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Review of: „Устанак Срба у Војводини и Маџарска Револуција 1848/9“ В. Богданова. (Суботица, 1929.)
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The study addresses specific problems related to the establishment, the development and the cessation of the Bulgarian secret revolutionary fraternity in Turkey. Special attention is paid to existing hypotheses that the Thessaloniki-based organization is a conspiracy concept of the Bulgarian Exarchate, the Bulgarian trade agent Atanas Shopov or the Sofia Supreme Macedonian Committee. However, these hypotheses are not supported by evidence in the historical sources. The version suggested here puts forward the well-grounded position that the birth of the Secret Fraternity is an initiative of teachers at the Bulgarian Male High School in Thessaloniki, who decided to oppose to the propaganda of the Internal Macedonian-Edirne Revolutionary Organization that was continuously deteriorating the school discipline among the students. New historical sources for this unsuccessful irredentist project are presented and analyzed accordingly.
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The publication is the result of the study of the Greeks who arrived in Bulgaria in 1948–1949 and the process of settling in the country in the 1950s. Their community is formed by political emigrants from Northern Greece who left the homelands after the Civil War in the country (1946–1949). The article traces the main moments in the history of the emigration and the settling in the new country, as well as the initial integration into the Bulgarian society. It outlines the actions of the Bulgarian state in support of the Greek immigrants – the establishment of dormitories, the providing of medical care, the work placement. An important point in the article is the special care for children refugees as well as their education. Another accent is the self-organization of the Greek community in Bulgaria during the first years of the settlement – the committees in the hostels, the General Committee of the Greek Immigrants, the additional organizations, the newspaper, the information bureau, the creation of an educational structure. The author also provides information on the structure of the emigrant community in terms of its ethnicity, geographical and social origin. The main purpose of the publication is to present these processes from the point of view of the internal life of the immigrants on the basis of the interviews of the author with some prominent community representatives who have finally settled in Sofia.
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During their military and political culmination, the Skordiskoi bordered on the Triballoi and the Moesians, but the Celts penetrated towards Illyria, Paionia and Thrace, spreading their hegemony deep into those areas. The Triballoi, the Moesians, the Krobysoi and the Troglodytai inhabited the lands around Kallatis, Tomis and Histria, but after the ’eighties of the 1st century BC, the Triballoi and the Moesians moved to the west under pressure from the Bastarnae, because the Skordiskoi were already suffering blows from Lucius Cornelius Scipio Asiagenes, after which they were exposed to the aggression of Burebista’s state agglomeration. In this way, until the ’eighties of the 1st century BC, the Oskios River was the western border between the Celts and the Triballoi. After the ’eighties of the 1st century BC, the hegemony of the Skordiskoi was already abolished and hence the sources mention the Illyrians. Those Illyrians were the Dardanioi. Strabo shows very well how the Triballoi and the Moesians, pressed from the east and from the north, sought salvation to the south and to the west of the Istros. After the decline of the Skordiskoi and after the disintegration of Burebista’s state union, the Triballoi, under the pressure of the Bastarnae and Sauromatai, crossed the Oskios and reached the Ciabrus River, whereby those who headed to the west of the Oskios had a military confrontation with the Dardanioi (Illyrians). The last historical evidence about the Triballoi belongs to Cassius Dio. After the military and political offensive of Marcus Licinius Crassus in 30–29 BC, nothing was to be heard of the Dardanioi, Triballoi and Moesians. Only the Skordiskoi were noted around 16 BC, when – together with the Denteletai – they made an incursion into the Macedonia Province and devastated it. It was the Skordiskoi who benefited briefly from the defeat that Marcus Licinius Crassus inflicted upon the Bastarnae and the Dacians. The domination of Rome loomed clearly on the horizon.
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IMARO’s Kyustendil congress that took place in the spring of 1908, was called and took place in the atmosphere of severe organizational crisis and a deepening feud.
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The Kyustendil region in the decades after the Liberation remained at the periph- ery of the state. The predestined by the Berlin Congress played its role.
