Mój udział w wojnie obronnej
Fragment niepublikowanych pamiętników
Fragments of unpublished diaries of a participant in the defensive war in 1939.
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Fragment niepublikowanych pamiętników
Fragments of unpublished diaries of a participant in the defensive war in 1939.
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Reports on the First World War recorded in the chronicles of schools in Tomice and Zygodowice,
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The relevance of the study is due to the need for a more detailed consideration of the problem of runaway Olonets soldiers and dragoons in its economic, military and social contextualization. The novelty is in the fact that it is the first study on the impact of the Olonets regiments non-commissioned officers on the spread of desertion. The author focuses on the period from 1660 to 1662, since at that time the scale of desertion reached its peak. The purpose of the work is to identify the place and role of non-commissioned officers under the conditions of mass desertion. The tasks of the study were to identify the most significant cases of group desertion, to clarify the position of sergeants, mastersat-arms and corporals in the army hierarchical ladder, to study their official duties and the reasons for organizing escapes. The author used the systemic, comparative, typological, and genetic methods of historical research. It was shown that, despite their special coordinating function in the units, sergeants and other non-commissioned officers, who were of peasant background, like ordinary soldiers, took responsibility for planning and organizing group runaways. The author concludes that the escapes organized by sergeants were determined by the duality of their specific social role.
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Establishment and development of the Military cabinet in Serbia can be traced back to the Constitution of 1838. Soon after the appointment of state secretaries and ministers in the Principality of Serbia, the first adjutants to Prince Miloš Obrenović were appointed in 1839. Given the fact that the Principality of Serbia had no ministry of defence at the time, prince’s adjutants were a part of the Ministry of foreign affairs. Adjutants were secretaries who helped the prince in conducting military affairs and were in charge of his personal security. In a time when state administration in the Principality of Serbia was weak, and a small standing army was used only to maintain order in the country, the adjutant service was underdeveloped. It was only during the second reign of prince Mihailo Obrenović, who reoganized state administration and created the People’s Army, that this institution developed. The number of prince’s adjutants rose and the role of First adjutant, who was responsible for all court officers, was introduced. During Milan Obrenović’s reign the Principality of Serbia gained full state independence and the court structure reached its final form with the division of military and civilian cabinets.
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In 1870 the Serbian army finally introduced the rank of a general. Even though there were 53 holders of this rank by1918, the names of some of them have been completely forgotten. General Djordje Mihailović is just such an example. Althoughhe belonged to 11th class of the Artillery School, which gave two field marshals (vojvoda)out of 23 graduates, his biography has not been well enough known. The same is the case with his military career, which, according to all known, was almost completely flawless. Historians recorded his participation within the inner circle of conspiratorsin the May coupasthe only fact worth mentioning. The case was nearly the samewith the duty of the commander of the Šumadija Division in the First Balkan War. The reason for the resignation of general Djordje Mihailović, which followed immediately after the end of the war with Turkey, has remained unexplained event from his life. As a reserve officer, Mihailović took an indirect part in the First World Waruntil the beginning of the Thessaloniki offensive in 1918.
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Deployed to the Salonika Front from August 10, 1916, the 35th Italian Division was one of the participants in the offensive on September 15, 1918. On the order of the Supreme Commander of the Allied armies on the Salonika Front issued August 31, 1917 the [Italian] Division, which was deployed on the left side of the Serbian Army on the heights of the Selečka Planina Mountain opposite Prilep and directly facing the 11th German Army, was given the responsibility of guarding the left flank of the Serbian Army during the offensive. Simulating an attack a day earlier, with continuous assaults it contained the German forces with the goal of neither allowing their deployment and concentration toward the Serbian Army in the offensive and advance, nor allowing them to go behind their backs. With continuous artillery and infantry attacks from September 10 to 21, the Italian forces restrained the 11th German Army which had deployed their groups of reserves from Prilep against the Italians. From September 21 the Italian Army advanced with the Serbian-French forces to Prilep so that just before the capture of the city, on the order of the Allied Command, it was redirected to the west to bisect the road used by the Bulgarian Army retreating through the massif of the Baba Mountain and Demir Hisar. After exhausting battles, on October 3, 1918 at 10:00 a.m. in Sop, west of Kruševo in the direction of Kičevo, the Bulgarian mixed “Composite” Division surrendered to General Orlando Freri, Commander of the “Cagliari” Brigade.
