. LPR and RN considered the most important political principle of Poland to be guided by the national interest and the realization of certain postulates arising from this assumption. The article analyses the main and detailed goals that both parties set for themselves, the opportunities and theats that could facilitate of hinder their realization and the methods they used to achieve their arms. The article uses a testimonial analusis of political thought and comparative method.
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One of the basic characteristics of the repressive government of Yugoslavia between the two World Wars certainly was also the inhibition of the spreading of communist, i.e. Bolshevik ideas in the labour movement after World War I, which was to a great extent ascribable to the return of Russian prisoners, that is to say soldiers of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy who had during their imprisonment accepted the idea of Bolshevism and accordingly tried to transfer it to the territory of the newly established Kingdom. These “adherents of the October Revolution”, as they were later named in historiography, returned to the Slavonian area, primarily to the towns Osijek and Vukovar. The objective of this paper in this context is to analyse on the basis of archival materials and then newspapers how the government imposed the restraint, the Slavonian area being viewed in a broader social-political context in order to provide a more complete analysis of the activities of the repressive system but also of how ideas were transferred in this area. The creation of an anti-Bolshevik policy has been interpreted in the scope of the comparative method and the theoretical model of the Dutch theorist T. A. van Dijk.
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Antun Radić (1868 – 1919) considered Croatian peasants to be the bearer of the true cultural heritage of the Croatian nation. That is why he considered it necessary to develop the cultural level of Croatian farmers. In December 1904, Antun together with his younger brother Stjepan (1871 – 1928) founded the Croatian Peoples Peasant Party (Hrvatska pučka seljačka stranka). The program of the party published in January 1905 called for general suffrage, state assistance for the peasants and cultural and economic development of the rural population in general.The HPSS took part in the election to the Croat autonomous Diet (Sabor) in 1905 and 1906, but both Antun and Stjepan had not been elected until the elections of 1910. During the Worl War I, Stjepan took active part in the Croatian liberation movement. He advocadet the unification of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes living in Austria-Hungary into one state. This plan was materialized in the end of the WWI, but after one month (on December 1, 1918), it was attached to Serbia. Stjepan Radić (after the death of Antun in 1919) became the respective leader of the Croat autonomist movement in the newly formed The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovens, after 1929 officially named Yugoslavia. Stjepan Radić disagreed with the centralistic regime that in fact meant the Serbian rule over the Croats. On June 20. 1928 Radić was seriously wounded in the parliament in Belgrade by Puniša Račić, a deputy of the Serbian Radikal Party. He died few days leter.
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The aim of this paper is to present and analyse the hitherto poorly researched activities of the Croatian Peasant Party (CPP) in Italy from June 1945 to mid-1947, based on archival sources of the Yugoslav Secret Service, CPP emigrant media and relevant literature. This is a period that marks the arrival and departure of prominent CPP members from Italy. The paper analyses the mutual relationship of CPP members in the party and their attitude towards other emigrant groups and Croatian refugees. During the observed period, most of the CPP’s pre-war MPs who found themselves in exile resided in Italy, and Italy was then one of the most important party centres of activity.
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Rat u Ukrajini ušao je u treći mesec. Kraj mu se ne nazire i ne postaju jasniji ciljevi ruske invazije. U međuvremenu, Rusija je zapretila Britaniji proporcionalnim odgovorom ako nastavi s provociranjem Ukrajine da upotrebi zapadno oružje za napade na teritoriju Rusije. Nuklearna pretnja se pominje svako malo, ali se brzo i odbacuje uz nevericu da bi svet mogao otići tako daleko u svojoj ludosti. Na pitanje zašto da ne, nije li se već otišlo predaleko time što nuklearno oružje postoji kao sama osnova vrelog mira, nema mudrog odgovora.
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Von 17. bis 21. Juli 1984fan d in Perugia zum drittenmal—nach Brüssel 1982 und Berlin 1983 — die END-Konferenz für europäische atomare Abrüstung statt. Aus Osteuropa gab es mehrere Thesenpapiere, die der Konferenz vorgelegt wurden: Janos Kis untersuchte die Frage »Friedensbewegung und europäische Einheit«, Milan Kunderas Aufsatz über »Jalta und seine gesellschaftlichen Folgern lag ebenso vor wie eine Reihe von Texten aus děr DDR. Wir wählten zwei Papiere aus, die insofern neue Aspekte in die Diskussion bringen, als sie beide die Meinung vertreten, die Friedensbewegung müsse über ihren eigenen, recht eng gesteckten Rahmen hinauswachsen hin zu einer Überlebensbewegung. Wie das konkret gemeint ist, veranschaulichen die beiden Beiträge.
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Die immer wieder beschworene Konfrontation der Großmächte, die Rüstungseskalation und die Zunahme der politischen Spannungen sind eindeutig eine Folge der sozioökonomischen Antagonismen in den modernen westlichen und östlichen Gesellschaften. Als Hauptquelle wachsender Unsicherheit wirken dabei die globalen Mechanismen der Kapitalverwertung, welche die Rüstungsproduktion, ein ausbeuterisches Verhältnis zur Natur und imperialistisches Herrschaftsstreben anheizen. Diese Mechanismen sind nicht anonym, im Sinne eines allgemeinen Schuldzusammenhanges, sondern Kennzeichen spätkapitalistischer Klassenherrschaft. Täter und Opfer sind nicht identisch.
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To combat extremist ideologies and the threat of mass radicalisation, experts have developed a series of research in order to identify and understand the factors that lead to the radicalisation of an individual, but also the factors that, having an opposite effect, can lead to its deradicalisation. Therefore, more and more authors recognize the importance of studying the process of deradicalisation and its potential for today’s society. Hence, the paper aims to further address this process by presenting specific terminology, theoretical and practical models of deradicalisation, and signalling difficulties and limitations during the development of national disengagement and deradicalisation programs caused by the lack of practical information on the results of these initiatives.
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