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In the last decade, the proposal to abolish the lower age limit for suffrage, with parents voting as proxies on behalf of their children (‘family voting’), has been raised in Hungarian constitutional scholarship. This proposal is part of the effort to find institutional solutions to problems related to sustainability. Arguments supporting it go, however, beyond the issue of sustainability, and raise fundamental questions of legal and political theory. This paper examines the proposal with a focus on the concept of ‘representation’, which can be interpreted in at least two ways in the context of family voting. That, then, allows for two different (but not unrelated) arguments in favour of the proposal. The first one is based on the notion that parents’ extra votes do not violate the principles of equal and direct suffrage. In contrast, I argue that parental voting cannot be considered as merely expressing children’s preferences, and that persons who are regarded as unable to make a decision themselves cannot be represented in this way. The second argument gives up the claim of equal and direct suffrage, and seeks to justify the proposal by saying that parents’ extra votes are necessary for the sufficient representation of children’s interests. Such an argument can find support in the notion that parents are better situated to represent their children’s interests than the average voter. Here, I focus on three characteristics often mentioned in scholarship: parents’ privileged access to information, their shared interests with their children, and their selflessness. It is shown, however, that these arguments are either irrelevant or unconvincing, and therefore that the second line of argument, too, fails to provide adequate justification for family voting.
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This paper will analyze the causes that led Somalia to become a failed state and the slow pace of recovery discovered by Mogadishu in the recent years. The study is based on qualitative research, analyzing documents which depict the particular history of Somalia and the causes that led to the civil war, as well as quantitative data, when analyzing the number of casualties and refugees that resulted following the unfolding of the Somali conflict. Examining also the rise of the terrorist group Al-Shabaab and the ways in which such organizations manage to replace the role of the state, the paper concludes that the task of rebuilding a failed state is a long and arduous process, in which the international community should adapt its measures to the local specificity of the concerned area. However,as the recent developments show, there is room for hope for the Somali state and people.
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Strategic voting is one of the concepts of political science which is widely used by the media, and has changed significantly over the past two decades. Research into strategic voting – with the increase in the number of proportional and mixed electoral systems through democratization processes and numerous electoral reforms – is less and less focused on the plurality-majority systems. Of course, growing researcher interest was associated with expanding the concept and exploring the wider range of institutional incentives and voter motivations behind it. We have come to know many new faces of strategic voting. The aim of this study is to present the conceptual changes, the relevance of some of the features of the electoral systems, and the various possible motives for strategic voting, in other words, the different faces of strategic voting. Due to the growing domestic interest in this topic, it is important to review the context of ticket splitting and strategic voting, as well as to present some of the most important findings of previous research.
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Dünyada istihbaratın güvenlik, dış politika, savunma, özel şirketler ve teknoloji ile dansı her gün yeni örnekler ile başımızı döndürüyor. Geçtiğimiz döneme Wikileaks, El Kaide lideri Bin Ladin’in öldürülmesi damgasını vururken, Arap Baharı adı verilen Orta Doğu ayaklanmaları ile savunma-sosyal medya-istihbarat işbirlikleri bir kez daha öne çıkıyor. Siber alanda her gün yeni bir teknolojik gelişme ile karşılaşıyoruz. 11 Eylül 2001’den beri Batılı istihbarat servisleri büyük bir değişim geçirmekte, yeni güvenlik ortamına adapte olabilmek için teknolojiyi önlerine katarak yarışmaktadırlar. Görüntü ve sinyal istihbaratı için uzayda yapılan yarışa, ekonomik istihbarat alanındaki yarış eklendi. Son 50 yıldır istihbarat alanındaki reform girişimleri sadece teşkilat düzenlemeleri ile istihbarat örgütlerinin bir yere varamayacağını göstermiştir. İstihbarat reformları sadece prosedürel değişim değil, yeni durumlara kendini adapte edebilecek şekilde kültürel değişimi de gerektirmektedir. Bu makalede önce istihbarat alanında reform çalışmalarına daha sonra CIA’dan başlayarak, Amerikan istihbarat sisteminde son dönemde yapılan çalışmalara yer vereceğiz.
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It is commonly known that the institution of politics uses every kind of concepts, rules and systems, for its own sake for governing society. While doing this, it especially uses mass media. The term of “otherness” individual discrimination to social discrimination can be analyzed in different form. The politicians using the ethnic origins sometimes directly or generally indirectly use the discrimination concepts against portion of the groups that they target. With the presidential nomination of Barack Hussain Obama the White&Black discrimination has arised at The State which is commonly known as the land of freedoms. But in our country a different case is observed on the attitude of Party of Peace and Democracy. The difference for this case is known for refusing to be part of unity as cultural richness but acting in accordance with the separatist terrorist activity. In this study the definition and functions of otherness in Turkey and the States will be analyzed on the cases of politicians.
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Die Schwierigkeit beginnt schon mit dem Begriff Populismus. Er besagt, dass der Rekurs auf das Volk nicht in Ordnung ist. Jedenfalls ist Populismus ein abwertender Begriff. Aber ist nicht das Volk der Souverän, der daher die Demokratie legitimiert? Der Verdacht ist nicht von der Hand zu weisen: des einen Populismus ist des anderen Demokratie, und umgekehrt.
