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This study was prepared to reveal the political effects created by the July 12 Declaration on CHP, which is alleged to have redesigned the relations between power and opposition that were blocked after Turkey’s multiparty political life in the post-1945 period. The study, which used descriptive analysis method, primarily discusses Turkey's transition to multiparty political life. It is then planned to reveal the place and democratic value of the declaration in this process. Finally, the transformation of the CHP's politics after the Declaration was published is being tried to be analyzed. When the literature review was conducted, it is seen that the previous studies included the 12 July declaration, but the process wasn’t evaluated specifically from the perspective of the CHP. It’s thought that the study will contribute to the literature by evaluating the process of July 12 Declaration and its aftermath, especially in terms of CHP's policies.
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2019. je dočekala 30. godišnjicu evropskog 9. 11. – pad Berlinskog zida. Za razliku od 11. 9. koji se desio 12 godina poslije, a koji mnogi sada povezuju sa završetkom angloameričkog dominantnog kapitalizma, za mnoge Evropljane 9. 11. označava kraj hladnog rata. Obaranje zida sa sobom je vrlo brzo donijelo kolaps komunizma – kako nam to zvanična priča veli. Stoga bi to trebao biti datum koji se svake godine proslavlja kao krajnje, zauvijek postojeće otvaranje puta ka univerzalnom trijumfu slobode, globalno rasprostranjenoj ružičastoj budućnosti – jednom riječju: konačnom samoispunjenju ljudske rase. Nasuprot ovome je drugo mišljenje koje slijedi drukčiju tvrdnju. Svi vodeći sociopolitički pokreti, od prosvjetiteljstva, pa sve do kraja 20. stoljeća, nudili su vizije za cijelu ljudsku rasu: univerzalno koncipirane (ili ideologizirane) za sve i svakoga.
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Karácsony András: Döntés és hagyomány. Budapest, Századvég Kiadó, 2019.
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This paper uses a new set of questions to analyse the impact of populist attitudes on party preferences and voting behaviour in the 2015 Polish parliamentary elections. At these elections, voters faced a choice between two broad blocs: parties that accepted the “liberal-orthodox” model of post-communist politics, and those that rejected this model and the political elites associated with its implementation. I find that there is a coherent set of populist attitudes among the Polish electorate, and that it correlates with economic and cultural attitudes in ways consistent with the supply-side divide between liberal and anti-liberal parties. Analysis of the individual and combined impact of these attitudes on voting behaviour reveals that populism plays a significant role both in structuring the sentiments of voters towards particular kinds of political parties and in determining how they cast their vote.
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During the third US presidential debate in 2012, then President Barack Obama mocked his opponent, Governor Mitt Romney, for a remark he had made several months earlier: “When you were asked what is the biggest geopolitical threat facing America, you said Russia. Not al-Qaeda – you said Russia. The 1980s are now calling to ask for their foreign policy back because the Cold War has been over for 20 years.”
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The review considers four English language volumes that compare the dynamics of the protest wave of 1968 using various theoretical and methodological approaches. The studies focus mainly on Western Europe with perspectives on the USA, though some of the works also consider the Eastern bloc, specifically Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The four books present interdisciplinary analyses of the issues of the 1968 protest wave and social movements in a complex theoretical-historical, historical, sociological, and cultural historical context. This literature review focuses on the topic of violence and non-violence, and presents the authors’ opinions on this issue. Horn’s text considers that the spirit of self-governmental democracy is the main message of 1968, but others also stress the revolutionary direct-democratic concept of the actors of 1968, which made the new left critical of representative democracy and led it to seek alternative paths. This conception also lay behind the anarchists’ occasional use of violence at demonstrations, and encouraged other aggressive subcultures to question state violence. In the theoretical and political background of all this was the concept of anti-imperialist resistance (connected to the Vietnam war), using the theory and practice of Marx, Mao, Marcuse, Che Guevara, Frantz Fanon, Castro and others. However, the political message of 1968 is not only complex – as some papers of Tismaneanu’s book pointed out – but contradictory as well. In the 1970s and 1980s in the West the non-violent civil disobedience of Gandhi was more typical of the development of protests in the counter-cultural, peace and ecological movements, rejecting the Marxism of the new left. Similarly, the oppositional movements of the eastern bloc used non-violent strategies in the democratic transition of 1989 during the reform transformation.
