Saiklerin ve Sebeplerin Işığında 986-998/1578-1590 Tarihli Osmanlı-Safevî Savaşı
Rudi Matthee, “The Ottoman-Safavid war of 986-998/1578-1590: motives and causes”, International Journal of Turkish Studies, vol. 20, no: 1-2 (2014), ss. 1-20
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Rudi Matthee, “The Ottoman-Safavid war of 986-998/1578-1590: motives and causes”, International Journal of Turkish Studies, vol. 20, no: 1-2 (2014), ss. 1-20
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Mikhail Krom’s new monograph «Rozhdenie gosudarstva. Moskovskaia Rus’ XV ‑– XVI vekov» reconceptualizes the problem of the origins and nature of the Muscovite state, whose existence almost no previous historian had questioned. He disputes the paradigm of Russian exceptionalism, arguing that by the middle of the sixteenth century Muscovy possessed a sufficient number of the qualifying characteristics of an early modern European state to be called an early modern European state. Although Muscovy differed from other early modern European states in the unlimited authority of the ruler and the servility of the elite, the European model still applies. Krom raises numerous conceptual and substantive questions about Muscovy within a rigorously comparative framework. Although Krom presents his book as a a popularization, it should be read by all specialists as well.
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The Victorian Age was one of the longest periods in the history of Great Britain and affected as well the countries that entered, at one moment or another, under its influence. The delineation of the Victorian Age ranged between 1830 and 1901 and covered, for its most part, the reign of Queen Victoria; it is largely accepted that Victorianism, in its broader meaning, included both the formal Regency which stretched between 1811 and 1820 (in 1810 King George III was deemed unfit to exert his prerogatives due to the fact that he manifested signs of a recurrent mental illness and his eldest son, George, Prince of Wales, ruled as Prince Regent), the Napoleonic wars (1803 – 1815, which comprised several wars between the French Empire of Napoleon and the coalitions led by Great Britain) as well as the interval that closely succeeded Queen Victoria’s reigning years – the Edwardian age and the period before World War I.
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In the 21st Century, many of the world’s countries are democratic in various degrees, and it is the most prevalent form of government in western countries. Either it by democratic system in general or by parliamentary democracy in particular, it has important economic and political consequences. It means "the power of the People", but it does not always mean the same. It influences every aspect of our lives, and share several common features, such as equal right to vote, basic human rights, separation of powers between the institutions of the state, freedom of opinion, speech, press, and religious liberty. However, there are variants to each democratic system. The question arises whether or not a country can change its government system and what can be the implications of such a change? It is possible to assume that a country may decide that its system is not compatible due to internal influences and/or external influences, and create a change. Thus, the paper explores and examines the different forms of democracy and whether it is possible to change between systems of government and what are the implications.
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The modernization of the Romanian state in the mid-nineteenth century is a topic of actuality, even today, because we are currently experiencing a transition period represented by changes in social-political and cultural life, as well as in mentalities, being confronted again with a spiritual revolution, because the rapid transformations of all fields transpose into the individuals’ way of thinking. The theme is to bring to the forefront the principles that led to the 1848 Revolution, this being a turning point for the Romanian who synchronized with the other European countries in an attempt to join the common road of modernization.
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I see in the subsidiarity as a functional principle the criterion to distinguish beetwen a democratic and a dictatorial regime. This article is dedicated to a comprehensive discussion of the subsidiarity starting with its roots in the ancient philosophy, continuing with its medieval developments until the contemporary theological standardization of the concept. A future article will disscus the modern philosophical contribution to the understanding of the subsidiarity. For the moment I practice a thoroughly analysis of the genesis of the concept highlighting the important moments in the history of the polis and church shapt through the subsidiarity.
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After the Great Union of 1918 was accomplished and a supreme national ideal was fulfilled, Romania channeled all its energies towards its next goal: the political and economical modernization of the country. Essentially, the ways to materialize this purpose boil down to two major principles: democratic liberalism and authoritarian interventionism. However, if we theoretically apply these two guidelines to a country (interwar Romania) which has a certain historical context and has had a different historical evolution from the western model, the effects of these principles become ever so foggy and muddied altogether. Several historians, economists or politicians from interwar Romania, but also from times closer to the present have theorized solutions to achieve this goal, arguing that it is more difficult for a non-interventionist democratic regime to realize a social consensus towards a durable and sustainable common goal which is not overturned by potential political instability caused by frequent changes in power and government. On the other hand, a planned social consensus devised by a small circle of politicians hailing from an authoritarian and interventionist system, which exhibit a limited liability towards the citizens is seen as being un-organic and destined to fail because it hinders private initiative and innovation. The present study explores these concepts by applying them the historical context of Romania.
