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This study was prepared to reveal the political effects created by the July 12 Declaration on CHP, which is alleged to have redesigned the relations between power and opposition that were blocked after Turkey’s multiparty political life in the post-1945 period. The study, which used descriptive analysis method, primarily discusses Turkey's transition to multiparty political life. It is then planned to reveal the place and democratic value of the declaration in this process. Finally, the transformation of the CHP's politics after the Declaration was published is being tried to be analyzed. When the literature review was conducted, it is seen that the previous studies included the 12 July declaration, but the process wasn’t evaluated specifically from the perspective of the CHP. It’s thought that the study will contribute to the literature by evaluating the process of July 12 Declaration and its aftermath, especially in terms of CHP's policies.
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The Dayton Peace Agreement was the result of a compromise, which was its greatest weakness. Instead of being the result of a careful and studious concerted effort to find the right solutions for the lasting peace in the region, for the West the Dayton Peace Agreement was just another in a series of efforts to find an instrument that can achieve the declared political goals. Holbrooke considered the agreement, which had been imposed by himself on the warring parties, to be generally satisfactory, because it stopped the war and established a unified state, reflecting the primary objectives of the United States in Bosnia and Herzegovina. That however, in his opinion, does not meant that the Dayton Peace Agreement is perfect, acknowledging some weaknesses in it. For some time, certain voices from Bosnia and Herzegovina and the international representatives are calling for a modification of the provisions of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Some appeal to the convening of the Dayton II, in order to correct deficiencies of the original plan, which could be clearly seen due to its inefficient implementation. The division of the country into two territorial entities is a fundamental weakness of the Dayton Peace Agreement since it prevents the proper functioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The international community has insisted that the two entities strictly implement the Dayton Peace Agreement, but did not know how to fulfill the provisions of Annex 7 of the General Framework Agreement related to the return of refugees, the most important question for the future demographic picture of BiH society. The solution provided by the US diplomats in Dayton is mainly pragmatic one and reflects the balance of military power in the region. In Dayton, the basic rule of international law which stipulates that the international community does not accept the violent conquest and annexation of the territory of another state has been fully respected; this represents the main value of the peace agreement. Confirming the international legal norm of uti possidetis iuris, the signatories of the Dayton Accords have confirmed that norm as the fundament on which the international order has been built on.
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2019. je dočekala 30. godišnjicu evropskog 9. 11. – pad Berlinskog zida. Za razliku od 11. 9. koji se desio 12 godina poslije, a koji mnogi sada povezuju sa završetkom angloameričkog dominantnog kapitalizma, za mnoge Evropljane 9. 11. označava kraj hladnog rata. Obaranje zida sa sobom je vrlo brzo donijelo kolaps komunizma – kako nam to zvanična priča veli. Stoga bi to trebao biti datum koji se svake godine proslavlja kao krajnje, zauvijek postojeće otvaranje puta ka univerzalnom trijumfu slobode, globalno rasprostranjenoj ružičastoj budućnosti – jednom riječju: konačnom samoispunjenju ljudske rase. Nasuprot ovome je drugo mišljenje koje slijedi drukčiju tvrdnju. Svi vodeći sociopolitički pokreti, od prosvjetiteljstva, pa sve do kraja 20. stoljeća, nudili su vizije za cijelu ljudsku rasu: univerzalno koncipirane (ili ideologizirane) za sve i svakoga.
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Karácsony András: Döntés és hagyomány. Budapest, Századvég Kiadó, 2019.
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This paper will analyze the causes that led Somalia to become a failed state and the slow pace of recovery discovered by Mogadishu in the recent years. The study is based on qualitative research, analyzing documents which depict the particular history of Somalia and the causes that led to the civil war, as well as quantitative data, when analyzing the number of casualties and refugees that resulted following the unfolding of the Somali conflict. Examining also the rise of the terrorist group Al-Shabaab and the ways in which such organizations manage to replace the role of the state, the paper concludes that the task of rebuilding a failed state is a long and arduous process, in which the international community should adapt its measures to the local specificity of the concerned area. However,as the recent developments show, there is room for hope for the Somali state and people.
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Szlovákiai magyar választók és a szlovákiai magyar pártok 1990–2020
The paper summarizes and documents the voter turnout and election results of politically divided Hungarians in Slovakia over the past thirty years. The published analyses can help the ethnic minority to be effective in its future strategic plans.
