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The #MeToo movement has had a profound cultural impact on US society, and notably on US party politics. While many studies have addressed the #MeToo-related controversy arising from the Brett Kavanaugh nomination to Supreme Court Justice in 2018, the relationship between #MeToo and US politics before this event has remained understudied. This article, therefore, addresses this gap by looking at the role of politics at the beginning of the #MeToo movement. Focusing on the first six months of online activity on Twitter (October 2017 – April 2018), over 2 million tweets with the #MeToo hashtag are analyzed to identify the main activity patterns across the dataset and to gain insight on user behavior and participation in the conversation. Results point to the weaponization of #MeToo in the political context from its inception. It is suggested that #MeToo reflects the polarized political climate in the US and that it can be conceptualized as part of the wider “culture wars” (Hunter 1991) that characterize the public debate.
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This study was prepared to reveal the political effects created by the July 12 Declaration on CHP, which is alleged to have redesigned the relations between power and opposition that were blocked after Turkey’s multiparty political life in the post-1945 period. The study, which used descriptive analysis method, primarily discusses Turkey's transition to multiparty political life. It is then planned to reveal the place and democratic value of the declaration in this process. Finally, the transformation of the CHP's politics after the Declaration was published is being tried to be analyzed. When the literature review was conducted, it is seen that the previous studies included the 12 July declaration, but the process wasn’t evaluated specifically from the perspective of the CHP. It’s thought that the study will contribute to the literature by evaluating the process of July 12 Declaration and its aftermath, especially in terms of CHP's policies.
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The Catalan independence referendum on October 1st, 2017 is one of the most important developments in recent times for both the Spanish central government and Catalonia. As the unilateral declaration of independence of Catalonia after the referendum on October 27, 2017, threatened the territorial integrity and unity of Spain, the Spanish central government was concerned. This important problem between the Spanish central government and the autonomous government of Catalonia has been followed closely by other states as it could mobilize other separatist regions of the world. In this regard, many reactions at the international level have been shared with the public in turn. This study dealt with the Catalan independence referendum held in 2017 in general and it is examined the international reactions to the unilateral declaration of independence by the Catalan parliament after the referendum. The study aims to explain the conditions and context of the 2017 Catalan referendum, as well as to analyze the world's first reactions to the independence decision made after the referendum.
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In this study, it is aimed to reveal the political and legal steps of the interventionists and different segments of the society and the public opinion to base the intervention on a legitimate basis with in the framework of the developments occuring before and after 27th May Military Intervention. Immediately after 27th May Military Intervention took place, many practices in the last period of the Democrat Party goverment turned into a propaganda in Turkish public opinion to contribute to justification of the intervention. After this step, military interventionists took political and legal steps to base the intervention on the ground of revolution. Actually, this situation is nothing more than policies in order to legitimize the military intervention. In this study, the steps taken by perpetrators of 27th May incident to base the intervention properly on the basis of legitimacy are discussed in the light of press, copyrights, studies, memoirs and archive documents.
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2019. je dočekala 30. godišnjicu evropskog 9. 11. – pad Berlinskog zida. Za razliku od 11. 9. koji se desio 12 godina poslije, a koji mnogi sada povezuju sa završetkom angloameričkog dominantnog kapitalizma, za mnoge Evropljane 9. 11. označava kraj hladnog rata. Obaranje zida sa sobom je vrlo brzo donijelo kolaps komunizma – kako nam to zvanična priča veli. Stoga bi to trebao biti datum koji se svake godine proslavlja kao krajnje, zauvijek postojeće otvaranje puta ka univerzalnom trijumfu slobode, globalno rasprostranjenoj ružičastoj budućnosti – jednom riječju: konačnom samoispunjenju ljudske rase. Nasuprot ovome je drugo mišljenje koje slijedi drukčiju tvrdnju. Svi vodeći sociopolitički pokreti, od prosvjetiteljstva, pa sve do kraja 20. stoljeća, nudili su vizije za cijelu ljudsku rasu: univerzalno koncipirane (ili ideologizirane) za sve i svakoga.