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Nicolae Titulescu was one of the most powerful personalities of his time, who deeply marked the Romanian society and the international one between the two world wars. Nicolae Titulescu was born in March 1882 in Craiova, in a family known and appreciated in the Oltenian lands. Between 1888-1900 he attended Jules Javet primary school and Carol I College in Craiova. He attended law courses and was noted by famous French lawyers such as Marcel Planiol, Charles Lyon-Caen, Berthelemy. As a professor, he has decided to improve the quality of legal education in Romania and to modernize the legislation system in order to meet the needs of the country's social and economic development. As a diplomat, Nicolae Titulescu successfully served as foreign affairs minister and represented Romania at the League of Nations, where he strongly opposed the war as a means of resolving misunderstandings between states and for strengthening peace through the force of law. As a politician, Nicolae Titulescu entered the Democratic Conservative Party, headed by Tache Ionescu, on February 16, 1908. His political qualities have been remarked by Tache Ionescu, who has foreseen a brilliant future in this respect. Nicolae Titulescu, as a state man, was twice extraordinary and plenipotentiary minister in London (1921-1927, 1928-1932). At the same time, he was permanently delegated from Romania to the Nationals' Society, whose president was elected in 1930 and 1931. Throughout his prodigious career, Nicolae Titulescu twice fulfilled the position of Romanian Finance Minister. On June 10, 1917, Nicolae Titulescu first obtained the position of Romanian Finance Minister in the Government of I.C. Brătianu - Take Ionescu. On 13 June 1920 he was appointed for the second time Minister of Finance in Averescu - Take Ionescu Government. As a result of the maturity of his life, Nicolae Titulescu elaborated and applied in this period an important financial reform, imperiously needed after the end of the First World War and the realization of the Great Union. The financial reform was based on the idea of cedular tax (a progressive conception for those times) supplemented by a progressive global income tax and luxury tax, turnover tax, as well as minimum subsistence income exemptions.
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Commemorative journalism has become a key element in shaping the national identity, as well as in keeping and preserving the collective memory of a community or nation. This article analyzes, by means of the framing theory, the way that written press reflected over a 3 years period, between 2009 and 2011, the process of commemorating the Romanian Principalities Union Day. The research focused on January 24th due to its great importance to the Romanian’s history, both from a political and an identity perspective. The analysis showed that 19 frames were used in relation to this commemoration, almost half of the articles employing political related frames and proving that media didn’t focus on the historical data or commemorative rituals, but rather on the political confrontations and debates.
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This paper investigates the League of Nations` reports from the Greek perspective in the eye of the population exchange from 1923. Known as an indissoluble phenomenon connected to the Treaty of Lausanne, the Greek-Turkish exchange of population might be considered the last chapter of the war treaties series after the First World War. Despite the fact that this subject has been analyze so far with some superficiality in the Romanian historiography, the centenary of the treaty which is approaching more and more, make us to reconsider the international contemporary political debates of the protection of ethnic minorities and their rights.
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În primul mileniu al erei noastre, teritoriile care corespundeau Franței de astăzi au aparținut, împreună cu populațiile care le ocupau, aceluiași univers religios ca și ceea ce se numește astăzi Imperiul Roman târziu și Imperiul bizantin. Avem însă tendința de a proiecta asupra acestei perioade vechi, în mod anacronic, conceptele noastre actuale de națiune și de stat, precum și distincția făcută între „Răsărit” și „Apus”. Și ne imaginăm astfel o națiune galică, la început independentă, până la înfrângerea lui Vercingétorix, apoi supusă unei ocupații străine, până la cucerirea ei de către Cezar, și din nou independentă sub Merovingieni și urmașii lor. Și ne închipuim că Galia, ce avea să devină apoi Franța, avea deja o identitate națională, deși trăia în deplină comuniune de credință cu restul lumii creștine.
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Overtime, the Romanian Orthodox Church has suffered a series of significant and decisive transformations. Thus, taking in order to survive and be able to maintain its position in society, its leaders accepted to make sacrifices which implied being part of the political system. Hence, in order to prevent massive atheisation, a new political-social-spiritual interference occurs, that has both beneficial and harmful effects. This way, the Romanian Orthodox Church gets involved in several identity crises, but through the collective consciousness and historical sacrifices, it manages to regain its position in society.
