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The #MeToo movement has had a profound cultural impact on US society, and notably on US party politics. While many studies have addressed the #MeToo-related controversy arising from the Brett Kavanaugh nomination to Supreme Court Justice in 2018, the relationship between #MeToo and US politics before this event has remained understudied. This article, therefore, addresses this gap by looking at the role of politics at the beginning of the #MeToo movement. Focusing on the first six months of online activity on Twitter (October 2017 – April 2018), over 2 million tweets with the #MeToo hashtag are analyzed to identify the main activity patterns across the dataset and to gain insight on user behavior and participation in the conversation. Results point to the weaponization of #MeToo in the political context from its inception. It is suggested that #MeToo reflects the polarized political climate in the US and that it can be conceptualized as part of the wider “culture wars” (Hunter 1991) that characterize the public debate.
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„Gledao sam ovo sa Anom. Stvarno idu predaleko. Naručeno pitanje, neka leva TV, pa odgovor – nizak napad na vas.“Ovo je jedna od više sličnih poruka kojima su me juče obavestili da sam bio predmet kritike premijerke Ane Brnabić na njenoj konferenciji za medije. I da je uz kritiku moje stručnosti (i to, zamislite, baš povodom mog nedavnog teksta na Peščaniku, koji je stavljen u isti rang sa pitanjem državne televizije Kine!) kažu, doduše tiše, u pola glasa, dozvolila sebi i nekakve insinuacije na račun mog, zna se, lošeg karaktera i zlih namera.
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In this study, it is aimed to examine the Motherland Party (ANAP) civil government that came to power after the September 12, 1980 coup and the contributions of this government to democracy . It has been observed that Özal, the founder of the ANAP government, displayed a moderate and harmonious attitude with the members of the National Security Council during the first years of active politics. In the early years of the ANAP government, it was observed that the Government Decrees were changed in the Çankay a Mansion without asking the Prime Ministry , and Özal did not speak up and behave patiently with these interventions. Towards the end of 1984, "the government's discretion" was clearly declared to Çankay a, first on economic and then on political issues, and the government began to be ruled. The Economic Precautionary Decisions of January 24, 1980 failed to reduce inflation, on the contrary, they caused inflation to become chronic. It has been observed that ANAP, led by Turgut Özal, has continued the change, different politics and management approach it has defended since before the election. According to the surveys of this period, it was determined that after September 12, the image of the politician changed, rather than the "case man", "practicality" and "executionism" came to the fore. In this period, it was observed that individualistic and self-interested behaviors were dominated. The share of social expenditures in the budget has decreased, while the share of external debt payments has increased continuously.
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Svako od nas, svakoga dana sretne bar jednu budalu koja ima konačni i jedino važeći sud o bilo čemu. O svemu što je vidljivo, prikriveno ili nedostupno nesavršenom ljudskom oku, taj će znati sve. Takvih se mitomanskih napasti čovek može nekako i otresti: ’ajde, kuš more, idi svojim putem, sjaši brate!
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Naučni odbor je pripremio autorske referate za učesnike Okruglog stola “75. Godišnjica Trećeg zasjedanja ZAVNOBiH-a: uloga Trećeg zasjedanja ZAVNOBiH-a u društvenom i političkom razvoju Bosne i Hercegovine” za štampu. Program Okruglog stola sastojao se od uvodnih obraćanja i 14 referata. Redoslijed radova u ovom zborniku u najvećoj mjeri slijedi redoslijed izlaganja referata pripremljenih za Okrugli sto, koji se trebao održati krajem 2020. godine, međutim zbog nezahvalne epidemiološke situacije izazvane virusom COVID-19, nije bilo mogućnosti njegovo održavanje. Akademik Ivo Cvitković je naglasio da većina pripadnika pokreta nisu bili komunisti, ali su oni bili organizatori antifašističke borbe. Postavio je sljedeća pitanja: za šta se borio NOP, politika NOF-e; uvođenje zvanja vjerskog referenta, primjeri odnosa narodnooslobodilačkog pokreta prema slobodi religije, sloboda vjeronauke i osnivanje “vjerske komisije”? Posebnu pažnju je posvetio religiji i crkvi na Trećem zasjedanju ZAVNOBiH-a i pitanjima: vjerski službenici, diskusije u kojima se kritički osvrtalo na religiju i religijske zajednice, biranje sveštenika u ZAVNOBiH, gdje je pošlo “ukrivo”, zašto je došlo do promjena odnosa prema religiji i crkvi i začeci netrpeljivosti?