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Karácsony András: Döntés és hagyomány. Budapest, Századvég Kiadó, 2019.
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The organization known as Srpska desnica (SD; the Serbian Right Wing) during 2019 become increasingly seen in the Serbian media, as well as receiving augmented visibility on posters throughout the country. With their recent electoral success in the town of Medveđa, as well as their announcement that they are turning into an official party that would enter the 2020 parliamentary elections, coupled with the troublesome past of their leader, Miša Vacić, the situation calls for investigation. In this article, we are putting Miša Vacić’s public and political engagement under a magnifying glass, positioning him within the broader nationalist political spectrum of the country, engaging his official political program. We shall furthermore define the concept of the political scarecrow, a political party or figure that serves primarily to frighten, as shall be clear from the case study that this is the role of his organization.
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This paper uses a new set of questions to analyse the impact of populist attitudes on party preferences and voting behaviour in the 2015 Polish parliamentary elections. At these elections, voters faced a choice between two broad blocs: parties that accepted the “liberal-orthodox” model of post-communist politics, and those that rejected this model and the political elites associated with its implementation. I find that there is a coherent set of populist attitudes among the Polish electorate, and that it correlates with economic and cultural attitudes in ways consistent with the supply-side divide between liberal and anti-liberal parties. Analysis of the individual and combined impact of these attitudes on voting behaviour reveals that populism plays a significant role both in structuring the sentiments of voters towards particular kinds of political parties and in determining how they cast their vote.
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The political discourse in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth changed deeply in the second half of the eighteenth century. New concepts, terms and notions were integrated into it, some of them drawn from the vocabularies of Western philosophers. The article tries to answer the question what these concepts or notions were, and how their adaptation informed the language itself and the descriptions of the political world and political-system projects formulated in it. Based on the analysis of theoretical treatises as well as writings produced as part of current political debate of the years 1764–92, the author seeks to demonstrate the ways in which the political disputants of King Stanislaus Augustus’s time endeavoured to face the state’s crisis through introducing new words and ideas, and in which the language was adapting to the challenges of the changing socio-political situation. She argues that the concepts which appeared in the last quarter of the century in the Polish political language were fundamental to the description and view of the world – to the extent that a breakthrough in Polish discussion on society and state is identifiable along these lines.
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Since the elections in Belarus on August 9th 2020, both the image of this country once portrayed as “the most severe dictatorship in Europe” and its people have significantly changed. International audiences can now see that every weekend – sometimes even on weekdays – large crowds come to the streets of Belarusian cities to express their discontent with the forged election results. The people have been demanding freedom and fair elections, thereby showing their attachment to common European values. Citizens in Belarus have finally awakened and are working towards change.
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During the third US presidential debate in 2012, then President Barack Obama mocked his opponent, Governor Mitt Romney, for a remark he had made several months earlier: “When you were asked what is the biggest geopolitical threat facing America, you said Russia. Not al-Qaeda – you said Russia. The 1980s are now calling to ask for their foreign policy back because the Cold War has been over for 20 years.”
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The review considers four English language volumes that compare the dynamics of the protest wave of 1968 using various theoretical and methodological approaches. The studies focus mainly on Western Europe with perspectives on the USA, though some of the works also consider the Eastern bloc, specifically Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The four books present interdisciplinary analyses of the issues of the 1968 protest wave and social movements in a complex theoretical-historical, historical, sociological, and cultural historical context. This literature review focuses on the topic of violence and non-violence, and presents the authors’ opinions on this issue. Horn’s text considers that the spirit of self-governmental democracy is the main message of 1968, but others also stress the revolutionary direct-democratic concept of the actors of 1968, which made the new left critical of representative democracy and led it to seek alternative paths. This conception also lay behind the anarchists’ occasional use of violence at demonstrations, and encouraged other aggressive subcultures to question state violence. In the theoretical and political background of all this was the concept of anti-imperialist resistance (connected to the Vietnam war), using the theory and practice of Marx, Mao, Marcuse, Che Guevara, Frantz Fanon, Castro and others. However, the political message of 1968 is not only complex – as some papers of Tismaneanu’s book pointed out – but contradictory as well. In the 1970s and 1980s in the West the non-violent civil disobedience of Gandhi was more typical of the development of protests in the counter-cultural, peace and ecological movements, rejecting the Marxism of the new left. Similarly, the oppositional movements of the eastern bloc used non-violent strategies in the democratic transition of 1989 during the reform transformation.