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On the basis of an analysis of archival sources and the literature, the author addresses the combat operations of the Jezersko Detachment, commanded by Serbian Colonel Dobrosav Milenković, which played the main role in an offensive launched by the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (the May-June Offensive) against the Austrian units in Carinthia in 1919. The Detachment was tasked with attacking from starting positions along the St. Leonhard–Bad Vellach–Trögernline and penetrating in the direction of Kühnsdorf–Völkermarkt. It had to maintain communication with the Ljubelj Detachment on its left flank and the Carinthian Detachment on its right flank. Together with other units of the Army of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, it successfully completed its battle path; lovenian-Serbian units reached the river Gurk and occupied Zollfeld and Klagenfurt. The signing of a ceasefire resulted in the establishment of a demarcation zone, and the Paris Peace Conference ultimately decided that a plebiscite would determine which country Carinthia would fall under.
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The "Savoia" Battalion was the first Italian unit to enter Russia to fight the Red Army; however, it was not the only Italian military formation in Russia. A volunteer unit was spontaneously created, probably the last to be formed in Russia, which successfully retreated to Vladivostok from where it was evacuated to Italy. Formed spontaneously under the command of civilians and completely left to its fate, it was forced to manage, fight and survive while crossing Siberia to Vladivostok. Organized and serving as a top military unit, it demonstrated great heroism as evidenced in numerous archives. A significant part of the unit was comprised of Serbs captured as Austro-Hungarian soldiers and left behind in Russia after the departure of the last divisions of the Serbian Volunteer Corps. Out of the 169 names of volunteers in the “Savoia” Battalion at least 30 Serbian names can be read on the list of war survivors. Their fate and role have unjustly remained unexplored. Although an inherent part of the Italian volunteer unit, they did not lag behind the others in courage, heroism, ability and sacrifice, and they deserve an honourable place in Serbian historiography.
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This article analysis two insufficiently explored aspects of the 27 March 1941 coup d’état in which some of the senior officers deposed Regent of Yugoslavia, Prince Paul, which signaled the rejection of the freshly signed adherence to the Tripartite Pact with the Axis Powers and led to the German conquest of Yugoslavia. Firstly, the article discusses the reasons behind the officers’ decision to topple the government and argues that it had much to do with the unsavory tradition of the Serbian army stemming from the May Overthrow in 1903 when the Obrenović dynasty was deposed in a particularly gruesome manner. Just as the 1903 putchists had taken pride in bringing down the absolutist regime of King Milan and introducing parliamentary democracy under the Karadjordjevićs, the rebel officers of 1941 believed they were the bearers of a democratic spirit of the Serbian people who ended the unpopular and autocratic government under Prince Paul. The change in foreign policy away from the Axis Powers and towards democratic Great Britan was an avowed goal of the coup. Secondly, the article examines the contacts between the Yugoslav officers and British intelligence agencies other than SOE whose activities are well known but ultimately had little effect. It was the obscure links with the rebel officers established by SIS and the military and air attaches from the British Legation in Belgrade that mattered in facilitating the change in government in keeping with Whitehall’s requirements. In particular, the analysis focuses on the exchange of military information between the Yugoslavs and British in late February 1941. The latter provided a seemingly invaluable document, a record from the meeting of the most senior German commanders which suggested that German invasion of Yugoslavia was imminent. This document might have been a clever inducement on Britain’s part to draw Belgrade into the war and could have influenced the putchists, to a certain extent, to act decisively.
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Third Reich’s main special forces unit, known as the „Brandenburg“, continues to capture the public imagination even after almost eight decades since the end of the biggest conflict in world history. The exploits from the early phase of the Second World War, notably those that took place in the Soviet Union and North Africa, invariably occupy a central place in these narratives. In stark contrast, the “Brandenburg” ’s service in occupied Yugoslavia has, at best, received scant coverage despite the fact that all of its major sub-units saw action there at one point or another. Using largely unpublished primary sources, the article at hand will seek to outline the unit’s involvement in what has once been aptly described as “the Wehrmacht’s Balkan quagmire”. It will also argue that its performance in counterinsurgency warfare did not live up to its general reputation.
