Jan Svoboda: Masarykův realismus a filosofie pozitivismu
Review of: Jan SVOBODA: Masarykův realismus a filosofie pozitivismu. Praha: Filosofia, 2017, 321 s., ISBN 978-80-7007-484-8.
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Review of: Jan SVOBODA: Masarykův realismus a filosofie pozitivismu. Praha: Filosofia, 2017, 321 s., ISBN 978-80-7007-484-8.
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This paper deals with single periods of the Velvet Revolution in the Czech towns and regions. The author tried to define each term and period of the revolution, including the period before and after the revolution. This study shows similarities and differences between the course of the Velvet Revolution at the national level and at the level of regions, districts and towns. The article also highlights the crucial importance that this level meant for the general success of the Velvet Revolution. The end of the period that influenced the revolution in some way is considered to be 2009, 2010 respectively, the time when, according to the author, 17 November 1989 is not commemorated to be the moment when the undemocratic Communist regime was overthrown, a moment of joy and celebration, but the opportunity to criticize the contemporary socio-economic problems of today.
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In the town of Písek, the District of Písek, the political, social and economic situation in the observed period from March to December 1989 did not show any signs of some remarkable changes in the foreseeable period. At that time existing Communist Party and state administration still thoroughly fulfilled orders of higher regional authorities. It was also important that no experiments, which would alter their competencies, were performed. In this period, it was still publically spoken about restructuring and democratization of the socialist society, however, the local civic society was very carefully waking up from lethargy. Therefore, we can say that there were no opposition activities or activities of organized groups in the Písek area at all. Similarly, as in other districts of the region and the state, also the local district committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party (KSČ) was permanently pushing on the elementary organizations of the Party to get engaged in the fight against independent groups. They were to engage the broad public from factories, including the use of various social organizations (ROH – Revolutionary Trade Union Movement, SSM – Socialist Youth Union, etc.) in these activities of the Communist Party. The highly recommended forms were various denouncing petitions (with respect to the anniversary of 21st August or the action called Několik vět – Several Sentences). It is necessary to say that there was no effort and will of the great majority of people, party members and independent people to get engaged in similar actions (remotely resembling the 1950s). Similarly, like in the Communist Party itself, the activity of the local regional committee of the Socialist Youth Union and its many elementary organizations, which were working in the formal mode, dropped. As the political changes in neighbouring countries of the socialist block were in progress and in autumn the nervousness of the Party bodies on all levels was increasing, this was also seen in the activity of the Communist Party after the fateful 17th November 1989.
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The political, social and economic situation in the observed period from August to 17 November 1989 did not show any signs of some remarkable changes in the foreseeable period. At that time existing Communist Party and state administration still thoroughly fulfilled orders of higher regional authorities and it did not start any experiments, which would alter their competencies. In this period, it was still publically spoken about restructuring and democracy, the local border civic society was waking up very slowly and no opposition activities or activities of organized groups existed here at all. In spite of this fact the local district committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party was permanently pushing on the elementary organizations of the Party to get engaged in the fight against independent groups. They were to engage the broad public from factories, for example in the form various denouncing petitions. It happened in the connection with the anniversary of 21st August, for example. It is necessary to say that there was no effort and will of the great majority of people, and, moreover, party members to get engaged in similar actions which resembled remotely the 1950s. The activity of the local regional committee of the Socialist Youth Union and its many elementary organizations, which were working in the formal mode, dropped. As the political changes in neighbouring countries of the socialist block were in progress and in autumn the nervousness of the Party bodies on all levels was increasing, this was also seen in the activity of the Communist Party till the fateful 17th November 1989.
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The crisis of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia was deepening in 1988, its isolation within the society was increasing and it was slowly moving to another quality period. Most people – working class especially – which was supposed to be the support of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia paradoxically (at least in the sample in South Bohemia) did not consider it to be a career promotion at all. The graduates were the only exception then. The leaders of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia must have learnt an unpleasant thing inevitably, neither workers nor juveniles would like to become members of the Party. The national economy did not grow either, the list of goods being unavailable got bigger and bigger, the conflict between increasing demand and decreasing (in better cases stagnating) market opportunities was more significant. Nevertheless, a comfortable life was still going on seemingly – in the Party funding itself as well, its leaders and cash box wardens did not mind a million’s budget deficit which was evened up quickly from the state budget.
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Již dlouhou dobu se zajímám o problematiku českého národa před rokem 1989. V posledních letech je toto téma i mé generaci stále blíže. Proč? Stačí se podívat na volební výsledky z posledních několika let, kde Komunistická strana Čech a Moravy stále ve svých preferencích stoupá. V posledních volbách se KSČM umístila na třetím místě s téměř patnácti procenty všech hlasů. V knihovně i na internetu můžeme nalézt nespočet knih a článků popisující život v socialismu, které ale především mladším čtenářům nenabídnou přímý vhled do všedního dne člověka žijícího v komunistickém Československu.