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The most important issues of the article are common tools in two diff erent sections, namely political marketing and economical marketing. The most important trains of the implementation of the economical marketing to politics are presented in this article. The dissertation identifi es the factors, which have determined the infl uence of the economy on politics. More precisely, it presents the infl uence of the marketing and the advertisement of the product on the political campaigns. The main though is based on concrete examples of pioneers of political marketing. In this article a perceptive reader is going to fi nd similarities and diff erences presented in the process of permeation of these two branches in the activities of the present-day society.
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The article opposes the rejection of autonomy in favor of coercive paternalism. Based on the thought of especially John Stuart Mill, Immanuel Kant, and Joel Feinberg, it suggests that autonomy as an ideal, a moral capacity, and a foundational principle in liberal democracies must not be surrendered for a doctrine of benevolent coercion. The arguments are equally concerned with the justifications for coercion, the value of autonomy and moral agency, and the dangers of paternalism (e.g. infantilization). The article concludes that Mill’s soft paternalism based on the harm principle could serve as a reasonable middle-ground allowing for the most severe types of self-harming behavior to be avoided without surrendering autonomy altogether.
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Representing states and citizens in the political rhetoric and construction of the XIX century means investigating the origins of such discourses in the political thought. In the Romanian case, one should get a closer look into the ways of intellectual nurturing in the rising of a Modern political elite in the XIX century, especially in the aftermath of 1848 Revolution and of the 1859 Union. The political agents of this period are to be analyzed in a broad theoretical and rhetorical framework, conditioned by philosophical and historiographical discontinuities between the periods. One should see and interpret in that sense the intellectual sources, the political and institutional framework of that time, that could draw a more accurate image of what political power and agents’ discourse meant at that time and how it influenced, for that matter, the further construction of modernity during the XX and XXI centuries.
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The increase of computer-mediated communication use and the aging population has led to a renewed interest in online communities and social networks for active aging and social support in daily living. However, a systematic understanding of the design recommendations in Senior Online Communities is still lacking in scientific documentation. The aim of this paper is to identify the design recommendations used in online communities that support active aging. In addition, this paper highlights some of the benefits of using online communities by older adults. Twenty-three papers published between January 2015 and May 2020 in English-language, peer-reviewed publications, met inclusion criteria. The review presents a set of recommendations for designing online communities to enhance older adults’ social interactions. A process that aims for “engagement” is suggested to strategically guide the design of Senior Online Communities: Interacting – Sense of Belonging (Role-playing, Storytelling, and Legacy) – Engaging.
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This article examines the process of public finance fraud leading to unjust enrichment of ruling elites in Angola, a resource-rich, yet ironically poverty trapped country, owing to decades of rule of José Eduardo dos Santos. It analyses the phenomenon of political corruption in the Angolan context, translating into mismanagement of public revenues coming from natural resources as a means of attaining private economic benefits and consolidating power. Moreover, by examining cross-border inter-company networks aimed at concealing public assets behind front companies, the author attempts to establish a connection between corruption and illicit financial flows. Ultimately, since political corruption is intrinsically linked to governance, the article looks at the impact of the latter on social development as well as on the effectiveness of development aid granted to Angola. It was written based on secondary resources including existing literature and material evidence. Its findings and conclusions correspond with the overall theory postulated by the academic community, maintaining that natural resources and aid have negative impact on governance, institutional accountability, and in consequence on human development, especially in countries characterised by despotic rule.
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Der Tod Enver Hoxhas am 11. April 1985 beendete fast vierzig schmerzliche, aber sehr produktive Jahre in der modernen Geschichte Albaniens: vom erfolgreichen nationalen Befreiungskampf bin zur ebenso mühseligen Errichtung einer neuen Sozialordnung.
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