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"Sustainable development" as a label within business studies: What can be learned from a bibliometric analysis?

Author(s): Marija Čutura,Ivan Novak,Dijana Ćavar / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2017

In a modern society, the issues of sustainable development have evolved on different levels, from the new global frameworks over governmental policies to the new business models. In the 1980s, the term sustainable development emerged from the relationship between preserving the planet and meeting human needs (IUCN, 1980). The general idea behind the concept of sustainable development is to meet the needs of the present generation without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs (United Nations General Assembly, 1987). As one of the main challenges in economics and business, the concept of sustainable development has also emerged in the wide area of business economics. The aim of this paper is to provide an extensive literature overview dealing with the concept of sustainable development within a field of business economics. For the purpose of the analysis a bibliometric approach with multiple correspondence analyses has been used on the Web of Science Core Collection database for the observed period of ten years. The results illustrate the importance of sustainable development as a topic, as well as wide range of approaches and variety of sub-topics linked to the concept of sustainable development in business and economics literature.

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#01 Bulgaria's Participation in EU Structural Funds

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 1999

Bulgaria's accession to the European Union is the foremost strategic objective of the country. This goal both serves the national interest of the establishment of a developed, democratic state and coincides with Bulgaria's readiness to actively participate in the realization of a united Europe. The conclusions of the European Council in December 1997 in Luxembourg opened the way for the active involvement of the 10 countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the preparations for their accession to the EU. It should be noted that the inclusion of Bulgaria in the next enlargement of the EU is an expression of the highly positive assessment of the democratic processes taking place in the country. At the same time, these conclusions specify requirements which need to be fulfilled by Bulgaria as a condition for Bulgaria's accession to the EU. Further, meeting the second and the third group of the Copenhagen criteria requires the complete restructuring of the national economy, the construction of modern infrastructures, the introduction of competitive principles of fair competition and increased social activities with the goal of accession to the policies and the principles of the EU. The present report examines the preparation of Bulgaria for future participation in the structural policies of the EU with the purpose of achieving economic and social harmonization on the basis of the introduction of principles of regional and social policy and the development of infrastructures in the area of transport and telecommunications. Structural funds are among the instruments used to achieve the aims of economic and social harmonization, and thus the preparation for their most effective and efficient use during the pre-accession period is very important. Within this context, the report examines the necessary organizational, administrative, legal and financial measures which must be undertaken in the pursuit of successful future participation in the structural funds of the EU.

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#02bg Структурните фондове на Европейския Съюз: кратко ръководство

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 1999

The Structural Funds are financial instruments for implementing the European Union's policy of economic and social cohesion between regions. Implementing a policy aimed at reducing the disparities in the level of development of the various regions and the backwardness of the least developed regions, including agriculture, by reallocating financial resources, has made a significant contribution to economic stability in the EU and to raising the level of employment.

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#10 Smuggling in Southeast Europe. The Yugoslav Wars and the Development of Regional Criminal Networks in the Balkans

Author(s): Marko Hajdinjak / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2002

Smuggling in Southeast Europe analyzes and reviews the connection between the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and the growth of the trans-border crime in the region, and also looks at the related issue of corruption. The paper highlights the decisive impact the Yugoslav wars had on the development of the regional criminal networks, which were often set up and maintained not only with the knowledge, but even with active participation of the highest state officials. The research also represents a contribution to the study of conflicts in the Western Balkans. The majority of existing interpretations of causes, course and consequences of the Yugoslav wars try to provide the answers through ethno-political explanations. They unjustly ignore the importance that interweaving of interests of political elites, the organized crime groups, which appeared in this period, and the "mediating class" of corrupt state officials had in this process. The paper is divided in three parts: • An analysis of the causes and course of emergence of Balkan smuggling channels in the context of Yugoslav wars and international sanctions; • A review of the recent developments in trans-border crime in Southeast Europe; • An overview of prevention efforts, undertaken both by the regional governments and the international community’ The first part analyzes the emergence of officially sanctioned "state-building" smuggling in those parts of the former Yugoslavia, which were involved in the war. The intermediary role of Albania, Bulgaria, Macedonia and Romania is also discussed. In these four countries, smuggling networks were not developed under open patronage of the governments, but the role of high-positioned politicians was nevertheless extremely important. The second part traces the evolution of the initial semi-official smuggling channels and their transformation into "classical" criminal networks. The so-called "suitcase trade," cigarette smuggling, smuggling of narcotics, and the trafficking in human beings are discussed in more detail.

