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Lisbon Agreement on Dec 1st, 2009 has remarked the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) of EU instead of European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). European Union has suffered from vital incapabilities in her defense structure although took part in some military operations in World wide such as peace keeping in Africa and police missions in Afghanistan. Hard power gap between EU and USA has drastically widen in recent decades. EU countries provided modest contributions into NATO operation in Afghanistan. EU makes much more effort to develop her soft power and aims transformations in near geographies. However, it is fact that EU system is bulky as witnessed in Arab movements. NATO and EU have to reconsider their defense policies in common understanding.
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Karácsony András: Döntés és hagyomány. Budapest, Századvég Kiadó, 2019.
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This paper will analyze the causes that led Somalia to become a failed state and the slow pace of recovery discovered by Mogadishu in the recent years. The study is based on qualitative research, analyzing documents which depict the particular history of Somalia and the causes that led to the civil war, as well as quantitative data, when analyzing the number of casualties and refugees that resulted following the unfolding of the Somali conflict. Examining also the rise of the terrorist group Al-Shabaab and the ways in which such organizations manage to replace the role of the state, the paper concludes that the task of rebuilding a failed state is a long and arduous process, in which the international community should adapt its measures to the local specificity of the concerned area. However,as the recent developments show, there is room for hope for the Somali state and people.
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The review considers four English language volumes that compare the dynamics of the protest wave of 1968 using various theoretical and methodological approaches. The studies focus mainly on Western Europe with perspectives on the USA, though some of the works also consider the Eastern bloc, specifically Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The four books present interdisciplinary analyses of the issues of the 1968 protest wave and social movements in a complex theoretical-historical, historical, sociological, and cultural historical context. This literature review focuses on the topic of violence and non-violence, and presents the authors’ opinions on this issue. Horn’s text considers that the spirit of self-governmental democracy is the main message of 1968, but others also stress the revolutionary direct-democratic concept of the actors of 1968, which made the new left critical of representative democracy and led it to seek alternative paths. This conception also lay behind the anarchists’ occasional use of violence at demonstrations, and encouraged other aggressive subcultures to question state violence. In the theoretical and political background of all this was the concept of anti-imperialist resistance (connected to the Vietnam war), using the theory and practice of Marx, Mao, Marcuse, Che Guevara, Frantz Fanon, Castro and others. However, the political message of 1968 is not only complex – as some papers of Tismaneanu’s book pointed out – but contradictory as well. In the 1970s and 1980s in the West the non-violent civil disobedience of Gandhi was more typical of the development of protests in the counter-cultural, peace and ecological movements, rejecting the Marxism of the new left. Similarly, the oppositional movements of the eastern bloc used non-violent strategies in the democratic transition of 1989 during the reform transformation.
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The most important issues of the article are common tools in two diff erent sections, namely political marketing and economical marketing. The most important trains of the implementation of the economical marketing to politics are presented in this article. The dissertation identifi es the factors, which have determined the infl uence of the economy on politics. More precisely, it presents the infl uence of the marketing and the advertisement of the product on the political campaigns. The main though is based on concrete examples of pioneers of political marketing. In this article a perceptive reader is going to fi nd similarities and diff erences presented in the process of permeation of these two branches in the activities of the present-day society.
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Representing states and citizens in the political rhetoric and construction of the XIX century means investigating the origins of such discourses in the political thought. In the Romanian case, one should get a closer look into the ways of intellectual nurturing in the rising of a Modern political elite in the XIX century, especially in the aftermath of 1848 Revolution and of the 1859 Union. The political agents of this period are to be analyzed in a broad theoretical and rhetorical framework, conditioned by philosophical and historiographical discontinuities between the periods. One should see and interpret in that sense the intellectual sources, the political and institutional framework of that time, that could draw a more accurate image of what political power and agents’ discourse meant at that time and how it influenced, for that matter, the further construction of modernity during the XX and XXI centuries.
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Opublikowane dotychczas materiały amerykańskiego wywiadu potwierdzają ingerencję służb specjalnych Federacji Rosyjskiej w przebieg kampanii prezydenckiej w 2016 r. Ujawnienie zdobytych za pomocą cyberoperacji dokumentów kompromitujących Hillary Clinton wpłynęło na jej porażkę oraz na sukces Donalda Trumpa. Ambitna operacja Rosjan ma poważne konsekwencje dla nowej administracji USA, jej polityki zagranicznej i działalności wywiadu. Także po zaprzysiężeniu Trumpa kontynuowane będzie bowiem śledztwo FBI wobec niektórych jego doradców. Będą się także toczyć dwa dochodzenia Senatu w sprawie błędów w działalności wywiadu i w cyberobronie USA.