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The most important issues of the article are common tools in two diff erent sections, namely political marketing and economical marketing. The most important trains of the implementation of the economical marketing to politics are presented in this article. The dissertation identifi es the factors, which have determined the infl uence of the economy on politics. More precisely, it presents the infl uence of the marketing and the advertisement of the product on the political campaigns. The main though is based on concrete examples of pioneers of political marketing. In this article a perceptive reader is going to fi nd similarities and diff erences presented in the process of permeation of these two branches in the activities of the present-day society.
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The article opposes the rejection of autonomy in favor of coercive paternalism. Based on the thought of especially John Stuart Mill, Immanuel Kant, and Joel Feinberg, it suggests that autonomy as an ideal, a moral capacity, and a foundational principle in liberal democracies must not be surrendered for a doctrine of benevolent coercion. The arguments are equally concerned with the justifications for coercion, the value of autonomy and moral agency, and the dangers of paternalism (e.g. infantilization). The article concludes that Mill’s soft paternalism based on the harm principle could serve as a reasonable middle-ground allowing for the most severe types of self-harming behavior to be avoided without surrendering autonomy altogether.
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Representing states and citizens in the political rhetoric and construction of the XIX century means investigating the origins of such discourses in the political thought. In the Romanian case, one should get a closer look into the ways of intellectual nurturing in the rising of a Modern political elite in the XIX century, especially in the aftermath of 1848 Revolution and of the 1859 Union. The political agents of this period are to be analyzed in a broad theoretical and rhetorical framework, conditioned by philosophical and historiographical discontinuities between the periods. One should see and interpret in that sense the intellectual sources, the political and institutional framework of that time, that could draw a more accurate image of what political power and agents’ discourse meant at that time and how it influenced, for that matter, the further construction of modernity during the XX and XXI centuries.
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In his book, Paul Berman outlines a productive framework for a further interpretation of ideas of the leftist thinkers in North America and Europe. This article tries to follow Berman’s approach and to provide a critical stance towards the views of a number of Western social and political philosophers who write after 1968 and even after 1989. My findings confirm Berman’s light irony to this trend of thought but emphasize that some of the works discussed seem to be realistic in avoiding unjustified optimism concerning the leftist position.
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Opublikowane dotychczas materiały amerykańskiego wywiadu potwierdzają ingerencję służb specjalnych Federacji Rosyjskiej w przebieg kampanii prezydenckiej w 2016 r. Ujawnienie zdobytych za pomocą cyberoperacji dokumentów kompromitujących Hillary Clinton wpłynęło na jej porażkę oraz na sukces Donalda Trumpa. Ambitna operacja Rosjan ma poważne konsekwencje dla nowej administracji USA, jej polityki zagranicznej i działalności wywiadu. Także po zaprzysiężeniu Trumpa kontynuowane będzie bowiem śledztwo FBI wobec niektórych jego doradców. Będą się także toczyć dwa dochodzenia Senatu w sprawie błędów w działalności wywiadu i w cyberobronie USA.
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Review of: Taras Kuzio - A review of Crime in Progress. The Secret History of the Trump-Russia Investigation. By Glenn Simpson and Peter Fritsch. Publisher: Allen Lane, London, 2019.
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The following research is based on discourse analysis of official statements, speeches and policy documents published by the governments of the eight Arctic states as well as China and the NATO alliance between January 2012 and June 2019. This document provides a brief summary of the key narratives promoted by each of these 10 Arctic actors, drawing particular attention towards how they frame their identity in the Arctic (self), how they conceptualise the region (region) and how they frame relations with other Arctic stakeholders (others). The narratives identified in the discourse were coded according to the different national power dimensions and political values that they communicate. This summary is intended to give an over-view of the narrative landscape of the Arctic as indication of key national interests and areas of strategic priorities for each of these 10 Arctic actors.
