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Антантата, Тройният съюз и надпреварата за “завладяването" на Балканите в началото на XX век

Author(s): Daniela Buşă / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

This paper discusses the place and role of the Balkans in the context of a possible confrontation between the two political-military alliances, the Entente and the Triple Alliance, and ways of attracting the countries in the area. Our approach takes into account only economic and financial aspects. Of these, the latter had a special role and proved much more practical, persuasive and having more chances of success. In this context, high finance, and subsequently capital played a special role. In the early twentieth century, capital gained an important and unprecedented influence.

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Stefan Artymowski, Plan zagłady Warszawy

Author(s): Mikołaj Getka-Kenig / Language(s): Polish Issue: 5/2021

Review of: Stefan Artymowski, Plan zagłady Warszawy, Oficyna Wydawnicza RYTM, Warszawa 2019

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Antynazistowska polityka na Węgrzech w czasie II wojny światowej

Author(s): Ákos Bartha / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4/2020

W tak krótkim artykule nie da się łatwo podsumować węgierskiej polityki antynazistowskiej. Trudność wynika jednak nie tyle z braku politycznej skuteczności prowadzących ją ugrupowań, ile raczej z dużego rozdrobnienia antynazistowskich i antyniemieckich sił politycznych na Węgrzech. Wątpliwości natury metodologicznej wiążą się natomiast z rozróżnieniem między postawami antynazistowskimi, antyfaszystowskimi, antyimperialistycznymi i antyniemieckimi – wszystkich czterech określeń używa się zamiennie, choć mają one różne znaczenia, co wykazuję w dalszej analizie (Pócs, 2018, s. 1). Ponadto społeczny odbiór nazistowskich Niemiec w tym kraju znacznie się zmieniał. W okresie rewizji granic (1938–1941), gdy Hitler pozwolił Węgrom przyłączyć część ziem utraconych po I wojnie światowej, „Nowa Europa” pod przewodem Rzeszy cieszyła się większą aprobatą zarówno w społeczeństwie, jak i wśród sił politycznych w kraju. Sytuacja zmieniła się już zaledwie kilka lat później, a konkretnie po klęsce węgierskich i niemieckich wojsk w bitwie pod Woroneżem (w styczniu 1943 roku).

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Dagmara Moskwa, „Matka Ojczyzna wzywa!”. Wielka wojna ojczyźniana w edukacji i polityce historycznej putinowskiej Rosji

Author(s): Edyta Głowacka-Sobiech / Language(s): Polish Issue: 63/2021

Review of: Dagmara Moskwa, „Matka Ojczyzna wzywa!”. Wielka wojna ojczyźniana w edukacji i polityce historycznej putinowskiej Rosji, Instytut Studiów Politycznych PAN, Warszawa 2020, ss. 364

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ARHIVELE BASARABIEI (5). Anul I, nr. 4 din octombrie - decembrie 1929

Author(s): Radu Moţoc / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1-2/2022

This article reveals interesting testimonies related to the lives of Moldovans who suffered during foreign occupations. Researching the magazine Arhivele Bessarabiei, year I, No. 4 from October - December 1929, T. G. Bulat discovers a letter written by Constantin Ghica, Iordache Balș and countersigned by Iordache Roset, on behalf of the Divan of Moldova, addressed to the Russian knight senator S. S. Cușnicov, in the year 1808. Also presented is a princely charter issued by Mihail Vodă Suțu, by which the old royal decrees are confirmed to the hermitage in the Ceahlău mountain, which is signed and on which the great red royal seal is applied on February 15, 1820.

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АНТРОПОЛОГИЈА НА СОЦИЈАЛИЗАМ: АВТОРЕФЛЕКСИВНИ СЕЌАВАЊА НА ЈУГОСЛОВЕНСКАТА НАРОДНА АРМИЈА