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#11 Corruption, Trafficking and Institutional Reform

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2002

The present report summarizes researches and discussions conducted by members of the expert group within the framework of the Bulgarian anti-corruption initiative Coalition 2000 established in 1997. The report is dedicated to one of the most serious problems of the Bulgarian transition towards market economy, stable democratic institutions and legal state. The exploding growth of trans-border crime during the last 12 years has led to the emergence of criminal infrastructure, developed and maintained by criminal groups and semi-legal "power groups," which have appeared in the mentioned period. The trans-border crime in Bulgaria is a part of the new network of international organized crime, which was established after the end of the Cold War and which is closely connected to the regional channels of smuggling and trafficking. Smuggling (including drug smuggling) and trafficking are in particular the main sources of income for organized crime in the country.

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#14bg Българският износ на оръжие: оценка на контролния механизъм върху експорта на малки оръжия и леко въоръжение

Author(s): Philip Gounev,Emil Tsenkov,Bernardo Mariani,Larry Attree / Language(s): Bulgarian / Publication Year: 2004

The report concludes that despite the evolution of Bulgaria’s arms export controls and its relatively clean record, compared to most of the 1990s, there is still room for improvement. The best approach to tackling all the issues raised in this report is through stricter implementation of the new export control mechanism adopted in 2002. The report is divided into five parts. Part one provides an analysis of the social and economic reasons that have contributed to the reluctance among Bulgarian politicians to strengthen arms controls. It describes the transformation of the defense industry in the post-Communist transition period, as well as its current state. Part two provides an analytical description of Bulgaria’s arms control mechanism. Part three examines the factors contributing to illegal arms exports from Bulgaria and offers some data from recent cases. Part four focuses on the potential social, economic, and political effects of stronger arms controls. The last section offers a number of recommendations for the improvement of the export-control system.

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#22 Energy and Good Governance in Bulgaria. Trends and Policy Options

Author(s): Ruslan Stefanov,Valentina Nikolova,Dobromir Hristov,Assen Dyulgerov,Kiril Gegov,Georgi Kaschiev / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2011

The report explores the major deficiencies in the strategic, institutional, and legal framework of the Bulgarian energy sector. The analysis of the management of state-owned energy companies and large energy infrastructure projects reveals the disregard for even the most fundamental principles of accountability and control in their planning and implementation. This has affected negatively the Bulgarian taxpayers and consumers, has jeopardized the financial stability of the state-owned energy companies, and, ultimately, has reduced the energy security of the country. The report recommends that the implementation of the large energy infrastructure projects be reconsidered and be based on a sound cost-benefit analysis with regard to Bulgaria’s energy security.

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#30 Energy Sector Governance and Energy (In)Security in Bulgaria

Author(s): Ruslan Stefanov,Todor Galev,Martin Tsanov,Martin Vladimirov,Nadejda Gantcheva / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2014

This report explores the major governance deficiencies in the Bulgarian energy policy regarding the strategic, institutional, and legal framework of the sector. The report focuses on state capture of energy policy by private political and economic interests that led to bad management practices in the sector, to lack of consistency in the legal and regulatory framework, to deteriorating investment environment, and to the involvement of the country in infrastructure projects that undermine the national long-term strategy and policy priorities. This has affected negatively the Bulgarian taxpayers and consumers, has jeopardized the financial stability of the state-owned energy companies, and, ultimately, has reduced the energy security of the country. The report recommends that the implementation of the country’s energy policy should be reconsidered and should be based on EU priorities and on sound cost-benefit analyses with regard to Bulgaria’s energy security.