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From the struggles and wars waged by the Bulgarian people throughout the last edition of its statehood now remains but an incomplete ideal which is traditionally equated to the span of the preliminary Treaty of San Stefano. To this ideal is directed annually the positive energy demonstrated in the celebrations of 3 March. Essentially, this document never turned into a fact. It remained on paper only.
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This paper is dedicated to the history of Latgalians and Selonians to the conquest of the Order of the Sword. Latgale before the German conquest were at the level of tribal chiefdoms. Azeglio Talawa Language and manages a number of tribal princes. Latgalian society was militarizated and reached success in battle with the Estonians, but to feel the pressure from Lithuania and Pskov. Talawa and Adzela chiefdoms some time was dependent on Pskov. Koknese was paid tribute Jersika principality, which in turn has been given tribute to the Principality of Polotsk. Koknese and Jersika was typical mixed ethnic composition of population (of the Balts (Latgalians and Selonians) and Slavs (Ruthenians)). Elite of principalities Koknese and Jersika was Slavic. Selonians was relatively young, not old ethnic group. They stood out from the Latgalians in the XII century. Probably Selonian language was a dialect of Latgalian language. The fact that they are almost not enough were noted in the history of the Baltic region can be explained to few and non-warlike Selonians. Selonians territories were disputed between Lithuania and the Teutonic Order, so the Germans needed to forge a document of gift Mindaugas Teutons land Selonia.
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In the field of military history, visual materials allow you to see both the weapons, and the means for their carrying and use. With poor preservation of the sources, the researchers try to raise their informativity by employing the method of reconstruction. We have created reconstructions of sets of weapons and equipment, which belonged to nomadic warriors from Central Asia. The first reconstruction depicts the Xiongnu’ armored cavalry from the middle of the 1st century BC — beginning of the 1st century AD. The warrior is protected by an armor and a helmet, armed with a sword, a dagger and a bow with arrows. His horse is equipped with a bridle and a saddle. To recreate the armor and equipment of the warrior and his horse, materials of the Xiongnu culture of Mongolia and Transbaikalia were used, as well other similar materials of the Han culture from China. The second reconstruction depicts a Xianbi heavily armed rider of the beginning of the 4th century AD, from Murong’s clan: a warrior dressed in armor and helmet, armed with spear and sword. His horse aside from a bridle and a saddle has a protective blanket and a mask. To recreate the armor and equipment of the warrior and his war horse, the materials of Xianbi culture of South-Western Manchuria were used. A reconstruction of nomadic warriors demonstrates not only changes in weapons and equipment, but also the development of tactics. Armored cavalry of the Xiongnu used bow and arrows as their main weapons, and their tactic was based on a massive shooting of the enemy from a far distance. Heavily armed horsemen of Xianbi-Murong formed compactly closed orders, which caused ramming spears blow to crack the ranks of the enemy, after which he completed his defeat in close combat.
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The article analyzes the situation of Leningrad in one of the most difficult periods of the Siege, December 1941. During this month, the food supply was at its lowest level and the civilian mortality rate grew to alarming proportions. The article covers three important aspects of city life: food supplies, energy supply, and the structure and mortality of the population. Using a broad range of data, the article draws conclusions about the low efficiency of managing Leningrad during the first months of the Siege, which led to tragic consequences. A rigorous analysis of archival documents shows that official statistics underestimated the number of deaths in November and December 1941. The article also provides accurate data on the stocks of flour, meat, and other products in Leningrad, which makes it possible to assess the level of danger of starvation for the civilian population. The author also draws attention to problematic interaction between the city government and Moscow, including Stalin personally. The inability of local authorities to make independent decisions early in the Siege, and the reluctance to inform the central leadership about the critical situation in the city, was another cause of this tragedy. This situation was a result of the system of power that had developed in the USSR in the prewar period.