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Politicians’ response to the COVID–19 pandemic worldwide relied on war scenarios having a tradition in disease management. The study contrasts how the political measures introduced during the state of emergency were presented by the Prime Minister of Hungary in his social media posts and his speeches and announcements broadcast by public media. A computer assisted content analysis was conducted to extract data on war and military metaphors, followed by a qualitative analysis of the metaphor scenarios used for explaining the situation and justifying action. The role of the PM indicated by the social media posts and by his transcribed speeches was compared with the suggestion of the visual illustrations. Our findings were that verbal communication shifted between war-related metaphoric and military-related realistic. The third conceptual domain identified was fear. Messages were mostly about national cohesion, however, visually, the PM was the protagonist of the events. The communication proved efficient according to opinion polls. Our research revealed how the securitization of the pandemic took place via the political discourse constructed both for internet users and traditional media consumers. Metaphors of fear, war and military action created the justification of the declaration of a state of emergency. The PM as a capable and responsible leader was placed in focus of the events. Although verbal messages by the PM were centred on a sense of community and joint action, the personalization of political action was remarkable by indirect means, such as visual messages. The personalization of politics throughout the period researched served the purpose of securitization of the pandemic with the PM as a charismatic leader attracting attention and giving credit to the severity of the threat along with the introduction of extraordinary measures.
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Although political scholars have recognized the “direct” and “symbolic” relationship between leader and followers in populist politics, often associated with the presence of charisma, we still cannot answer the questions of why and how many citizens are able to follow widely rejected populist leaders while others are entirely rejected? The scientific discourse on populism cannot compromise whether charismatic leadership would be an integral part of populist politics. To resolve this debate, the present study begins by taking account of the counter-arguments and critiques raised by students of populism, pointing out their weaknesses. I argue that charisma is indeed compatible with populism. In contrast to the vast majority of populism literature, according to Weberian understanding charisma is an exceptional emotional relationship in which a particular leader is truly considered superhuman by his followers. Then I unfold the antagonistic emotional relations that surround populist leaders. I call for the help of the concept of moral panic and euphoria as an extension of the theory of charismatic leadership, through which we can interpret the dynamics of populist politics. The study concludes by proposing a new research agenda. The follower-centric models and tools of leadership studies allow us to decide to what extent populist politics is determined empirically by the charismatic relationships explored on a theoretical level.
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Clubhouse is a social network allowing only real-time oral communication. While its 2020 worldwide launch went largely unnoticed in Eastern Europe, it took countries such as Ukraine and Russia by storm in February 2021. Users were enticed by the platform’s exclusivity (invitation only and limited to IOS users), unusual format, and compatibility with post-covid social life. For some time, Clubhouse was the dominant theme of discussions on other social media, mainstream news media organizations started launching daily talk shows in the app, and early adopters engaged in a plethora of participatory activities ranging from propagandist broadcasts to 24/7 rooms where bots would recite Russian classical poetry, from fervently seeking ways to monetise their participation to creating the somewhat unexpected genre of audial fakes. In this article we intend to analyse the turbulent arrival of the new app in Russia and Ukraine from the perspectives of media ecology and media archaeology. Focusing on the app’s mediality and remediation, the social media discourse about it and particular content in some of the notable rooms, we highlight the conjunction of social environment, the already existing and novel technological affordances, as well as users’ perceptions and expectations in the emergence of a new niche in the ecology of participatory media. Based on this, we will also try to outline some possible scenarios for the new platform in Eastern Europe’s dense mediascapes. We argue that the prompt rise of Clubhouse’s popularity was not thanks to its special authenticity, as some suggest, but rather because of the normalization of group long-distance conversations (e.g., via Zoom), coupled with the intentional monomedia poverty of affordances and clearly delimited boundary between the roles of broadcasters and listeners, which was perceived as liberating in a produsage-saturated environment. This actually limits the participatory media potential of content creators and influencers, increasing their power and reviving monological models of communication that suggest a passive audience.