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The following research is based on discourse analysis of official statements, speeches and policy documents published by the governments of the eight Arctic states as well as China and the NATO alliance between January 2012 and June 2019. This document provides a brief summary of the key narratives promoted by each of these 10 Arctic actors, drawing particular attention towards how they frame their identity in the Arctic (self), how they conceptualise the region (region) and how they frame relations with other Arctic stakeholders (others). The narratives identified in the discourse were coded according to the different national power dimensions and political values that they communicate. This summary is intended to give an over-view of the narrative landscape of the Arctic as indication of key national interests and areas of strategic priorities for each of these 10 Arctic actors.
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The main purpose of the article is to verify the hypothesis thatthe erasing of values from economics causes unfavorable social changesleading even to social stratification. Side by side, it will be considered ifhomo neuroeconomicus is already the leading paradigm in economic, andmarketing creates our attitudes, with the aim only to sell, not to distributewares. The article also aims to show the relevance of axiology in economics,because at its metatheoretical level its ontological status constitutesvalues implanted by recognized economists. Meanwhile, contemporaryeconomics tries to create an exact science, disavowing its normativeoutput. The record is mathematical, which evaluative value, emotionallyexcludes man as an important subject of economics. The loss of autotelismin the exemplification of a human being and its natural inclination toparticipate in the economy causes non-exclusivity in participation. The attemptof these changes also led to the creation of homo neuroeconomicus asa model example of a human-consumer who has three tasks: buy, buy, buy.An adequate method to show the issue is to use the descriptive methodto approximate the problem and comparative analysis, which indicatesthat there is no one way to look at the economy and to make it work inreality.
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This paper aims at revealing the inner logic of the divisive political rhetoric frequently employed by authoritarian leaders.This logic seems to rest on some evolutionarily developed proclivities of our species that helped our ancestors to effi cientlyorganize group living yet also make group members (i.e. voters) susceptible to this damaging kind of rhetoric and willing toaccept authoritarian leadership. The paper also discusses that the perception of threats increases group coherence, how thismechanism may be exploited by some authoritarian leaders to infl uence group members and how online technologies facilitatedivisive communication. Touching on some aspects of the genetic and neural background of political beliefs, I also try to showhow our inclination to resist to change our fundamental beliefs contributes to safeguarding one’s identity and, consequently,encourages authoritarian leaders to turn to divisive rhetoric.
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Review of: Daniel Tomić - Soumitra Sharma, Mato Mikić - THE LOST CAUSE: SOCIALISM DRIFTED IN OBLIVION, Sveučilišna tiskara d.o.o., 2019., 192 str.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina’s foreign policy is focused first and foremost on relations with neighbouring countries, followed by those remaining countries which make up the former Yugoslavia and the Western Balkans region. However, the history of relations in the region is complex and often hinders cooperation, leaving issues unresolved despite the imperative of “good neighbourly relations”. Since gaining independence, BiH has stabilized relations and settled disputes with only one of its three neighbours – Montenegro. BiH’s bilateral relations with the Republic of Croatia have been very dynamic and range from constructive periods to very turbulent ones. Those between BiH and the Republic of Serbia are burdened by the wartime past, as well as by Serbia’s current policy towards BiH and the poorly conceived actions and policies of BiH institutions towards Serbia. Relations and settlement of disputes with neighbours are further complicated by detrimental foreign pressures, yet, it is difficult to expect lasting solutions without decisive actions by these same foreign actors.
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Russia runs disinformation campaigns against the EU using traditional media and the internet, including social media. Yet, the effectiveness of the fight against Russian disinformation by the Union and its Member States has so far been limited. These activities require strengthening at the international and national levels, as well as increasing public awareness of the use of media.
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The paper looks at the problem of national and human security in many parts of Africa today, seen in the inability of most governments to guarantee the adequate protection, peace and well-being of the citizens due in part to foreign dominating ideas. Cabral in his cultural and political thought offered philosophical insights and applied culture to the analysis of security for modern Africa. His theory of security is build upon the struggle for liberation from the colonial ordinance and his philosophy of identity is based on a combination of theory and praxis in the pursuit of reality. This requires the unearthing of the deep cultural roots and causes of things. This harmonization of interests is not just between men and men, but also between men and nature. The question is; what principles and values can best facilitate the crucial sense of security in most African societies?