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At the beginning of 1919, numerous weaknesses in functioning of the civil and military authorities of the young Kingdom of SCS became visible. After the liberation in 1918, in Macedonia started the work on renovation of the state institutions and authority of the government in general. However, the internal antagonisms of the new state, local differences, religious heterogeneicity and economic and cultural backwardness made the job difficult for the state and at the same time enabled its enemies to renew their work. The fi rst among them to do it was VMRO. Insufficient military and police forces made the authorities to employ flying or Chetnik’s detachments. Detachment of voivode Jovan Babunski very soon justifi ed the given trust by its efficiency, but their repressive methods and anachronous approach to combating the political opponents, which probably had its foundation in time of the Turkish rule, resulted in their suspension and fi nal disbanding. These moves provided rapid solutions for the state which caused deep consequences. Former national heroes, in a conscious or unconscious way, in a new political environment, overnight became villains and criminals what turned their lives into dramas with tragic end.
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Main thesis of the article is that in recent age, marked with crash of real socialism and triumph of the West, one can observe signs of new form of liberal totalitarianism. Its roots are in imperial nature of contemporary capitalism and imposing of global sistem of fear. Its key feature is boundless tyranny all over the planet. New totalitarianism reveals itself in the relation of the West, i.e. USA, and those countries and peoples in the role of Enemies and Monsters. Such a role recently is given to the Serbian people closed in a kind of concetration camp. Against peoples, captured on that way, all means are alowed including the war. Aggression on Yugoslavia provides confirmation that liberalism is transforming in liberal totalitarianism. That is main danger for valuable traits of liberalism itself as well as for the whole world.
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The object of research is the Libyan war in July 1977. The article is devoted to one of the shortest, but extremely tense periods in the twentieth century relations between the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Socialist Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. It reveals the causes of the Libyan Egyptian confrontation in 1973–1977 and the US role in this process. The course of hostilities between the factions of the armed forces of Egypt and Libya on 21–24 July 1977 is presented in detail. The number and nature of the losses of the parties and the role of the Soviet military in the Libyan victory are especially analyzed. The article also describes the consequences of this four days war.
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Communist Party of Yugoslavia organized and led armed uprisings against the occupier and collaborationists since July 1941. The role of the assassinations, as the way of insurrection, changed due to possibilities and Political Platform of the Communist Party. Until the September 1941, small number of assassinations was done, so the precedence came to the particular actions, in order to provide resistance of the population, overcoming into the mass uprising. The Party leadership was forced to change resistance organizational politics due to repeated arrests, so the assassination strategy intended for occupiers and collaborationists became the only way of the people stand up against the occupation regime. We tend to conclude, the Party failed in its primary cause of disabling and destabilizing the enemy, despite the implementation of the system senior officials assassinations strategy. The essence of failure regards to the enemy armed force, so the retaliation as the answer on the Party actions. The occupant measures resulted with small numbers of attacks on a German soldiers - every attack meant the execution of Communist Movement members. So the result was attacks on members of the Special Police Department of the Administration of the City of Belgrade, as well informed of the organizational structure, membership and implementation of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia politics. Agents of the Special Police Department came to the top of the Communist Party enemies list, right after the arrest of 510 communists, during the year 1941. Psychological effect which caused organized assassinations should not be ignored, too. German soldiers, so the system collaborationists could not feel safe on the streets of that time Belgrade, despite the precautions. Most of the planned assassinations failed. The reason of it regards assassinator himself – often imprecise, insufficiently trained, and undisciplined. Considering the fact, that most of them were pupils when the war started, or worked in factories and its first experience, in weapon handling, often was, just before the action, its acts demand respect and this work represents the overview on it.
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German occupation regime in Serbia in WWII appointed Captain Hans Weitzer to act as commander of south Serbian town of Prokuplje. His duty was to control work of occupation apparatus of Bulgarian military and police authorities of local Serbian quisling regime led by General Milan Nedić. Weitzer represented supreme authority and he could order or prevent enforcement of any represive measure aimed at local population. He could also order certain persons or groups to be arested. He executed his authorities opposite to his collegues elsewhere in occupied Serbia. He actually tried in every possible way to protect local population from Bulgarian as well quisling represion. After withdrawl of German occupation forces from Serbia he remained to live in Prokuplje for one year as free person. After return to his hometown Vienna he was assassined under misterious circumstances.
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