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Covering the largest sample of countries to date, this study examines the effect of three country-specific factors on the tone of electoral campaigns across Europe: the type of democracy, party system fragmentation and the polarization of the electorate. We use an original dataset of statements made by political actors during 18 electoral campaigns in 9 European countries. Our multinomial logit model suggests that, on the one hand, consensual and more polarized democracies increase the likelihood of neutral campaign tone as opposed to negativity. On the other hand, party system fragmentation facilitates positive campaign messages. At the same time, our study does not support a generalizable effect for the usual suspect of the literature. Consequently, the individual level determinants of negative campaign depend on the country context.
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The USA publishs human rights reports about UN countries every year. Although these reports are written on certain values, it is seen that the political relations of the relevant country with the USA are decisive in the context. In this article, human rights reports published by the USA during the AK Party period are analyzed in line with the USA’s effort to maintain its own hegemony by relating it to the content of Turkish-American relations. Instead of examining all documents relating to the AK Party Governments, which contain many years and still continue, the reports of 2003, 2008, 2014 and 2016, which created a break in bilateral relations and Turkey’s domestic policy, are examined.
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The coronavirus pandemic has become a stimulus to introduce changes in the functioning of societies and to take health policy measures aimed at effective fight against the pandemic. Counteracting the spread of the virus and mitigating its negative effects are a challenge even for countries with organized health services. Several restrictions were introduced in health policy during the COVID-19 pandemic, but the pandemic remains a challenge that requires further action. The aim of this study was to analyze the activities undertaken in Poland as part of health policy. To find an answer to the presented research question, a literature review was carried out, which provided information on the functioning of health policies, programs and intervention techniques that were introduced in the fight against the pandemic.
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In recent years, studies on social networks have begun to become more and more numerous in the literature, with scientists showing a real interest in an influential analysis that they have on societies. Social networks are tools through which political candidates have the opportunity to distribute their political message during election campaigns, as well as outside them, to a growing audience. A very strong connection has been made between technology and communication, outside of which we, as individuals, can no longer exist, the virtual space managing to exploit communication in all its aspects. Online political communication, an easily accessible form of manifestation that attracts disinterested political groups, offers the possibility of avoiding information bottlenecks for citizens by changing content in real time, with low information costs, which means a real advantage for politicians.The importance of social networks in political communication is even greater as its role is the main channel of communication and occupies a special place in election campaign strategies. The present study aimes to analyze the phenomenon of social networks in terms of the benefits it offers to politics, through an online political communication with content transmitted in real time, without time limit and with low costs.
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What is the role of think tanks in Europeanization of national public spheres? To address this question, our paper explores the performance of think tanks in the immigration debate in the Czech Republic. Employing political claims analysis (PCA) and treating think tanks as boundary organizations active in multiple fields, we compare the levels of Europeanization of political claims made by think tanks with other actors. Our data set includes 2,374 political claims made on broadcast public TV in the period from April 2015 to March 2016. According to our quantitative data, Czech think tanks chose the discursive strategy of Europeanization more often than any other actor represented. Thus, think tanks have the potential to support Europeanization of national public spheres. However, their representation in media coverage is relatively low. Our results also demonstrate that think tanks should be treated as sui generis organizations since their strategy in the public sphere deviates from that of other civil society organizations. Think tanks Europeanized their claims-making, but others largely stayed on the national level while discussing the refugee crisis.
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This article analyses the main historical narratives and events of Latvia and Estonia concerning the Second World War, fascism, and the Soviet period more generally, and their representation in the pro-Kremlin ideological discourse. Moscow is using several narratives and messages to try to influence different target audiences in Russia, but also in Estonia and Latvia (especially the Russophone audience) with its own interpretation of the historical events and narratives concerning Estonia, Latvia, the Soviet Union, and the Second World War. Several different channels are used to promote the pro-Kremlin ideological agenda: not only profound historical studies (monographs, collective volumes, and articles), popular-scientific overviews, conferences, workshops and seminars, but also TV series, social media platforms, documentaries, and so on. Even more materials are available to the narrow audience that has a strong interest in contemporary history, especially the Soviet period and the Second World War. The main topics of these narratives are the Second World War and the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact (1939), the occupation of Estonia and Latvia by the USSR, both in 1940 and in 1944, and the consequential post-war Soviet era. The main actors that design the pro-Kremlin understandings of Estonian and Latvian history are undoubtedly state officials, i.e. the president and his entourage. Major subjects such as the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact (1939), the annexation of Latvia and Estonia in 1940, and the activities of the Latvian Legion and Estonians in the Second World War in 1941–1944 are presented in a manner that is characteristic to the Soviet propaganda and historical science. According to the pro-Kremlin discourse, the Soviet–German pact on non-aggression and the delimitation of the spheres of influence were forced into existence by the inactiveness of the Western allies and the unwillingness of the USSR to enter into the war. Moreover, according to the official Kremlin narrative, Latvians and Estonians should think of the USSR (and its legal successor the Russian Federation) as the force that saved them from being in the same position as the countries that were defeated in the war that had collaborated with the Nazis.
