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Soudobý historiografický výzkum česko-rakouské hranice a jeho perspektivy
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Soudobý historiografický výzkum česko-rakouské hranice a jeho perspektivy
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The article examines the process of forced assimilation of Pomacs and Turks in the 1970s-80s and the denial of the violence by the communist regime in Bulgaria. Three cases have been presented in which the regime uses the same prepared individuals and prepared situations aimed at deceiving the global public about the violent Bulgarisation and persecution of the religious beliefs of Muslims. The preparation for the reception of external guests is carried out according to the rules of theatrical production, with its dramaturgy and stage design. The execution in all three cases was accompanied by confusing situations and failures, ultimately failing to deceive the participants. The three cases were provoked by publications in the world press about these events. The first was a visit by Moammar Gaddafi with a delegation to Bulgaria in 1978, the second was a visit by the The Arab Conference Contact Group in 1987 and the third was the making of a film about Muslims in Bulgaria by the German communist journalist of Turkish origin Kamil Taylan in 1986.
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The paper deals with the activities of the Tush wing of the anti-Soviet organization ‘Samani’ (Young Fighters for the Prosperity of Georgia") created during the Second World War. Several illegal organizations led by Levan Gotua, Adam Bobghiashvili, Kote Khimshiashvili and others were established in Georgia during World War II, but Soviet Special Forces destroyed all of them. Over the course of the Second World War the Tush people, motivated by the desire of Georgia's independence, fantasied in the illusions, dared and from the high mountains of Tusheti confronted with the Soviet totalitarian state. Provided the Russian-Bolshevik regime, based on the studying the numerous archival material, we consider the twinkle of the idea of such a national movement like "Samani" as a special case study, and think that the work fulfilled by the Tush Samanels is more than a dream: in the shortest possible time and under the greatest political pressure, this movement carried out a complete paralysis of Soviet rule in the mountainous Tusheti. In the 1940s, the national liberation movement in Georgia took place in difficult historical conditions. The Tusheti community unfamiliar with the essence of the ideology of Nazism and Fascism, and convinced in the victory of Germany which was already approached the Caucasus Mountains, linked their dreams to the victory of Germany in the WWII. They considered the defeat of the Soviet Union by Germany as a favorable guarantee of Georgia's independence. The aim of the organization was to overthrow the Soviet Union, liberate Georgia from Russian influence, and bring the country out of the Soviet Union-German war unharmed. Shedding light on the ‘Saman’ movement is of great importance not only for clarifying the issue of the national liberation movement in Georgia, but also in the Caucasus.
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The paper explores the ideological background and political goals of the Revolutionary Movement for the Unification of Albanians, and their role in the 1968 demonstration that took place in Kosova. The paper contextualizes and historicizes the event by placing it within a spatial and chronological timeframe. By drawing from a historical narrative that describes the position of Albanians within socialist Yugoslavia, the paper traces the formation of the Revolutionary Movement for the Unification of Albanians and their ideological tenets, and posits them within a global historical Zeitgeist of the 1968 worldwide demonstrations. The paper also trails how the events of 1968 in Kosova fueled the radicalization of dissident and anti-systemic movements in Kosova that would take a central role in the historical developments of the 1970s and 1980s.
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Evgenia Ivanova's book „The End of the Century. Political Memories of a Non-Politician“ is an autobiographical story. It not only covers the political events in Bulgaria from the 1990s, but the narrative also goes back to fundamental personae from the 19th century onwards. The book combines various genres: from classical autobiography and journalism, characterised by different nuances of historical and fictional narrative, to memoir. This is a freer view, not succumbing to the otherwise difficult-to-discern framework of the genre, which may also show the features of the romanticised autobiography. Simultaneously, the seasoned ethnological view may distinguish the peculiarities of the autobiographical tale as a methodological apparatus, as well as the realised autoreflexiveness and the growing reverse reflexiveness of the ethnologist Evgenia Ivanova towards a vast period of processes and the events it holds. Not least, the book poses the question: „Why does the author decide to tell her story up until the year 2000?“. The answer is in the book.