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The organization known as Srpska desnica (SD; the Serbian Right Wing) during 2019 become increasingly seen in the Serbian media, as well as receiving augmented visibility on posters throughout the country. With their recent electoral success in the town of Medveđa, as well as their announcement that they are turning into an official party that would enter the 2020 parliamentary elections, coupled with the troublesome past of their leader, Miša Vacić, the situation calls for investigation. In this article, we are putting Miša Vacić’s public and political engagement under a magnifying glass, positioning him within the broader nationalist political spectrum of the country, engaging his official political program. We shall furthermore define the concept of the political scarecrow, a political party or figure that serves primarily to frighten, as shall be clear from the case study that this is the role of his organization.
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This paper uses a new set of questions to analyse the impact of populist attitudes on party preferences and voting behaviour in the 2015 Polish parliamentary elections. At these elections, voters faced a choice between two broad blocs: parties that accepted the “liberal-orthodox” model of post-communist politics, and those that rejected this model and the political elites associated with its implementation. I find that there is a coherent set of populist attitudes among the Polish electorate, and that it correlates with economic and cultural attitudes in ways consistent with the supply-side divide between liberal and anti-liberal parties. Analysis of the individual and combined impact of these attitudes on voting behaviour reveals that populism plays a significant role both in structuring the sentiments of voters towards particular kinds of political parties and in determining how they cast their vote.
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Since the elections in Belarus on August 9th 2020, both the image of this country once portrayed as “the most severe dictatorship in Europe” and its people have significantly changed. International audiences can now see that every weekend – sometimes even on weekdays – large crowds come to the streets of Belarusian cities to express their discontent with the forged election results. The people have been demanding freedom and fair elections, thereby showing their attachment to common European values. Citizens in Belarus have finally awakened and are working towards change.
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During the third US presidential debate in 2012, then President Barack Obama mocked his opponent, Governor Mitt Romney, for a remark he had made several months earlier: “When you were asked what is the biggest geopolitical threat facing America, you said Russia. Not al-Qaeda – you said Russia. The 1980s are now calling to ask for their foreign policy back because the Cold War has been over for 20 years.”
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The review considers four English language volumes that compare the dynamics of the protest wave of 1968 using various theoretical and methodological approaches. The studies focus mainly on Western Europe with perspectives on the USA, though some of the works also consider the Eastern bloc, specifically Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The four books present interdisciplinary analyses of the issues of the 1968 protest wave and social movements in a complex theoretical-historical, historical, sociological, and cultural historical context. This literature review focuses on the topic of violence and non-violence, and presents the authors’ opinions on this issue. Horn’s text considers that the spirit of self-governmental democracy is the main message of 1968, but others also stress the revolutionary direct-democratic concept of the actors of 1968, which made the new left critical of representative democracy and led it to seek alternative paths. This conception also lay behind the anarchists’ occasional use of violence at demonstrations, and encouraged other aggressive subcultures to question state violence. In the theoretical and political background of all this was the concept of anti-imperialist resistance (connected to the Vietnam war), using the theory and practice of Marx, Mao, Marcuse, Che Guevara, Frantz Fanon, Castro and others. However, the political message of 1968 is not only complex – as some papers of Tismaneanu’s book pointed out – but contradictory as well. In the 1970s and 1980s in the West the non-violent civil disobedience of Gandhi was more typical of the development of protests in the counter-cultural, peace and ecological movements, rejecting the Marxism of the new left. Similarly, the oppositional movements of the eastern bloc used non-violent strategies in the democratic transition of 1989 during the reform transformation.
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Argentina’s current democratic period, inaugurated in 1983, has differed markedly from the country’s previous democratic experiences as a result of a new form of relationship between citizens and politicians, particularly the emergence of a more sophisticated and demanding citizenry determined to translate preexisting ideals of democratic representation into a novel civic concern for governmental accountability. The dramatic experience of state terrorism under the last military dictatorship, which governed the country from 1976 to 1983, gave rise to a new actor—the human rights movement—which would play a crucial pedagogic role in Argentine society, introducing a much-needed concern for rights and the rule of law into the country’s political culture. The emergence in broad sectors of Argentine civil society of a new civic sensibility regarding breaches of law by public officials resulted in the rise of a new breed of civic politics aimed at improving the accountability of government.