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#33 Extortion racketeering in the EU: vulnerability factors

Author(s): Atanas Rusev,Lorella Garofalo,Elena Sciandra,Andrea Gimenez-Salinas,Carmen Jorda,Manuel de Juan Espinosa,Tihomir Bezlov,Margarita Gasparinatou,Irene Stamouli,Sofia Vidali,Marina Marchiaro,Valentina Giampietri,Radu Nicolae / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2016

Extortion racketeering has been long pointed out as the defining activity of organised crime. Although in recent years this crime has not been among the top listed organised crime threats in the strategic EU policy documents, it still remains ever present in European countries. The seriousness of the phenomenon has been recognised at the EU level and the crime has been listed in a number of EU legal acts in the field of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters. The report Extortion racketeering in the EU: vulnerability factors analyses extortion racketeering forms and practices in six EU member states. The analysis disentangles the risk and the vulnerability factors for enterprises in two business sectors – agriculture and hospitality – as well as in the Chinese communities. Drawing on the results of the analysis, the report suggests new policies for tackling extortion racketeering in the EU. This report has been produced with the joint efforts of the Center for the Study of Democracy, Instituto de Ciencias Forenses y de la Seguridad – Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Transcrime – Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore di Milano and Vitosha Research and with the support of Guardia Civil in Spain.

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40 lat od reform Deng Xiaopinga: wyzwania i perspektywy chińskiej gospodarki

Author(s): Damian Wnukowski / Language(s): Polish / Publication Year: 2018

Po czterech dekadach stopniowego otwierania chińskiej gospodarki na świat i na początku drugiej kadencji Xi Jinpinga władze ChRL ogłaszają pogłębione reformy, w tym zwiększanie dostępu do rynku dla zagranicznych podmiotów. Pomimo umocnienia władzy Xi należy się spodziewać dalszego wybiórczego wprowadzania zmian, uzależnionego od siły chińskich przedsiębiorstw w konkretnych branżach i ich potrzeb rozwojowych. Zapowiedzi reform stwarzają okazję dla UE do wywarcia presji na polepszenie sytuacji firm z państw unijnych działających w ChRL.

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40 Years Since Deng Xiaoping’s Reforms: The Chinese Economy’s Challenges and Prospects

Author(s): Damian Wnukowski / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2018

After four decades of gradually opening the Chinese economy to the world and at the beginning of the Xi Jinping’s second term in office, China’s authorities are announcing deep reforms, including increasing market access for foreign entities. Despite strengthening Xi’s power, one should expect a further, selective opening of the market depending on the strength of Chinese enterprises in specific industries and their development needs. The announcements of the reforms provide an opportunity for the EU to put pressure on improving the situation of companies from Union countries operating in China.

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50-lecie ASEAN-u: szansa na nowe otwarcie w relacjach gospodarczych z Polską

Author(s): Damian Wnukowski / Language(s): Polish / Publication Year: 2017

W tym roku ASEAN obchodzi 50. rocznicę powstania. Założone w 1967 r. stowarzyszenie przyczyniło się do utrzymania pokoju w regionie i do jego dynamicznego rozwoju gospodarczego w ostatnich dekadach. Dlatego uznawane jest za jeden z najbardziej udanych projektów integracyjnych w Azji. Jednak pomimo rosnącego znaczenia ekonomicznego organizacji jej obecne relacje gospodarcze z Polską są niesatysfakcjonujące i nie wykorzystują w pełni swojego potencjału. Sposobem na poprawę sytuacji jest m.in. postępująca integracja w ramach Wspólnoty Gospodarczej ASEAN-u oraz intensyfikacja działań promujących Polskę w regionie.

