" ال سرَّ وأخْفَى" المعنى والدلالة دراسة تفسيريَّةٌ تحليلية
In our paper, the meanings of the words "secret and hafa" in the 7th verse of Surat al-Taha in Qur’an. These words in our study are discussed in terms of faith and flow.
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In our paper, the meanings of the words "secret and hafa" in the 7th verse of Surat al-Taha in Qur’an. These words in our study are discussed in terms of faith and flow.
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This paper provides a comparative analysis of verbal synesthetic metaphors with the basic taste adjectives in Polish and English: słodki/sweet, gorzki/bitter, kwaśny/sour, słony/salty. Since taste seems to be an ideal candidate for a universal, biologically determined source of metaphors, the authors seek to verify the hypothesis of metaphor embodiment. The corpus-based analysis of nominal phrases with basic Polish and English taste adjectives indicates that cultural influences on the metaphorical mapping, as well as the importance of the target conceptual domains, must be taken into account.
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Epistemic properties of a man constitute the base for change. So far little attention has been paid to those properties in semantics. Questions of epistemic factors, which influence the formation of specialised neologisms, have not been posed. The keynote of this article is the attempt to answer this question. To achieve this goal, I attempt to explain such expressions as ‚neo’, ‚epistemic’ and ‚specialised neologism’. Then I proceed with the presentation of the results of the analysis of an interview. The subject of the interview is the Polish neologism ‚auleta’, created by Maciej Kaziński during his work an the translation of John Landes’ Music in Ancient Greece and Rome.Epistemic properties of a man constitute the base for change. So far little attention has been paid to those properties in semantics. Questions of epistemic factors, which influence the formation of specialised neologisms, have not been posed. The keynote of this article is the attempt to answer this question. To achieve this goal, I attempt to explain such expressions as ‚neo’, ‚epistemic’ and ‚specialised neologism’. Then I proceed with the presentation of the results of the analysis of an interview. The subject of the interview is the Polish neologism ‚auleta’, created by Maciej Kaziński during his work an the translation of John Landes’ Music in Ancient Greece and Rome.
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The word "dellek" can mean barber, circumcisionist, and dentist, and can even refer to male servants who would wash and massage male customers in Turkish bath houses. Delleks would draw blood, cut for jaundice, and cut palates, as well as treat grapes and warts. The word comes to us from an earlier form, "tellak", carrying the same set of meanings. One might infer that delleks treated and beautified the human body, and were masters in their own right. Their female counterparts were referred to as "natır." Like delleks, natırs engaged in a wide range of activities, including scrubbing, massaging, make-up, eyebrow trimming, waxing, manicuring, pedicuring, tattooing, piercing, preparing nose and earrings, and assembling bridal head gear for weddings. Both terms not only are commonplace throughout many aspects of society, but they also refer to a collection of occupations whose lexical roots are self-explanatory. This study will look at their usage in the context of the Azerbaijani language, with a particular focus on their various meanings.
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The first part of the article explains the difference between two expressions: "I am dressed up in Šokac costume" (spremila sam se u šokačko) and "I wear Šokac costume" (nosim se šokački). The first expression means that a person is dressed in the national costume characteristic for Šokci (Croats native to the eastern part of Croatia, around the cities of Slavonski Brod, Vinkovci, Županja, Našice, Đakovo), while the second expression means that a person wears the national costume daily, although modified to include some degree of city clothing. The article is based on field interviews in 1993/94 in villages near Županja (Bošnjaci, Cerna, Drenovci, Račinovci, Vrbanja, Štitar), which sought to learn more about the Šokac national costume in that region. Many authors have written about the Šokci, in particular about the etymology of the word or about the origin of the group, using mostly historical and linguistic sources (Sršan, Stjepan 199). In this region, where Šokci live intermixed with other Croats as well as with some minority groups, the term Šokac at the beginning of the 20th century always referred to Croats who were both Catholic and peasants and whose families had long been settled in the region (starosjedioci). The results of the current research point to the two meanings of the above-mentioned expressions, and shows that the phrase nosim se šokački, that is, I wear Šokac costume, is an outer sign of the wearer's identity, even up to the present day, to differentiate the wearer from others who also wear the costume. In the 1950s alongside the first meaning, another, new meaning gradually came into use, expressed as spremila sam se u šokačko, that is, / dressed up in Šokac costume. This latter expression means that the person only sometimes wears the local costume. She may or may not be a part of the Šokac community. Those women who are Šokice may or may not still be employed in agriculture, and in fact can live in either rural or urban areas. The second part of the article gives the preliminary results of research of women's Šokac costumes of Županja region. The terminology of basic parts of the costume, of clothing and head arrangements are indicated in the tables. The terminology differs between the area west of Županja on the one hand and that east of Županja on the other. This field research will be continued, the tables will be completed with other data and will be expanded to include the remaining places so that we may acquire a regional picture of Šokac costume.