Author(s): Mirjana P. Mirčevska / Language(s): Macedonian Issue: 20/2020

Реферaтот претставува лично сеќавање за Југословенската народна армија (ЈНА), за одредени појави, настани и за личната перцепција во однос на нив во периодот на југословенската држава. На денешната светска политичка сцена државата СФР Југославија одамна ја нема – повеќе од 25 години. Но, без оглед на тоа, и по толку години не престанува да се разговара, да се дебатира и да се размислува за специфичниот начин на практикувањето на социјализмот, кој не беше сличен со ниту еден друг од тој период. Југословенскиот социјализам, анализиран од денешна временска и историска дистанца, предизвикува спротивставени мислења и различни погледи и толкувања. Спротивставувањата одат дотаму што за едните југословенскиот социјализам бил создаден за да се минимизира каква и да е индивидуалност континуирано форсирајќи го заедништвото на различни нивоа, а за другите токму тоа заедништво, каде што се стимулирала еднаквоста и т.н. праведност во општеството манифестирана преку грижата за секого (обезбедувањето работа, решавањето на станбеното прашање, здравственото осигурување, бројните поволности како бесплатно образование, детски додаток, бесплатни годишни одмори за работниците), ги претставува основните придобивки на југословенскиот социјализам. Барем до осумдесеттите години на ХХ век. Во таквите услови ЈНА играше голема улога. Една од примарните. Максималното форсирање на идеолошката компонента на комунизмот за многумина претставуваше императив. Всушност, целокупниот југословенски социјализам беше дел од една идеологија што беше насочена кон комунистичкото општество. Во такви услови, доколку имаме предвид дека поимот идеологија пред сè се однесува на т.н. тоталитарни режими како затворени системи на мислења што имаат сопствени гледишта и објаснувања за сè, истовремено немајќи никакво разбирање за можни други мислења, носителите на идеологијата настојуваат по секоја цена да го наметнат своето гледиште како единствено можно и исправно. Денес, доколку идеологиите ги разбереме како симболички системи, тие претставуваат засебен вид на културни творби што нудат објаснувања за конкретни, јасно дефинирани вредносни интерпретации за различните појави и процеси во светот.

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ANTHROPOLOGY OF SOCIALISM: AUTO-REFLEXIVE MEMORIES OF THE YUGOSLAV PEOPLE’S ARMY

Author(s): Mirjana P. Mirčevska / Language(s): English Issue: 20/2020

This paper presents a memory on the Yugoslav People’s Army (YPA), it is a personal perception of certain phenomena and events that took place during the existence of the Socialistic Yugoslav state, which is absent from the global political scene for almost 30 years. However, it is still a topic of discussions, debates and deliberations concerning the specific way of practicing socialism, that did not resemble any other system of the same period. Yugoslav socialism, analyzed from today’s chronological and historical distance, gives rise to conflicting opinions and varying view-points and interpretations. Some think that this system was created to minimize any individuality, continuously forcing unity at different levels, while others find that the very unity stimulated equality and social justice, manifested through care for everyone (providing employment, habitation, health insurance, a number of other privileges such as free education, the so called “child allowance”, free holidays for workers etc.). All these were basic elements of Yugoslav socialism, at least up to the beginning of the 90ties of the 20th century.

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The Topology of Nation-State: Borders, Territoriality, Sovereignty and War

Author(s): Bülent Şener / Language(s): English Issue: 32/2023

Borders have been embraced as a clear and unquestionable fact from the perspective of nation-states, which are the fundamental components of the modern international system that emerged with the Peace of Westphalia (1648). From the state’s perspective, borders shaped based on territoriality along with the advent of the modern state are among the leading causes of war in international relations as areas of uncertainty, risk, and opportunity. When the states make their shared goals and problems in different periods be somehow linked to territoriality and/or borders, these problems make the states more prone to war. The findings from empirical research on this issue prove that particularly territorial contiguity (borders) is an essential factor at every stage of the use of force between states. One of the aims of this study is to reveal the relation between the concepts of “border” and “territoriality” with the modern state phenomenon. The second aim of the study is to shed light on the relationship between wars between states and the phenomena of “border” and “territoriality”. For these purposes, first of all, in this study, addressing the phenomenon of territoriality and border in international politics from a historical and sociological perspective, this study examines the emergence of the phenomenon of the nation-state in the international system and the importance and relationship of the concept of “sovereignty,” “territoriality,” and “border” in the determination of the internal and external topology of the state; and accordingly, the relationality between the phenomena of territoriality and borders will be analyzed as the leading cause of inter-state wars.

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Zapomniany „biały kruk”. Ukraina w myśli Mariana Kamila Dziewanowskiego (1913–2005)

Author(s): Oleksandr Avramchuk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2022

The article presents a page of Ukrainian history providing an insight into the life in exile of a historian– Marian Kamil Dziewanowski (1913–2005). On the basis of previously unknown documents from Polish and Ukrainian archives in the United States as well as existing literature on the subject, a network of Dziewanowski’s Ukrainian connections was outlined, and his vision of the history and contemporaneity of Ukraine in the context of Polish political thought, the tradition of Prometheism and the stereotypes prevalent in the West with respect to Ukrainian history was analysed. By applying tools used in the history of ideas, the intellectual biography of the protagonist was presented against the post-war evolution of the Promethean movement, its tactics and modus operandi in the new geopolitical conditions determined by the Cold War. Analysis concerned the federalist vision of Central and Eastern Europe created by Dziewanowski, for which the most important inspiration was the thought of Marshal Józef Piłsudski. This article is part of a broader study concerning the contribution of Polish historians in exile to the formation of Ukrainian studies in the United States after World War II.