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Der Tod Enver Hoxhas am 11. April 1985 beendete fast vierzig schmerzliche, aber sehr produktive Jahre in der modernen Geschichte Albaniens: vom erfolgreichen nationalen Befreiungskampf bin zur ebenso mühseligen Errichtung einer neuen Sozialordnung.
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Russian leaders first tried to poison him, then unlawfully imprisoned him, and now are publicly torturing him. His enemies see him as an illegitimate pretender to the Russian throne. His fans are captivated by his ability to survive assassinations and withstand torture. I was among those who nominated Alexey Navalny for the Nobel Peace Prize. Though he has not received it, this failure exposes meaningful though underappreciated truths about Russia and about the world. My story will leap back and forward between Navalny’s individual actions, the peculiarities of Putinism, and global issues of neoliberal governance.
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To što se događa pred našim očima nije samo obična turbulencija. Za globalizirani svijet koji je rođen na ruševinama Hladnog rata pandemija korona virusom jeste raskršće sa mnogo putokaza čovječanstvu. Nadam se da ćemo izabrati onaj smjer koji će temeljito pretresti našu savjest i inteligenciju, donijeti očekivani preokret prema onom nivou solidarnosti, razumijevanja i zajedništva među ljudima koji budućim pokoljenjima može obezbjediti stvarni mir i zdravlje na planeti. Da li će biti većine u našim društvima za taj izbor? Da li će se krenuti drugim putem izolacionizma i civilizacijske regresije? Odgovor je danas neizvjestan. Oduvijek sam pripadao onoj manjini koja je pažljivo slušala one naučnike, ekonomiste i političare koji su upozoravali čovječanstvo kroz kataklizmična predviđanja silaska u pakao jer ne marimo za prirodu već mahnito trčimo za profitom.
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Public speaking of statesmen has always been the focus of analysis and a topic of discussion for the experts, citizens and the media, especially when it comes to public communication of the highest state officials. Modern oratory and public communication theories are in the state of constant change and new technologies are rapidly leading this discipline towards novelties but, at the same time, they keep reminding us to uphold standards and usual practices. An analysis of verbal communication of heads of state is often the main core of research in which authors seek to detect deviations from and adherence to standards in the speeches but also, they try to compare the same speeches using comparative analysis by which they try to identify the distinctions and similarities. The topic of this research is an analysis of verbal communication of the winning speeches of the last three presidents of the Republic of Croatia and in this research, the main goal is to compare and analyze the content of the speeches. The paper concludes that each of the speeches has its flaws and imperfections but also that each speaker demonstrates advantages and each one of them implemented skills and knowledge into their speech.
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This article analyses the disinformation campaign launched by Russian state-owned media after the poisoning of Alexei Navalny, comparing its key elements with findings from discussions held at the NATO StratCom COE in 2016 and from relevant literature, to develop a better understanding of the Kremlin’s long-term pattern of communications that further its strategic objectives domestically and internationally. We systematically analysed the disinformation campaign both quantitatively and qualitatively using the ‘A2E model’, adapted from an analytical framework created in 2019 by the Transatlantic Working Group. We concluded that familiar strategies designed to neutralise Western criticism and ‘fog the news’, such as projecting multiple alternative narratives, flooding the media with large numbers of articles, and inviting pro-Kremlin ‘experts’ to comment, were still being employed in 2020. We show how Russian state-owned media generate narratives to debunk evidence, deny responsibility, discredit opponents, and distract domestic and international audiences—a ‘4D framework’ for disinformation. This research into the Kremlin’s strategic communications is timely and necessary as it reveals the Kremlin’s practice of using disinformation, not only in military contexts, which have been better studied, but also as analysed here, to cover an assassination attempt.
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