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Peu avant la réunification de l’Allemagne, on a pu remarquer dans l’ancienne République démocratique allemande une augmentation explosive de la publication des Mémoires et des documents littéraires dont la cible était surtout le passé récent. À tel point que même la maison d’édition Dietz, qui est celle du parti socialiste unifié, l’ancien parti communiste, métamorphosé depuis en parti du socialisme démocratique, s’est mise à publier non seulement les écrits des hérétiques du communisme, par exemple le fameux livre de Léon Trotski, Les Crimes de Staline, paru d’abord en 1937, à Zurich, mais aussi le discours secret de Khrouchtchev au XXe Congrès du parti communiste de l’Union soviétique, de 1956. Dans cet effort pour dépasser les frontières idéologiques et se situer dans l’ensemble culturel du pays, les révélations des crimes du stalinisme occupent une partie importante du marché du livre de l’Est allemand.
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Události konce roku 1989 v jihočeské metropoli byly základním způsobem popsány v několika málo článcích. Vesměs se tedy jedná o dosud pole téměř neorané. Přitom, jak jde čas, regionální komparativní literatury přibývá, stejně tak jako je již vcelku dosti prací s obecnou tematikou.
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The military involvement of Romania in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877 created high expectations in Bucharest regarding the organization of peace and the country's new international status. However, towards the end of 1877 and the beginning of 1878, Romania was in a very complicated situation. At the end of the military campaign, the political elite in Bucharest, led by Carol I, was increasingly convinced that Russia had become a real danger to the country. Events on the European continent were unpredictable, and this further heightened the fears of Romanian leaders. Romanian politicians genuinely feared that the country might be invaded or even ‘crushed’ by the way Russia viewed, solely by virtue of its army victories against Turkey, the ‘resolution of the Eastern crisis,’ assuming a reconfiguration under the gracious tutelage of the Tsar,’ of Southeastern Europe. This study is a reassessment of the position adopted by Romania in relation to the negotiation that led to the signing of the Treaty of San Stefano and its provisions, considered burdensome for Bucharest. Romania lacked the guarantee of the Great Powers, a fact that made the young state very vulnerable to neighbours such as Tsarist Russia.
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The paper focuses on the relationship between socialist Yugoslavia and the American economist, intellectual, and political figure John Kenneth Galbraith. The research is based on the analysis of archival materials, periodicals, travelogues, and Galbraith’s works translated in Yugoslavia. Galbraith’s first visit to Yugoslavia in 1958 was an integral part of his study visit to Poland, financed by the Ford Foundation. Based on the travelogue Galbraith wrote after his trip, the article analyzes the picture of the Yugoslav society in the 1950s and its transformation, looking into the period until the economist’s second visit in 1989. Finally, through mapping the published monographs, this article analyzes the reception of Galbraith’s work in socialist Yugoslavia.
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Review of: Cybermedia: explorations in science, sound, and vision, Bloomsbury Academic, New York; London; Oxford; New Delhi; Sydney 2022, 450 p.;Kaganovič, Albert, Exodus and its aftermath: Jewish refugees in the wartime Soviet interior, University of Wiskonsin Press, Madison 2022, 313 p.; Luciani, Franco, Slaves of the people: a political and social history of Roman public slavery, Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2022, 489 p.; Oh, David C, Whitewashing the Movies: Asian Era - sure and white Subjectivity in U.S. Film Culture, Rut - gers University Press, New Brunswick 2022, 198 p; Tominc, Ana (Ed.), Food and cooking on early television in Europe: impact on postwar foodways, Routledge, London-New York 2022, 182 p.
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Review of: Jevgenij Maximovič Primakov: Svět bez Ruska? K čemu vede politická krátkozrakost. Praha: Ottovo nakladatelství, 2010, 184 s., ISBN 978-80- 7360-951-1.
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This work deals with the engagement of French women in humanitarian missions in the second decade of the 20th century, strongly marked by wars. French volunteers accompanied the injured and Serbian patients not only in the Balkans but also during the withdrawal through Albania and arrived in North Africa as well as France. In This article, we wish to highlight the role of French women in these missions and to do this, we will use historical sources that we have collected as well as the military archives that have been made available our disposal.
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The study deals with the issue of the Slovak national and state myth. It examines the genesis of these myths and their formation in the different historical conditions throughout history. The Slovak national and state myth was influenced by the cultural and civilizational factors of the territory inhabited by the Slovaks, interaction with other nations, social and political conditions. The Slovak national and state myth was born and matured gradually from the 17th century onwards as an expression of the collective identity of the Slovaks as a nobility and later as a nation in the struggle for recognition of their own equality and equivalence in historical Hungary. It grew out of the conviction of the autochthony and originality of the Slovaks and their belonging to the great Slavic nation. It followed the original oral tradition dating back to the Great Moravian period.