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Bitwa Warszawska 1920 r. w opiniach i komentarzach zachodnich uczestników i obserwatorów

Author(s): Olga Morozova,Marek Mikołajczyk / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2022

The Polish-Bolshevik war, and in particular the defence of Warsaw in 1920, were of fundamental importance for the process of rebuilding an independent Poland after the end of World War I. If Poland had lost the battle, it would have meant at best the incorporation of Polish territories into the Bolshevik state. In a much worse scenario, the Bolsheviks would have take control of the whole of Europe. This possibility was taken into account by western diplomats and officers who stayed in Poland in 1920 and left official documents, personal notes and letters. They presented not only the course of the war itself but also tried to reflect the social mood or the political situation of the country facing a deadly threat. The article shows how the representatives of Western countries described the course of the Polish-Bolshevik war at a key moment during the defence of Warsaw. It answers the question to what extent the accounts of direct observers and participants in the events connected with this war influenced the policy of their governments towards Poland, especially their readiness to help Poles; and, based on the analysed sources, presents social moods which underwent rapid changes during the war of 1920.

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Sprawa powrotu do Polski emisariuszy gruzińskiego rządu emigracyjnego Szalwy Beriszwilego oraz Dawita Erkomaiszwilego jesienią 1930 roku

Author(s): Razhden Chikhoria / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2022

The article is devoted to the history of the return from Turkey to Poland of Georgian emigrants who, as emissaries of the Georgian government in exile, secretly entered the territory of Soviet Georgia in the summer of 1930 to pursue illegal political activity. The mission was the result of the joint work of the representatives of the Georgian emigration in Paris and the Polish authorities, in particular the Branch II of the General Staff of the Polish Army. The members of the expedition were tasked with re-establishing contact with Georgia by creating a communication network. The installation of the communications center provided that the emissaries would remain in Georgia for a longer period, but their too sudden return (after only two months of stay) aroused the suspicions of the Polish authorities. The situation was additionally complicated by the fact that the emissaries, after leaving the territory of Soviet Georgia, fell into the hands of the Turkish authorities. In the conditions of improving relations between Ankara and Moscow, there was a risk that the Turkish authorities would hand over the Georgians to the Soviet side. It is not fully known what prompted the Turks to release Georgian emissaries who managed to get to Istanbul. Georgian emissaries were convinced that they had performed all the tasks entrusted to them, unlike the Polish side, which did not help in their liberation from the Turkish arrest. For their part, Polish factors suspected that Georgian emissaries were reckless with the tasks entrusted to them, which made the situation more complicated.

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The Second Death of Dubrovnik : Selected Testimonies from the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century on the Fall of the Republic in the Light of Lujo Vojnović’s Historiosophical Conception

Author(s): Damian Kubik / Language(s): English Issue: 11/2022

This article offers a discussion of various images of the fall of the Dubrovnik Republic at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The end of the independence of this city-state was a watershed event not only in political terms and in terms of statehood, but also in the social, cultural and economic spheres. The study focuses on the occupation of Dubrovnik by the French and the siege by the Russians and Montenegrins (fighting for supremacy over it), as well as on the hopes associated with the emergence of a new reality. In doing so it analyzes examples of literary testimonies describing the events, phenomena and processes that took place at that time. The article is framed by the fundamental dissertation Pad Dubrovnika [The Fall of Dubrovnik] by Lujo Vojnović, which, despite the fact that it was published in 1908, grows out of nostalgia for the Republic and the ideological atmosphere of the nineteenth century.