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A breakthrough year in relations between Turkey and the European Union – an attempt to take stock

Author(s): Mateusz R. Chudziak,Krzysztof Strachota / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2016

September 2016 marks the passing of one year has passed since the outbreak of the EU migration crisis which became the basis of unprecedented co-operation between Turkey and the EU. Paradoxically, although this co-operation in containing the crisis has proven surprisingly effective, the climate of Turkish-EU relations has significantly deteriorated. This situation comes in part as a result of internal tensions in Turkey (and within the EU). However, genuine changes in the power relations between Turkey and the EU have occurred and Turkey feels that issues it attaches importance to are not being appropriately addressed by the EU—the frustration this causes has been even more instrumental in the deterioration of relations. This shift in relations between Turkey and the EU also stems from Turkey’s aspirations to emancipate itself in its relations with the West; there has been an upward trend in this regard for years. The instruments the EU has so far been employing in order to put Turkey under pressure (above all the EU integration process) are losing their effectiveness, which is in stark contrast with Turkey’s emancipation and assertiveness. However, irrespective of the present and future inevitable tensions in Turkish-EU relations, Turkey’s aim is not to break off with the EU but to develop a new model of strategic relations which better serves its own interests. Despite the recent rapprochement with Russia, Ankara seems to be aware of a lack of alternatives to strategic co-operation with the EU and, more broadly, with the West.

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A captive island: Kaliningrad between Moscow and the EU

Author(s): Jadwiga Rogoża,Agata Wierzbowska-Miazga,Iwona Wiśniewska / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2012

The Kaliningrad region can be called a 'captive island', because of its specific geopolitical location - it is part of the Russian legal, political and economic space, yet it is geographically separated from the rest of the Russian Federation, and it is particularly open to co-operation with its neighbours in the European Union. Moscow is trying to compensate the region for its separation, offering it financial support and economic privileges.At the same time, it is sensitive to any potential challenges to Russia's territorial integrity - and the centre's desire for control over the region often limits the latter's potential for cooperation and internal development. This report presents the situation in the region, and is intended to help develop a model for its effective regional co-operation with its EU neighbours.

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A captured state? Moldova’s uncertain prospects for modernisation

Author(s): Kamil Całus / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2015

There have been several significant changes on Moldova’s domestic political scene in the wake of the November 2014 parliamentary elections there. Negotiations lasted nearly two months and resulted in the formation of a minority coalition composed of two groupings: the Liberal-Democratic Party (PLDM) and the Democratic Party (PDM). New coalition received unofficial support from the Communist Party (PCRM), which had previously been considered an opposition party. Contrary to their initial announcements, PDLM and PDM did not admit the Liberal Party led by Mihai Ghimpu to power. Moreover, they blocked the nomination for prime minister of the incumbent, Iurie Leancă. Leancă has been perceived by many as an honest politician and a guarantor of reforms. This situation resulted in the political model present in Moldova since 2009 being preserved. In this model the state’s institutions are subordinated to two main oligarch politicians: Vlad Filat (the leader of PLDM) and Vlad Plahotniuc (a billionaire who de facto controls PDM).

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A Country with non-Existent Unemployment. The Special Characteristics of the Czech Labour Market

Author(s): Krzysztof Dębiec / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2019

Since 2016, the Czech Republic has had the lowest unemployment rate among all EU member states (cf. Chart 1). In mid-2017, it overtook Japan to reach the top position in the ranking of OECD member states. This situation adversely affects companies which are looking for ways to cope with workforce shortages. One solution is the automation of production processes, but employers are also appealing for the country to become more open to receiving immigrant workers, above all from Ukraine. The trade unions are opposed to this, fearing that an influx of workers from other countries will slow down the rate of increase of wages. At the same time, there is a debate in the Czech Republic about the degree to which the present economic model contributes to the country catching up with the Western economies and what should be done to speed up the convergence.