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A complex analysis that deals with existing historical, geopolitical and cultural points of view, opinions and influences on the formation and understanding of (imaginary) eastern borders of Europe. The paper also opens the question of the historical direction of Ukraine and its place on the geopolitical map of Europe.
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September 2005 was especially important election year for Poland. Two key elections took place: parliamentary and presidential. Poland is not still a country where the elections mean only certain change of governing political teams. On the contrary elections always have led to transformation of party system so far. Last (autumn) elections shifted again the frontiers of changes any further because of their result there happen quality changes of polish policy. The aim of this article is to take down the atmosphere of polish party system on the instant before parliamentary elections, and to analyse the transformation of distribution of political forces after their ending.
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Review of: Petr BLAŽEK - Łukasz KAMIŃSKI - Rudolf VÉVODA (eds.): Polsko a Československo v roce 1968. Praha: Dokořán a Ústav pro soudobé dějiny Akademie věd České republiky, 2006, 361 s., ISBN 80-7363-103-1.
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Alexander, the son and – first – heir of Stephen III the Great of Moldavia, remains a highly controversial figure. Officially, he died on 26 July 1496, whilst with the host. The reports sent from Hungary to Stephen’s ally, Maximilian I of Habsburg (prior to 22-24 August 1496), and – most importantly – to his royal councillor Johannes Fuchsmagen (14 July 1496), show however that Alexander died at least a month earlier. He probably died on 26 June, as recorded in one of the chronicles of the Putna Monastery, Stephen’s necropolis, but not the burial place of Alexander (who was laid to rest at the Bistriţa Monastery). The impact of Alexander’s demise was considerable. His death was initially deemed that of Stephen himself, to the utmost concern of the House of Habsburg. Allegedly, both the Ottoman Turks and Sigismund Jagiello, the brother of Wladislaw II, king of Hungary and Bohemia, and of Jan Albert, king of Poland, were ready to occupy Moldavia. Within a year, Jan Albert did indeed attack Stephen, who had to be replaced with Sigismund as ruler of Moldavia. The Jagellonian plan was foiled by the conspiracy of Maximilian and Stephen, supported by the military intervention of Bartholomew Drágffy, the voivode of Transylvania as well as – between 1489 and 1496 – the father-in-law of the late Alexander.
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The second half of the sixteenth century saw France descend into civil war, after several decades of increasing religious tensions brought about by the Reformation. It was an outcome which traditional political thought dreaded, because internal union was one of the most prized features of a healthy political body. Civil war, the line went, was much worse than any other calamity which might befall a polity and threatened it with complete dissolution. Therefore, once France found itself in such a situation from 1562 onwards, one of the main issues in French political discourse became the restoration of internal peace: all the parties involved in the conflict paid at least lip service to it, although each envisioned their own path in order to achieve this goal. For the radical Catholics, internal peace could not be divorced from religious unity, therefore, the Protestants had to be exterminated, chased out or brought back into the Catholic fold. A more moderate group of Catholics came to argue that this was not possible without doing irreparable damage to the country and that coexistence with Protestants had to be accepted at least temporarily, looking to the king to impose such a solution. Finally, the Protestants, who envisioned at the beginning of the wars the possibility of converting the whole France to the Reformation, came to embrace the second point of view, as well, under the pressure of political realities. This paper aims to analyze the discourse of peace in the propaganda issued during the French Wars of Religion, examining its main themes and how it unfolded over this period of more than thirty years.
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General Alexei Brusilov’s offensive was one of the outstanding operations of the Russian Army in the First World War. Through the novelty elements and the proposed strategic operations, this operation provided study material for the following generations and stood out with its innovative techniques. Its impact and results have brought positive opinions but also criticism. From a fast and favorable start, it would lose its intensity and lead to massive losses on the part of the Russians that would mark the Russian Army and bring a new wave of criticism towards Tsar Nicholas II, who took over its leadership in the summer of 1915. Among the discussions regarding the impact and effects of the Brusilov offensive were also discussions related to its progress and Romania's entry into the war. Romanian, Western, and Russian historians have come up with different hypotheses, and opinions are divided. Some historians believe that the Brusilov offensive was a direct catalyst for the negotiations and Bucharest’s final decision to enter the war. While other historians believe that it played an insignificant role.In fact, Bucharest’s decision to submit the declaration of war in Vienna was caused by multiple factors. But the two years of neutrality and negotiations with the Entente Powers and the situation in August 1916 were much more complex than the Brusilov offensive, which had already lost its intensity. In fact, in the general context, the allies had yielded and were prone to yield to the Romanian cause. The situation at the front, the fear of the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian army, and a separate peace with Vienna as a result of the Brusilov offensive, which would have led to the loss of a reason for Romania’s intervention, determined Romania's entry into the war.
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