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РОЛЬ МУЗЕЙНЫХ РЕПРЕЗЕНТАЦИЙ ВЕЛИКОЙ ОТЕЧЕСТВЕННОЙ ВОЙНЫ В ФОРМИРОВАНИИ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ СОВЕТСКИХ ГРАЖДАН

Author(s): Madina Rasulovna Kayumova / Language(s): Russian Issue: 5/2023

The article deals with the problem of the formation of the identity of Soviet citizens on the basis of the museum representations of the events of the Great Patriotic War in the first post-war expositions of the State Museum of the Karelo-Finnish Soviet Socialist Republic. The sources for the study were the documents of the museum that accompanied the process of creating expositions, the texts of excursions, guidebooks and guest reviews books. Museum expositions in 1948 and 1952 were created within the framework of the historiographical model that had developed in the first post-war years. This model largely determined the vector of historical representations of the war until the 1990s. The article shows which museum tools and exhibits were used to implement the historiographical model of the representation of the war, which factors influenced the formation of expositions, and to what extent the main ideas embedded in them were assimilated by museum visitors. The author concludes that the main means of the museum’s political and educational work, which at the same time were forming its identity, were permanent historical exhibitions that presented a coherent story about the past, a kind of historical narrative. The narrative analysis of the museum expositions allowed the author to reveal how the events of the Great Patriotic War became one of the foundations of the Soviet citizens’ identity. The identity-formation potential of the sections of permanent exhibitions dedicated to the history of the Great Patriotic War was used by the museum workers for patriotic education.

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ŻYCIE I DZIAŁALNOŚĆ WOJSKOWA O. MARCINA CHROSTOWSKIEGO

Author(s): Wiktor Szymborski / Language(s): Polish Issue: XXVIII/2022

The aim of the article is to present the reader with a fascinating biography of Father Marcin Chrostowski OP, chaplain of the Polish Armed Forces in the West during II world war. Father Chrostowski before he become member of the dominican order took part in the campaign of 1920 against bolschevik. Next he had studied in Warsaw and Cracow, he had prepared a PHD disertation. During II world war he volunteered for the polish army in France in 1939, whre he was staying before september 39. Next he become chaplain of the Polish Armed Forces in the West — in France and Great Britain. Soon he become secretary of Field Bishop Gawlina, with whom he travelled to the USSR. After his service in the Holy Land, he was transferred to Great Britain, where he joined the General Maczek’s 1st Armored Division as a chaplain of the 9th Rifle Battalion. As a chaplain of that formation he took part in numerous battles from France to Wilhelmshaven. Notably, he was rewarded for his heroism during the hostilities at Baarle Nassan with the War Order of Virtuti Militari.

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Intelligence cooperation between Poland and Japan during the Second World War

Author(s): Ewa Pałasz-Rutkowska / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

Military cooperation between Poland and Japan, including cooperation of intelligence officers, began after the two countries established diplomatic relations in March 1919 when Japan recognized Poland as an independent state. This cooperation thrived during the 1930s. Tokyo decided that Warsaw can be a valuable strategic point and a Japanese intelligence coordination centre for Europe, which would be oriented towards the East and the West (the USSR and Germany). In exchange for information, the Japanese allocated Polish intelligence liaison officers in their diplomatic posts in Germany, the Baltic states and Scandinavia. The Japanese enabled them to send reports in the Japanese diplomatic mail and issued suitable forged documents. The centre for this cooperation was Riga and Kaunas, later Berlin, Prague, Königsberg and Stockholm.

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Zaangażowanie Tomasza Zamoyskiego w problemy konfederacji lwowskiej 1622 roku

Author(s): MARTA KUPCZEWSKA / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2022

This article examines the Confederation sworn in Lviv in February 1622, which is also called the Kowenicki Confederation, after the name of its marshal. The Lviv Confederation took place just after the devastating siege of Khotyn Fortress in the fall of 1621, which ended the military conflict between the Commonwealth of Poland and the Ottoman Empire. At the time of the Lviv Confederation, in addition to financial requests, the army representatives demanded that King Sigismund III should meet their high political expectations. The radicalism of the military representatives forced the king and the country’s main decision-makers to act more vigorously in order to quell the rebellion of the disobedient soldiers. Due to the absence of the crown hetmans during the negotiations with the confederates, it was the powerful magnates that gradually took control of the confederate army. The personal rivalry between the confederated magnates over goods and offices for themselves and their military clients manifested itself in the pressure exerted on the king and the soldiers, bribery, and slander. The author analyzes these issues mainly on the example of the the Voivode of Kiev, Tomasz Zamoyski, and his rival, Stanisław Lubomirski.