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This paper attempts to explicate the meanings of expressions representing a specific type of genitive metaphor — binding two notions by the rule of conventional, surface sameness. This article aims to prove that the genitive function that appears in this kind of expression is part of a general pattern modelling the semantic roles of this case. This pattern presents the genitive as a lingual indicator of the relation between a “smaller range” object and a “larger range” object and explains the essence of the semantic function appearing not only in this particular type of genitive metaphor, but also in structures such as genetivus definitivus.
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This article deals with the classical text cycle ofTibetan religious practice "The Profaund Dharma of the Natural Liberation through Contemplating the Peaceful and Wrathful Deities"that was written down in the 14th centuary, explaining phenomena of the death moment, as well as the period of existence after the death. The title of the text is a topical problem, because in Western society, already starting with the first translations, this book is known with a completely different name ( "Tibetan Book of Living and Dyingj, thus creating quite another perception and approach than in Tibetan culture. Alongside with the analyses of the title of the text,the article also traces back to the historical emergence of dying rituals and afterlife theory in ancient India and Tibet.
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In this essay/article, after introducing briefly the ideas expressed by various linguists on the matter in question, the author throws into discussion two issues: the origine of the patronymic Buzuku, as well as the origine of the name of Gjon’s father (Bdek), giving thus his contribution. He thinks that the two names, Buzuk and Buzuq, are nominal compounds. There is no doubt that the first part of these compounds is the noun buz/ë/(lip/s), but with the meaning ‘brink, border, bank’. It seems that with this meaning, are especially linked the toponyms and micro-toponyms, numerous throughout all the toponomastic nomenclature in our country, which come out since early times in various medieval documents to our days. The second part of Buzuk/Buzuq is the name Ujk (wolf), which appears since early in documents as personal name. It seems, then, that in Buzuk as well as in Buzuq, we have a compounding or a juxtaposition of two nouns, which originally named a place, buzë ‘brink’, where there were wolves, this perhaps in connection to some occurrence, now petrified in the micro-toponym Bazulk (respectively Buzuk). Later the noun must have been used as a patronym; over time it may have passed also to the naming of the village according to the name of the kin holding it. We are then within that circle which E. Çabej calls ‘the system of Albanian anthroponomy’.
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This study deals with the notion of leadership, envisaged broadly as the quality of a head of state to lead his people towards a common goal while conveying the image of a role-model by both his actions and statements. During his presidential term, a head of state is confronted with many institutionalised contexts where he is expected to issue an official speech. From the numerous official speeches that a president is likely to deliver, I have chosen to dwell on one of the most ritualised discursive sequences, namely the presidential greetings on New Year’s Eve, in order to highlight how the presidential ethos is built through discursive and extra-discursive elements. In this context, I have taken into account the greetings of the Romanian ex-President, Traian Băsescu, from the period 2004-2013 (he was elected twice) with a view to analysing both the purely discursive devices (speech acts, appellatives, semantic content emphasized) and the extra-linguistic elements (place where the discourse is delivered, communication channel). The analysis aims at answering the following questions: Can we consider the presidential greetings and the choices made within and outside the discourse itself as indirect evidence of the diminution of the public support that the president had benefited from? Do the greetings emphasize the president’s effort to adapt to his audience while maintaining the tradition of a well-established ritual?
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The article depicts the linguistic and stylistic means used by Stefania Trochanowska in her Polish-language volumes of poetry Potem, teraz, przedtem, Motyle and Nie pozwól uschnąć kwiatom in order to create the leading emotion of love. The analysed material is presented according to the suggestion made by Iwona Nowakowska-Kempna. The research has revealed that the Lemko poetess describes two types of love – as a feeling and as an erotic phenomenon – using the necessary number of words in a succinct way. She treats love as a universal feeling, typical of every human being, irrespective of their nationality.