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In Russia, the “democratic transition” took place about ten years after the transitions in Latin America: the democratic period began in Argentina in 1983, while the Soviet Union disappeared in 1991. Many comparative works have highlighted the role played by civil societies in the fall of these authoritarian regimes (Okuneva 1994; Khoros 1998; Vizgunova 2001; Vorozheikina 2001; Meier-Dallach and Juchler 2002). Andrew Arato and Jean Cohen (1993:2) were “truly impressed by the importance in East Europe and Latin America, as well as in the advanced capitalist democracies, of the struggle for rights and their expansion, of the establishment of grassroots associations and initiatives and the ever renewed construction of institutions and forums of critical publics.” However, ten years later, at the end of the 1990s, as disappointment with the democratization process grew, scholars insisted that the weakness of civil society in Russia was to blame for the failure of the transition. “As regards civil society, it is profoundly isolated: the voluntary and independent union that realizes concerted action is a rarity in our country. Citizens retreat in the face of the state, which, having established complete control over the political sphere, never ceases to extend its participation in the social sphere,” writes Maria Lipman (2006:2). Russian sociologists highlight the differences between Russia and the Latin American countries. Tatiana Vorozheikina (2001:8) underlines similarities in the state’s control of social organizations in Stalin’s USSR and in the Latin American dictatorships, but considers that “in the Latin American countries (Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Peru, and Mexico), the dominance of the state over society was not as strong [as in Russia].”
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The most important issues of the article are common tools in two diff erent sections, namely political marketing and economical marketing. The most important trains of the implementation of the economical marketing to politics are presented in this article. The dissertation identifi es the factors, which have determined the infl uence of the economy on politics. More precisely, it presents the infl uence of the marketing and the advertisement of the product on the political campaigns. The main though is based on concrete examples of pioneers of political marketing. In this article a perceptive reader is going to fi nd similarities and diff erences presented in the process of permeation of these two branches in the activities of the present-day society.
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Societal security, as developed by the Copenhagen Security School, is an extremely important area of the broader concept of a contemporary security approach that, in addition to military issues, also addresses a host of other threats from areas such as political,economic, societal or environmental ones. In the study of contemporary social security, a series of concepts specific to the theory of complex systems, such as complexity, self organization,chaos, etc., have been borrowed, which have substantially enriched the hermeneutics of the security discourse on the basis of non-traditional interpretations of social systems. This paper aims to present the basic concepts of complexity and their relevance to the theory and practice of contemporary societal security. At the same time, the paper presents some conclusions regarding the analysis methodology specific to the complexity science applicable to the field of societal security.
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The article is devoted to the study of the African diasporas of modern Great Britain. The focus is primarily on the political and religious characteristics of these communities on the eve of the 2021 census, their similarities and differences. Special attention is paid to the specifics of statistics on Africans from censuses and interim reports. The number and influence of these minorities is steadily increasing, which in the short term will contribute to a change in the ethnic and religious structure of modern British society.
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The article opposes the rejection of autonomy in favor of coercive paternalism. Based on the thought of especially John Stuart Mill, Immanuel Kant, and Joel Feinberg, it suggests that autonomy as an ideal, a moral capacity, and a foundational principle in liberal democracies must not be surrendered for a doctrine of benevolent coercion. The arguments are equally concerned with the justifications for coercion, the value of autonomy and moral agency, and the dangers of paternalism (e.g. infantilization). The article concludes that Mill’s soft paternalism based on the harm principle could serve as a reasonable middle-ground allowing for the most severe types of self-harming behavior to be avoided without surrendering autonomy altogether.
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Representing states and citizens in the political rhetoric and construction of the XIX century means investigating the origins of such discourses in the political thought. In the Romanian case, one should get a closer look into the ways of intellectual nurturing in the rising of a Modern political elite in the XIX century, especially in the aftermath of 1848 Revolution and of the 1859 Union. The political agents of this period are to be analyzed in a broad theoretical and rhetorical framework, conditioned by philosophical and historiographical discontinuities between the periods. One should see and interpret in that sense the intellectual sources, the political and institutional framework of that time, that could draw a more accurate image of what political power and agents’ discourse meant at that time and how it influenced, for that matter, the further construction of modernity during the XX and XXI centuries.
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