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The paper presents possibilities and limits of introducing experimental methods in measuring propensity to engage in and punish corrupt behavior. We are inspired by results of the multicultural experiments run to date. Our experiment is inspired by Cameron et al (2009), which took place in Australia, Indonesia, India and Singapore. It takes a form of a simple sequential game in which three players are involved. The decision of each player has an impact on the behavior and profit of the other players. Results of the experiment are in line with results of replicated experiment. We found several differences between the behavior of the Czech and Slovak participants. Particularly, the Czechs seem to be less tolerant to corruption behavior they witness.
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The optimism of the third wave of democratization has declined in the late 90s and a grey zone between liberal democracies and autocracies has developed. The evaluation and classification of these intermediate regimes is complicated because the various models, terms and indices of democracy significantly differ from each other in many aspects, such as the preconditions, the criteria, and the presumed aim, meaning or functioning of democracy (and politics in general). This study examines the most relevant democracy indices to facilitate the location of the contemporary Hungarian regime in this murky zone, focussing on the most ’injured’ areas of the quality of democracy. The indices used are those of Freedom House, IDEA International Global State of Democracy, Varieties of Democracy, Economist Intelligence Unit and Bertelsmann Stiftung.
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Over the short XX. century, the existing political regimes lent themselves to a relatively easy classification: the grey zone around the invisible dividing line of the scale stretching from ideal democracy to extreme totalitarianism remained empty. Since then, however, an increasing number of regimes find themselves in this intermediate zone, some of their properties recallling familiar instances of democracy, others bringing them closer to familiar instances of autocracy. The Orbán-regime, too, seems to belong to this group of regimes with apparently uncertain identity. This article suggests that we look at the grey zone regimes from a new perspective. Habitually, one tries to classify them by way of “snapsots”: static descrip tions of their main properties. I will argue for focusing instead on the dynamics of their change. Under such a dynamic approach, the Orbán-regime will appear as an autocracy already in the first part of its first electoral cycle. My conception is centered around the concept of autocratic breakthrough. By autocratic breakthrough, I understand a more or less simultaneous and overwhelming attack against all the pillars of the rule of law and the freedom of the press. If the model of autocratic breakthrough is workable then it can serve, among other things, as an “early warning system”.
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The tension between democracy and political leadership is one of the great paradoxes in the fi eld of political theory and political leadership studies. The contradiction emerges in the expectations towards leaders that require leaders to solve community problems and to enforce the public will at any cost, but at the same time to respect the rules of democracy, to allow and not to jeopardize the self-government of the people or civic participation. The literature has pointed out that the question is not whether leadership is necessary for the functioning of democracy, but how these concepts and practices can be linked to each other. Accordingly, this study is based on the presupposition that democracy and leadership are not only conceptually related, but they also depend on each other in practice. The article is written with the modest ambition to illustrate the necessity of this conceptual relationship from the perspective of leadership. Drawing on political and generic leadership literature, the paper unravels the stable denotation, the strict boundaries and the normative connotations of leadership that make democratic leadership not an oxymoron, but even an “idol concept”.
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This study focuses on the discussion of ‘conservatism’. Important theoretical discussions have been made within the framework of what it means as a concept and how it should be defined. The concept of conservatism is reconstructed from different perspectives and is interpreted in different contexts based on different theoretical viewpoints and gains functionality. These different perspectives naturally may lead to separate consequences at the social and political levels. At this point, we come across different concepts used to define conservatism: Darwinian/Evolutionary conservatism, metaphysical conservatism, historical/peculiar conservatism, conservatism as a doctrine of tradition(alism), universal conservatism, situational conservatism, etc. In this study, previously mentioned different conceptualizations of conservatism will be examined with a critical perspective and especially analyze/criticism of ‘situational conservatism’ will be made. According to our main argument of this study, in order to accept conservatism as an ideology separate and detached from liberalism or socialism, we need a perspective that goes beyond the concept of ‘situational conservatism’. If we stay within the boundaries of situational understanding, conservatism will be very pragmatic notion without any essence or fixed principles and will be able to integrate with any kind of ideological position.
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