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This paper introduces two instances of person effects with 3rd person items – the reflexive clitic se in French and the non-honorific clitic pronoun suu in Punjabi. Examining the properties of these items, we argue against the phi-feature based accounts of person licensing. Instead, we re-conceptualize it as a syntactico-semantic phenomenon, which requires a pronominal to be contextually-anchored via a feature labeled [F]. More globally, this paper attempts to work out the special status of person and articulate why person requires special licensing in grammar.
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The present study aims to analyze selected internet memes as examples of social communication from the perspective of Cognitive Linguistics, and to examine more closely the relation between their visual and verbal aspects. Internet memes contain a wide range of constructions (necessary for rebuilding the semantic framework and extracting selected content), which are fragmentary but at the same time sufficient to induce a whole framework of meanings by using their salient features. The multimodal context is considered within the frameworks of conceptual metaphor theory (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980), construal (Langacker, 1987, 2008), frame semantics (Fillmore, 1988), conceptual blending theory (Fauconnier & Turner, 2002) and Discourse Viewpoint Space (Dancygier & Vandelanotte, 2016). The paper will present an analysis of the structure of internet memes, which are rich concepts that spread rapidly and widely, and also invite recipients to actively participate in the construction of the message, thus becoming contributors.
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The complexity of Lucian Blaga’s poetry is a matter of common knowledge. Part of this complexity is related to the elements of prosody that Blaga skilfully employs, to say nothing of the philosophical vein which infuses his writings, and which derives, understandably, from his philosophical work. Mention should also be made of the lyrical character of Blaga’s dramatic works, which adds significantly to the effort of translating his writings into English, or any other language for that matter. In what follows, we intend to offer a bird’s eye view of the volumes that have been translated into English and to analyse a selection of poems comparatively, in order to signal challenges and discrepancies, born in the process of transferring literary material from Romanian to English, and to point out what has been lost, and, if that be the case, what has been gained in the translation process.
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This paper analyzes selected examples of idioms containing the component head in Croatian and Hungarian. Despite the fact that Hungarian and Croatian are not cognate languages, due to the universal experiences and to the fact that they belong to a common cultural circle, these languages have a large correspondence in their phraseology, which can be seen in somatic idioms as body parts represent a kind of universality. The aim of this paper is to show similarities and differences in lexical content and meaning of Croatian and Hungarian idioms containing the component head. The motivational basis of idioms is also discussed as well as the influence of basic and transferred meanings of the lexeme head on the meaning of idioms.
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The present research aims at giving a quantitative and qualitative analysis of semantic and syntactic properties of prototypically different light verb constructions with the synonymous deverbal nouns chat, talk, and conversation in British English. The constructions under investigation are studied in terms of combinability with different light verbs, comple¬mentation patterns, and adjectival modification. Data for the analysis are collected from the British National Corpus (BNC). The study reveals that prototypically different types of light verb constructions behave in a similar way in terms of the researched aspects. However, signi-ficant differences can be found when the deverbal nouns under investigation combine with different light verbs.
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The Albanian language contains dozens of lexicological, semantic and word-forming classes in its lexicology, which need to be further studied, especially regarding their most important aspect, i.e. the semantic one. Such a class is composed of passive and reflexive verbs, which have so far been subject to pure grammatical and word-forming research. There is no comprehensive research that focuses on their lexicological content or semantics to answer the question whether reflexive and passive verbs represent separate lexicological units, i.e. units of an entirely independent meaning from the respective active voices or whether they are forms that derive form them. The answer to this question is first of all related with the nature of their lexicological content, and secondly with the concept of the diathesis and conjugation of verbs. In grammar and vocabularies, diathesis is at times defined as a grammar category and included as an element of verb conjugation, and at others as a lexicological-grammatical category. While verb conjugation is seen from different perspectives, researchers have often different, and more then rarely even contradictory views. The research analyses 2390 reflexive verbs extracted from the Dictionary of the modern Albanian language, 1980. A careful review of the lexicological groups and sub-groups tries to answer the question: are reflexive verbs separate lexicological units in the Albanian language? The research intends to shed light, using the componential analyses approach, within its limits, on the lexicological semantics of reflexive verbs in the Albanian language, which is the scope of our PhD thesis,
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The Hungarian words komor ‘gloomy’ and komoly ‘serious’ are of unknown origin. The present paper aims to elucidate this question from various angles: it gives an overview of what the Hungarian etymological dictionaries say on this topic, shows that komoly is a relatively late development out of komor, spread by the language reformers (especially by Ferenc Kazinczy) at the end of the 18th century, and presents the attempts to prove the Turkic origin of komor. Finally, it offers a Slavic etymology based on the Slavic stem *chmur-, demonstrates that semantically the two words match perfectly, and dissolves the phonological doubts that may arise at first sight.