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During the 1990s, informal trade – or šverc - was widespread in the former Yugoslav rump state. The following article conceptualizes the mechanisms behind the establishment of informal markets in light of ‘legal failure’ in Novi Pazar, Serbia, where informality produced an alternative, transnational connotation of belonging, leading to a ‘competition between law and social norms’. Trading thus served the purpose of a safety net that generated new and renewed social ties with the diaspora in Turkey, and the Turkish state writ large.
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The current conflict in Ukraine and the troubled course of its relations with Russia since declaring independence in 1991 has encouraged speculation and misinformation about the longer history of their relationship. These two new books by leading historian of Ukrainian and Russian history provide last chapters with informed accounts of relations since 1991. Their primary concerns and the bulk of their books are devoted to the much longer histories and complex relations from the Tsarist centuries through the Soviet period
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The paper elucidates the development of a medieval city from a border fortification and caravan station to an important economic, administrative and judicial seat. Through the analysis of sources and field survey, it is ascertained that in addition to the palace, i.e. the Upper Town, the Lower Town in Višegrad was also fortified, which largely changes the notion about the settlement, life of its inhabitants and the origin of the name Višegrad. Based on Ottoman sources, the military garrison, urban changes and division into mahallas, and the religious structure and dynamics of the population are shown. A focus is also placed on economic activities, particularly mass viticulture.
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The paper deals with the demarcation process between the Principality of Serbia and the Ottoman Empire from 1830 until 1834. All activities of examining and measuring the land with the aim to draw the exact future border, have been presented in detail. The borderline was based on the line held by the Serbian rebels in 1812. The role of the Russian officers in the demarcation process has also been highlighted, as well as the work of the commission on drawing the final Serbian-Turkish border in 1834. The final part of the paper elaborates on determination of the borders of the nahiyes, which formed a part of socalled “torn-off lands”, i.e. the territories that became part of the Principality of Serbia after the demarcation. The statistical data on population in these nahiyes have also been given.
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The cruelty of the Ottoman authorities during the suppression of the Ilinden Uprising caused revolt and protests of the European public opinion, especially of the British public opinion. Because of that and because of the existing danger from a Bulgarian – Ottoman war, an opportunity for the Great Powers to take action was created that involved new reform suggestions which ultimately ended with the Murzsteg Reform Program. Great Britain also had its own suggestions, such as a Christian governor who would not have been connected with any of the countries that signed the Berlin Agreement, or a Muslim governor aided by European assistants. The financial and judicial aspects of the Murzsteg Reform Program were also important for the British foreign policy and some of their suggestions were ultimately implemented.
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The paper analyzes the implementation of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina and highlights the dificulties along the way. The author detected a different reception of the content, messages and implications of certain provisions and imperatives of the Peace Agreement in BiH with the former belligerent parties in the civil war in BiH, ie. among the legitimate representatives of the three constituent peoples in BiH, who are the bearers of its constitution and the entire architecture on which is based the Dayton BiH. By analyzing several annexes of the Dayton Peace Agreement, e.g. of Annexes lV, Vll and Vlll, the author showed that the norms from those annexes have one semantics within the Serbian national corpus, the other (different one) at Bosniaks, while at Croats it is perceived in a third way. As a result of that, and some other contents, i.e. obstruction of the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement, it has not been implemented to the end, nor is that end in sight soon.
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The paper deals with the development of Czech medieval studies on ecclesiastical and religious history, with a focus on the study of the history of medieval Benedictine monasticism. The author sketches the historiography of his subject since the emergence of critical Czech historiography during the 19th century and points out the problems that such a profiled study had to face between 1948 and 1989 under the dominance of Marxist-orchestrated historiography. The bulk of the paper then presents an outline of the development in the field of study after the fall of the communist regime, i.e. in the years 1990—2018.
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