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Ukraińcy w Piotrkowie Trybunalskim w okresie międzywojennym (1920-1939)

Author(s): Daniel Warzocha / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2022

There were already a few Ukrainians in Piotrków Trybunalski during the tsarist reign. Most often, they were soldiers of the Russian army. Refugees from Ukraine also appeared in Piotrków during World War I, and a large group arrived there after 1920. The troops of the Ukrainian People’s Republic fought alongside the Polish army against Soviet Russia. However, the Ukrainians did not manage to create an independent state, and the Ukrainian army was interned in Poland. Internment camp No. 11 was located in Piotrków, in the barracks of the Polish army. Established between December 1920 and January 1921, it was dissolved in November 1921. It was the smallest of such camps in Poland: there were between 372 and 576 soldiers and their family members there. Compared to other similar establishments, the internment camp in Piotrków stood out in terms of its good-quality housing. It was in fact a place of permanent residence rather than isolation. During the day, the Ukrainian soldiers were able to leave the camp and move freely around the city and its surroundings. They could also take up paid jobs. In addition, the internees could conduct educational, cultural, religious, sports, and publishing activities, as well as run craft workshops. There was also a cultural-educational club and a school for the illiterate internees. In the camp foreign language courses and classes in the history of Ukrainian writing were organized as well. There was also a choir, and several magazines were published. Finally, some of the young people were members of the Union of Interned Ukrainian Students.

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Alexandra Wachter. The Last Heroes of Leningrad: Coping Strategies of Siege Survivors in Soviet and Post-Soviet Society

Author(s): Aleksei Pavlovskii / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2023

Review of: Alexandra Wachter. The Last Heroes of Leningrad: Coping Strategies of Siege Survivors in Soviet and Post-Soviet Society. Göttingen, Germany: V & R Unipress, 2022. 282 pp. ISBN 9783737014472

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Интеллектуал на переднем крае обеспечения военной безопасности Отечества. Генерал-майор Владимир Дворкин: штрихи к портрету военного ученого

Author(s): Mikhail V. Strelets / Language(s): Russian Issue: 2/2023

At present, the history of the Russian intellectual elite, formed from the natives of Belarus and their descendants, is one of the most promising scientific areas. There is every reason to predict the intensification of research in this direction. The author of this article has tried to make his modest contribution to this important cause. The purpose of the article is to conduct a comprehensive study of the life and work of Major General Vladimir Zinovievich Dvorkin, who has been developing problems of ensuring the military security of the state for over 60 years. His father, Lieutenant General of the Engineering and Technical Service Zinoviy Yakovlevich Dvorkin, was born in the city of Zhlobin, Gomel Region, in 1932-1934, 1940-1941, 1948-1963 he served in the Belarusian military district. Vladimir Dvorkin gave 52 years of military service. The methodological basis of the study is historicism, consistency and objectivity. As a result of the study, the author came to the following conclusions. From 1962 until the beginning of the twenty-first century, fate firmly linked the native of Leningrad with the 4th Central Research Institute of the Ministry of Defense (TsNII MO) of the USSR / Russian Federation. Service at the institute is a high point for Vladimir Zinovievich. From 1993 to 2001 he ran the establishment. What turned out to be the bottom line after intensive research by Dvorkin and his team? By all the strictest standards, fundamental developments of the foundations for constructing mathematical models used by the 4 th TsNII to substantiate plans for research and development work (R&D), projects of state armament programs, combat personnel of the Strategic Missile Forces and Strategic Nuclear Forces, tactical and technical requirements for missile weapons, integrated experimental testing of weapon systems are performed. Not one, not two, but more generations of missile systems acquired flesh and blood precisely on the basis of these requirements.

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ROLUL CONFERINȚEI DE PACE DE LA PARIS DIN 1919 - 1920, ÎN CONSOLIDAREA STATULUI NAȚIONAL UNITAR ROMÂN

Author(s): Benone Andronic,Vasile Cret / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 71/2023

The authors of the article, studying Romanian and foreign bibliographical materials, some of them less known, highlight aspects of the events of the period 1919 - 1920, carried out by the Romanian authorities, both internally and externally, defining in the consolidation of the Romanian national unitary state. The authors of the article analyse the events that took place during the Paris Peace Conference and how they contributed to the fulfilment of the Romanian people's age-old aspirations, which gave them and still gives them viability in time, especially now that some great powers, through violence, want to go back in time, in order to regain their lost influence over territories and nations. The establishment of the Romanian national unitary state in 1918 and the international legal consecration of its borders by the Paris Peace Conference of 1919-1920, highlight the undeniable truth, which some have tried and still try to contest. We, the people of today, know that Greater Romania did not come about through the conquest of territories using armed force, but through the will of the entire nation to live united, free and independent in our ancestral homeland, from which no one will ever be able to dislodge us.

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