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Chinese politics are characterized by the complex issues of a large population and centralized political powers, which offers a distinct political model from the Western models. However, the last two decades have witnessed a sharp collision between Chinese and Western political thinking. In response, domestic authors have increasingly focused on the indigenization (bentuhua 本土化) of Chinese political theories and, therefore, defend the concept of politics with Chinese characteristics. In this article, the authors focus on the discourse of “deliberative democracy” within the Chinese language, namely, Xieshang minzhu 协商 民主. In the current literature, almost no scholarly discussions have explored the semantics of the notion of Xieshang minzhu within Chinese politics. This article engages with this issue, both as a subject and a methodology, to better understand the political language that has been used in the official discourses in China1 by 1) establishing a textual corpus by collecting relevant data into the Chinese and English groups through keywords; 2) conducting a statistical analysis based on the Word Cloud and Diagram analyses; and 3) using Word2Vec to calculate the relationship among other sub-keywords. The purpose of this contribution is to differentiate Xieshang minzhu as adopted by Chinese official discourses embedded in the logic of political reforms from the Western discourses. The semantic analysis presented here also serves as a methodology that systematically develops a conceptual model of xieshang, which further clarifies the misconceptions and errors in the existing literature. The authors also provide an outline of the polysemic notion of deliberative democracy, which not only exists within an authoritarian regime but is also present in other forms and other languages (such as Chinese). This serves to further maintain the legitimacy of the “socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics.”
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The article has been devoted to the phenomenon of anti-language and the focal point of the paper refers to the analysis of socio-cultural processes involved in the formation and reception of anti-language. The analysis has been aimed at defining the circumstances of the occurrence of anti-language as well as determining its role and functions at both individual and collective levels. My general approach to the study of anti-language outlines the social functions which govern the emergence of anti-languages with the explicit reference to language, context and text. Kenneth Burke (1966) defines man as a symbol-using animal. In his “Definition of Man”, Burke draws attention to the concept of negativity when he argues that negatives do not occur in nature and they are solely a product of human symbol systems. According to Burke, “(...) language and the negative ‘invented’ man (...)” (Burke 1966: 9). The study has begun with the premise that anti-language permanently depicts an antagonistic attitude towards the official language, whereas the negative attitude towards anti-language translates directly into stigmatisation of its users. The negativity of the affix anti—in anti-language has been culturally and socially structured as antithetical to language. Nevertheless, language and anti-language do not necessarily forge a typical antithesis in a polar sense. Victor Turner (/1969/ 1975) employs the affix anti—for his term anti-structure and explains that the affix has been used strategically and does not imply radical negation. This paper seeks to revise the one-dimensional attitude towards anti-language and fortify its social significance with a new quality. The basis for the study of anti-language has been its multi-functionality and multifaceted character. A small corpus of anti-languages has been analysed in order to illustrate a complex and polysemic nature of this phenomenon.
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The aim of the research was to investigate how native speakers of Russian, which is a highly complex inflectional language, cope with the acquisition of the similar by structure and complexity Lithuanian language. The subjects were adults of different age and education who learned Lithuanian in Belarus. I analyse errors related to the acquisition of noun case. The errors are divided into formal (acquisition of endings) and conceptual ones (choice of the appropriate case). I shortly compare my results with the results of similar research conducted in Lithuania where the subjects were native speakers of different languages. The results of the study show that similar errors are typical for native speakers of different languages irrespective of their morphological complexity. A complex inflectional system of a native language is not necessarily beneficial, but it seems to give some advantages for the acquisition of semantic (not syntactic) cases.
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