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At the beginning of 1942, the security and intelligence apparatus of the German occupying force in Serbia was reorganized. In line with the new changes, there was a need to reorganize the collaborationist armed forces. The creation of the new formation began in early January 1942, and the decree on the organization of the Serbian State Guard was officially published on March 3, 1942. From the moment of its formation until October 6, 1944, when it ceased to exist, the Serbian State Guard had only two the commanders: StevanRadovanović and Borivoje Jonić. Both belonged to a group of prominent pre-war officers of the Yugoslav Army. Since he was 15 years older, Radovanović finished his military education well before the beginning of a long period of wars, receiving the rank of major in the First Balkan War. On the other hand, the First Balkan War interrupted BorivojeJonić's military education, in which he participated as a cadet of the Military Academy. Both served in the Yugoslav Army as infantry officers. Radovanović retired for the first time in 1933 in the rank of divisional general. At the invitation of General Nedić at the beginning of September 1941, he accepted the duties of commander of the gendarmerie in occupied Serbia. On the other hand, Jonić did not return from German captivity until the end of 1941, soon taking over the duty of Radovanović's first assistant. When General Radovanović retired for the second time in June 1942, Jonić took over as commander. Their war paths crossed again when the remnants of the Serbian State Guard joined the Yugoslav Army in the homeland, in October 1944. The severe suffering in the "Bosnian Golgotha" led to a collective desertion from the ranks of JVuO, in early 1945, when the remnants of this formation again approached the Germans. They both welcomed the end of the war in exile. While Radovanović remained in Vienna, Jonić shared the fate of the national detachments in Slovenia that surrendered to the allies in Italy. Although the new Yugoslav authorities persistently sought them out for trials in Yugoslavia for cooperating with the occupier, they managed to avoid searches and emigrate from Europe. Radovanović died in Sydney in 1960, and Jonić in Washington in 1986.
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The period from 1951. to 1958. represents the period in which the entire multi-level military school system of the JNA was formed. There was a transformation of military schools and schools for reserve officers into military academies. The Russian school system was abandoned. The school system based on one’s own experiences from the Second World War was formed. During the period there was modernization and reorganization of the Yugoslav armed forces, which was reflected in the development of higher education. Numerous foreign policy changes as well as internal reasons were also reflected in the construction of a new Yugoslav defense policy and thus military education. The adopted doctrine of national defense, which was the backbone of the teaching and scientific work of military schools had a specific impact on the development of higher military education. Military schools actively participated in the creation and construction of the new Yugoslav defense policy.
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In this paper we will shed some light on the sanitary and health conditions of Imperial Habsburg armies in Hungary during the Great Turkish War (1683-1699). Early modern warfare was quite deadly for soldiers; they had equal or greater chance to succumb to illness then to get killed in combat. The war that was fought on vast expanses of the Pannonian Basin was especially deadly in this regard; all logistical and sanitary deficiencies of the Imperial troops (that were quite typical for the armies of the era in question) were exacerbated, which led to prolonged and intensive suffering of men in the field throughout the conflict.
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Around 1859, when the Union of Romanian Princedoms was ready to he done, Walachie and Moldavie had two separate relatively small armies, fonded under specifications of the Organics Regulations imposed after 1829 and which has slowly evoluate with the surrounding Empires influences. The equipment was of Russian, Austrian and Turk origin, with some French Belge and German pieces for the small arms especially. The reunion of the Princedoms armies info the Floreşti fortified camp allows to have ready the entire military power, to uniforming the tactics and to skill the personnel. The equipment review puts in evidence the variety of suppliers and the huge logistic effort made for acquisition in a time when our powerful neighbors make all for stoping the edifiacation of a local millitary force as support of the political emancipation.
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The military actions of the Montenegrin insurgents were typically guerrilla, the structure of military units was organized on the strong tribal foundations of the former Montenegrin People‘s Army. The battle groups were prepared weeks in advance, but their number in the uprising exceeded expectations. Although poorly armed, the insurgents achieved great beginnings and successes. In just a few months, the military organization of guerrilla groups has developed into battalion and brigade formations. The echo of the July 13 uprising had a strong motivational capacity in other parts of Yugoslavia, and its messages are the corridor foundations of modern Montenegro.
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The paper discusses the fate of two Italian divisions that decided to join the Yugoslav resistance movements after Italy’s withdrawal from the war. Emphasis was placed on their military capacity, political and ideological challenges of the new alliances, the one with the Chetniks and the one with the Partisans, and general guidelines that will mark the cooperation of former opponents to the end. The article is written on archival material kept in the Archives of the Military Department of the General Staff of the Italian Republic in Rome, Military Archives, Archives of Serbia and Yugoslavia, all in Belgrade, as well as domestic and foreign scholarly literature.
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