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A feigned liberalisation: Russia is restricting Gazprom’s monopoly on exports

Author(s): Szymon Kardaś / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2013

An act restricting Gazprom’s monopoly in Russian gas exports came into effect on 1 December 2013. Previously Gazprom had had a legal guarantee to its monopoly position. The changes are an effect of consultations between various ministries that had been conducted for many months and were affected by lobbying from Novatek and Rosneft (Gazprom’s competitors on the domestic gas market); they need not, though, be seen as system changes. The ‘liberalisation’ they appear to bring in is feigned. Proof of this are found for example in both the limited material scope of the new law (it concerns only exports of liquefied natural gas, LNG) and the small number of the beneficiaries of the new regulations (the new solutions will be beneficial for Novatek and Rosneft). Contrary to initial announcements, the right to export LNG has not been restricted to South-Eastern Asian markets, which means that Russian liquefied natural gas is also likely to be sold to Europe in the coming years. Although these changes have been motivated above all by the individual interests of Gazprom’s competitors, they are also to a certain extent a response to the processes taking place on regional gas markets. They may, therefore, turn out to be beneficial for the state (increasing Russia’s share on the global LNG market and attracting foreign investors to gas extraction projects being implemented in Russia). The new regulations are probably the first step down the long road to breaking Gazprom’s monopoly in gas exports via the pipeline system.

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A partial success of trade cooperation within the ‘16+1’ formula: the case of food exports to China

Author(s): Jakub Jakóbowski / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2015

When in 2012 China approached the countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) with a proposal of cooperation in the ‘16+1’ formula, it declared it was willing to meet the needs of CEE countries. Beijing had been aware of the political importance of the problem of trade deficit (which has been ongoing for years) and launched cooperation with the governments of 16 CEE countries to boost imports from these states. The years 2011–2014 brought an improvement in the balance of trade between China and: Hungary, Latvia, the Czech Republic, Romania, Bulgaria and Croatia. The remaining ten CEE countries recorded an increase in their trade deficits. Changes in CEE countries’ balance of trade with China resulted only slightly from political actions. Instead, they were due to the macroeconomic situation and to a deterioration of the debt crisis in the EU which, for example, caused a decline in the import of Chinese goods in some of these countries. Multilateral trade cooperation was successfully developed in the entire region only in the agricultural and food production sector – the area of greatest interest to China. The pace of bilateral cooperation with specific countries varied, with the fastest being Poland, Latvia, Romania, Hungary and Bulgaria. Actions by governments of CEE countries resulted in Chinese market opening up to hundreds of local companies which, in turn, translated into an increase in the volume of foodstuffs sold by ‘the 16’ to China from US$ 137 million in 2011 to US$ 400 million in 2014. The success achieved in the agricultural and food production sector has demonstrated the effectiveness of trade cooperation in the ‘16+1’ formula. It is, however, insufficient to generate a significant improvement of the trade balance. At present, the sector’s share in the total volume of goods sold to China by CEE states is a mere 3.7%, and any reduction of the trade deficit would require long-term and more comprehensive solutions still to be implemented by the governments of individual CEE states.

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A Polar Silk Road: The Arctic in China’s Foreign and Economic Policies

Author(s): Damian Wnukowski / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2018

The Arctic is playing an increasingly important role in Chinese foreign and economic policy. In January 2018, the Chinese government published a strategy for this region, recognising it as part of the Belt and Road Initiative. The Arctic is to be used primarily as a source of raw materials and an attractive transport route connecting Eastern Asia with Europe. China’s actions may ultimately challenge the interests of Poland’s allies, including the United States, which should be taken into account when considering cooperation with Chinese entities.

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A ship run aground. Deepening problems in the Ukrainian economy

Author(s): Tadeusz Iwański / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 2015

The drop in Ukraine’s GDP by nearly 18% in the first three months of 2015 (versus the corresponding period in 2014) has confirmed the decline of the country’s economy. Over the last 14 months, the Ukrainian currency was subject to an almost threefold devaluation against the US dollar, and in April 2015 the inflation rate was 61% (year-on-year), which exacerbated the impoverishment of the general public and weakened domestic demand. The main reason behind the crisis has been the destruction of heavy industry and infrastructure in the war-torn Donbas region, over which Kyiv no longer has control, as well as a sharp decline in foreign trade (by 24% in 2014 and by 34% in the first quarter of 2015), recorded primarily in trading volume with Ukraine’s major trade partner, i.e. Russia (a drop of 43%). The conflict has also had a negative impact on the production figures for the two key sectors of the Ukrainian economy: agriculture and metallurgy, which account for approximately 50% of Ukrainian exports.

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