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In this study, we focused on the legal and social situation of the Banat Jews after the Union from 1918, when they were not recognized the citizenship acquired even since the time of the monarchy. Firstly we sketched the citizenship legislation adopted by governments in Bucharest, and the discriminatory laws on the naturalization (obtaining the Romanian citizenship) of Jews. Further on, we briefly presented not only the way this legislation on citizenship was applied, but also the economic discriminatory legislation within inter-war Banat counties. Our investigation shows the special position of the Jews from Banat caused by their pursuit by police, being constantly accused of disloyalty towards the Romanian State. The study presents the material, human and financial effort of this ethnic group to support the Romanian front and their co-nationals deported to Transnistria. Finally, it is shown the contribution of local and national personalities to stop the deportation of the Banat Jews to concentration camps in Poland: Rabbi Alexander Safran, Metropolitan of Transylvania Bălan, Radu Lecca and Franz von Neuman from Arad.
More...Procesul integrării: teritorii, populație, infrastructură, economie
It is already known that, until the signing of the Peace Treaty, Greater Romania had become a physical reality, and one of the priorities faced by the authorities was the integration of the new territories. And the complexity of the problems to be solved was evident to all those involved in the process of integrating the united provinces. In that context, beginning with 1918, an intense legislative activity began, with reforms promulgated by the governments in Bucharest being extended automatically throughout Greater Romania, although the local realities of the united provinces had to be taken into account. Programs have been adopted which stipulated the need for a new constitution, administrative and legislative unification, economic stability, fundamental rights and freedoms for the citizens. The internal success had to be defended also externally and the preservation of the state borders representing a priority of the entire Romanian political class.
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The German offensive outbreak on the Eastern front in the summer of 1941 meant for Romania not only regaining the lost provinces on July 26, but also the end of its neutrality period. Thus, Marshal Antonescu’s decision to continue with the military campaigns beyond the Nistru river, along Germany’s side, led to major material and human loses for the country. Defeated at Stalingrad by the Soviets, Germany’s invincibility myth was demolished and for the first time the war was getting closer to the Romanian borders. As a result, Marshal Antonescu ordered the evacuation of Transnistria in July 1943. The further development of the war determined Antonescu, in November 1943, to include in the evacuation plan Bessarabia, Bukovina and northern Moldova. Coded under the name “Operation 1111” (1111 B for Bukovina), col. V. Mosiu was appointed with organising, coordinating and overseeing the preparations and execution of the evacuation plans. Given the decision to organise an evacuation for the targeted Romanian provinces, the present study aims to present the context that led to this order, different measures and instructions taken for operation 1111 B by “Mosiu’s group”.
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In the Romanian public space, after 1989, a lot of information and portraits of the former social-democratic leaders, made of the Soviet occupants and communists, members of the Communist Party, were circulated. Ştefan Voitec is one of those, whose study shows his biography, political and journalistic approaches in a different perspective. The author's storyline enters into the necessary and expected effort to rehabilitate this important political figure from the contemporary period of Romania's history
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In the literature dealing with the history of the Ottoman Empire, there are many important personalities, whose life and work is very little known or completely unknown. This paper aims, based on available data from different sources, to present the details of the life of Hadim Haydar Pasha, who belongs to the aforementioned group of Ottoman dignitaries. It should be emphasized that he belonged to a narrow group of people who officially represented the very top in the power structure at the time of Sultan Suleyman's rule. In the opinion of most historians, this is the time when the Ottoman state was at the peak of power. Hadim Haydar Pasha was brought to the Ottoman court as a young man, and after having been educated for many years, he was appointed to a significant court office, and later to the high position of the third vizier. He was dismissed for charges of supporting prince Mustapha. After a while, he was recruited as a commander of a sanjak. He was first named as a commander of a sanjak of Smederevo and later was moved to the same position in the sanjak of Herzegovina. Actually, this duty was his last career assignment. Since Haydar Pasha's relationship with the grand vizier, Rustem Pasha has a decisive impact on his career in this paper this issue is also analyzed.
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The article brings a document in the foreground signed by one of the cruel prison commanders in the 1950s. It's a memoir signed by Major Nicolae Maromete in which he exhibits disappointance with the „unjust” treatment he was subjected to by the military justice and control bodies of Ministry of Interior. The document we publish has a special importance since it presents for the first time the perspective of a commander of a political prisoners penitentiary.
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This is a review of Roger Matuz's book, The Presidents Fact Book. The Achievements, Campaigns, Events, Triumphs, Tragedies, and Legacies of Every President, Revised and Updated by Bill Harris and Thomas J. Craughwell, Black Dog and Leventhal Publishers, New York, 2017, 817 p.
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