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Societal security, as developed by the Copenhagen Security School, is an extremely important area of the broader concept of a contemporary security approach that, in addition to military issues, also addresses a host of other threats from areas such as political,economic, societal or environmental ones. In the study of contemporary social security, a series of concepts specific to the theory of complex systems, such as complexity, self organization,chaos, etc., have been borrowed, which have substantially enriched the hermeneutics of the security discourse on the basis of non-traditional interpretations of social systems. This paper aims to present the basic concepts of complexity and their relevance to the theory and practice of contemporary societal security. At the same time, the paper presents some conclusions regarding the analysis methodology specific to the complexity science applicable to the field of societal security.
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This study aims to examine the political behavior of Zazas living in Turkey in the frame of their sectarian differences during the AK Party era. The voting behavior of Sunni and Alevi Zazas in general and local elections (municipal presidency, provincial council membership, municipal council membership), referendums and presidential election results between 2002 and 2017 were examined during this period. Considering the purpose and scope of the work, Tunceli was chosen as the representative of Turkey's Alevi Zazas and Bingol as Turkey's Sunni Zazas. This study is concluded as follows: In all general and local elections, Sunni Zazas voted for the AK Party; Alevi Zazas voted for the leftist parties and ethnic Kurdish parties. In the referendums, while Sunnis Zazas voted "yes" in favor of the AK Party and therefore the government; Alevi Zazas voted "no". In the presidential elections, Sunni Zazas voted for Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who is also a candidate for the AK Party and also its former chairman, while Alevi Zazas voted for Selahattin Demirtas, the candidate of the ethnic Kurdish movement, for the most part.
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The study uses the 2017 parliamentary elections results to analyses spatial patterns of votes in the city of Prague. A unique approach combining contextual and compositional data is introduced. Census data and data indicating the quality of life are reassigned to a shared entity – an address point, and analysed via automatic linear modelling. The model explained 69 % of spatial variance of votes share for the conservative TOP 09 party and the winning ANO 2011 movement, but only 19 % for the Pirate Party and the Mayors and Independence movement. Future research might focus on finding variables which would explain spatial variance of these parties’ vote shares. Abother possibility is the development of a methodology for studying votes spatiality within urban areas, in order to develop a robust theory.
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The Presidential elections in 2014 brought many new situations in the political space. The first one shows that we didn’t have any more a candidate having a second name that finishes in „escu”. The second one underlines the fact that for the first time in the Romanian republican history, for the highest position in state it was elected a candidate from PNL. The third situation and maybe the most important one, is that the internet played a major role in shaping and clarifying the citizens decisions. During this study, the author’s approach was to present the principal elements analysed by the specialists under this subject
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The article identifies the main factors that led to the victory of Klaus Iohannis, the Christian – Liberal Alliance PNL (National Liberal Party) – PD-L (Liberal Democratic Party) candidate, in front of Victor Ponta, PSD (Social Democratic Party) – UNPR (National Union for the Progress of Romania) – PC (Conservative Party) Alliance candidate. It also analyzes diaspora protests episode and its electoral implications, a phenomenon that seems to strengthen the hypothesis of reinventing civic conscience, concerned with challenging political abuse.
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Searching for the solutions of societal crisis at the beginning of the 3rd millennium has been increasingly associated with the new paradigmatic perception of the reality of the world. This is closely related with an emphasis on the study of contextual relationships that would enable preservation of the integrity of the human community. One of the priorities of this process is the need for societal transformation of the perception of the relationship between egoism and altruism.
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Interview with Dan Sorin MIHALACHE
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Russian and Chinese leaders fear that the Western-backed revolts against the authoritarian governments of the Middle East might encourage similar resistance among their own people. Particularly, Russia and China worry about any military intervention of the Western countries in Syria although there has been no preparation for a military intervention and the USA has not decided on a military operation. Nevertheless, both Russia and China emphasize such a probability, alleging that Syria is to be a second Libya as result thereof. In this context, they have drawn two lessons from the military intervention in Libya: that the political transformation took an early start brought along chaos and calamity. In fact, the armed military interventions of the West in the Middle East have only induced destructive consequences.
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This article deals with how populism as a global phenomenon manifests itself in Turkish politics. It argues that the core element of populism alla turca is anti-intellectualism, and that although populism has traditionally been a component of the discourses of major actors in Turkey, on both the right and the left of the political spectrum, in its current form, its content is in large part anti-intellectualism. It is an ideological apparatus consciously used by those in power to reproduce and strengthen the neoliberal conservative hegemony in Turkey which has been installed and consolidated during the rule of Justice and Development Party since 2002.It also claims that the phenomenon of populism and its increasing popularity – theoretical and practical – needs to be linked to the concept of hegemony. Based upon the concepts of hegemony and populism, as developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, who are also prominent scholars of populism, this article tries to show that populism is the core of any hegemonic relation as much as anti-intellectualism is the core of populism alla turca.
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The appeal to inconsistency, which is sometimes raised against J. S. Mill’s political philosophy, takes various forms, and this paper focuses on the appeal to inconsistency between antipaternalism promoted in On Liberty and paternalistic justification of democracy and plural voting proposal introduced in Considerations on Representative Government. The paper characterizes Mill as a democratic instrumentalist and emphasizes that Mill’s justification of educational role of democracy and the epistemic value of plural voting proposal need not be grounded in paternalistic ideas. By combining Mill’s claim that the government can intervene and limit the freedom of an individual when she is performing an action by which a distinctive duty she has towards others is violated with Estlund’s idea of political justification through normative consent, the paper shows that Mill’s justification of democracy (and of plural voting proposal) can be grounded in duties we have towards others, and not in paternalism.
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