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The main purpose of the article is to verify the hypothesis thatthe erasing of values from economics causes unfavorable social changesleading even to social stratification. Side by side, it will be considered ifhomo neuroeconomicus is already the leading paradigm in economic, andmarketing creates our attitudes, with the aim only to sell, not to distributewares. The article also aims to show the relevance of axiology in economics,because at its metatheoretical level its ontological status constitutesvalues implanted by recognized economists. Meanwhile, contemporaryeconomics tries to create an exact science, disavowing its normativeoutput. The record is mathematical, which evaluative value, emotionallyexcludes man as an important subject of economics. The loss of autotelismin the exemplification of a human being and its natural inclination toparticipate in the economy causes non-exclusivity in participation. The attemptof these changes also led to the creation of homo neuroeconomicus asa model example of a human-consumer who has three tasks: buy, buy, buy.An adequate method to show the issue is to use the descriptive methodto approximate the problem and comparative analysis, which indicatesthat there is no one way to look at the economy and to make it work inreality.
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In this article the authors are presenting the outcomes of their own studies about life goals of young adults in Poland. The empiric material was collected from January till May 2015, on the amount of 700 people who are living in Kujawy and Pomorze province, in age between 16 and 24 years. Main research aim was attempt to answer the question: is current world geopolitical situation has an influence on distraction of feeling safety among young adults and their expectation about their own future.
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How does Eastern Europe contribute to the debate over EU’s democratic deficit from an electoral perspective? Does Eastern Europe challenge our theoretical understanding of what motivates European citizens to participate and express their opinions in European Parliamentary elections? While there is no overarching consensus in the academic community regarding these questions, this essay aims to illustrate how a deeper understanding of one post-communist case and a bottom-up perspective on attitudes and political behavior in one locale, Romania, allowed the researcher to delve deeper into the taken-for-granted dynamics that European citizens from the South, East, and West engage in when voting in European Parliamentary elections. The approach of “ethnographic sensibility” mentioned in the workshop’s discussions and illustrated in several contributions to this volume (see e.g. Kubik 2013; Knott 2015) constitutes then a useful starting point in deconstructing conventional knowledge. Moreover, during the process of moving up the ladder of generality and building inferences from one case study to a region, Eastern Europe still shares enough characteristics to deserve its own dummy variable, so to speak, in large-N continentwide analyses covering the 2004 and 2009 European Parliamentary (EP) elections. Yet, as Joshua Tucker (2015) mentions in his contribution, it is unclear whether the historical legacies discussed at the workshop and further elaborated on by Grigore Pop-Eleches (2015) will continue to play a role in a priori distinguishing Eastern Europeans’ political attitudes and behaviors from other EU citizens in the South or West in future EP elections.
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The author analyses some authoritarian tendencies which occur in the Polish political system after 2015 elections since one party (Law and Justice – PiS) has started to control the office of the President and both houses of parliament and has introduced changes in functioning of the Constitutional Tribunal and the judiciary. To some extent PiS represents social attitudes typical for the socialist (social-democratic) parties, with some populist message, but with the combination of a conservative approach to several issues and a nationalistic stand on perception of patriotic mood. To respond to the widely felt hardships and anxieties, PiS ran a campaign that called for vastly expanded public spending. It promised to increase the minimum wage and the personal income tax exemption; to offer a new child support payments (program Family 500+), housing subsidies (program Housing+), and free prescription drugs for seniors; and to lower the retirement age from the current 67 to 65 for men and 65 to 60 for women. PiS also exploited the European migrant crisis. It is too early to claim that the authoritarian tendencies, observed after 2015 elections, have dominated the Polish political system for a longer time. Still an important counterbalance offer the political opposition and mechanisms of the civil society. The Polish fundamental law still brings about the criteria to analyze a political practice and instruments to protect to some extent the balance of power and pluralistic values. The open question is what tendency would bring about the constitutional referendum proposed by President Andrzej Duda for 11 November 2018, on the 100th anniversary of independence of Poland. It might answer the question whether some autocratic tendencies would create the mood to change the constitution in that direction.
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This paper aims at revealing the inner logic of the divisive political rhetoric frequently employed by authoritarian leaders.This logic seems to rest on some evolutionarily developed proclivities of our species that helped our ancestors to effi cientlyorganize group living yet also make group members (i.e. voters) susceptible to this damaging kind of rhetoric and willing toaccept authoritarian leadership. The paper also discusses that the perception of threats increases group coherence, how thismechanism may be exploited by some authoritarian leaders to infl uence group members and how online technologies facilitatedivisive communication. Touching on some aspects of the genetic and neural background of political beliefs, I also try to showhow our inclination to resist to change our fundamental beliefs contributes to safeguarding one’s identity and, consequently,encourages authoritarian leaders to turn to divisive rhetoric.
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