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The concept of "Homeland security" is subjected to debates. The strict translation into Romanian does not illustrate the entire definition established by the American scholars. That is why we need to carefully analyse the existing theories in order to be able to juxtapose a Romanian one.
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"We are here to talk about Europe as a Democracy Promoter Europe is in the middle of a profound debate about its future Yet whatever the differences may be on issues such as future financing, there can be little doubt that enlargements is one of the EU's greatest successes. It has helped spread peace, prosperity and stability across the continent The prospect of EU membership also acts as a Democracy Promoter It is a magnet for positive change It encourages reform In newly democratised countries, it helps civil institutions, the protection of human rights and the roots of democracy to be strengthened. [...]"
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One of the main issues identified during the study of the Internet as media support and the engineering of the value as a method to develop strategic intelligence effi ciency is the Internet influence on behavior and the rules which conduct the Intelligence working - a complex process of the leading act. The Internet as we know today reconfigures the entire social context of communication in a total different manner; both do to the specific nature of this new environment and to the fastness and unlimited character of the technology development. This fact assures new quantity and quality of the human connectivity. The value engineering– the method of the value analyses – is a part of economical tools, using the functional approach of the products related to the beneficiary demanding. We believe that this tool can be applied also in the fi eld of Military Intelligence with promising results for the future.
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If one follows the political argumentation in democratic states carefully, one might come to the conclusion that political actions are appraised and justified primarily by a recourse to the concepts of "the common good" or "national interests". In this vein, they are applied not only by politicians, but also by media commentators and citizens, as a yardstick for the evaluation and acceptance, or otherwise, of decisions made by the politicians. On the other hand, both empirical observations of political life and the logical premises indicate unambiguously that the arguments referring to a 'common good' or 'national interest' cannot be acknowledged as either the underlying reasons of political decisions or indicators with which to evaluate political actions. The logical and empirical feasibility of providing grounds for regarding these concepts as the reasons for which political decisions are made is discussed in the article, which also raises questions as to the causes why they are so enduring and useful in political communication.
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Mozes Hes (Moses Hess) je jedan od prvih teoretičara socijalizma u Nemačkoj, ali su ipak njegovo delo i naročito njegov odnos prema Marksu ostali zadugo malo poznati i nedovoljno proučeni. Poslednjih godina, međutim, inleresovanje za Hesa je u znatnom porastu.
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Beszélgetés a 60 éves Öllös Lászlóval
László Öllös, political philosopher, associate professor, president of the Forum Minority Research Institute speaks about his professional trajectories, the communist regime, events of the 1968 revolution in Czechoslovakia, opposition activities, the Velvet Revolution in 1989, political transition in the CEE countries. He also details his public activities, theoretical and research work focusing on human rights, national rights, ethnic minority rights, constitutional issues, national identity, civil society. Among his special spheres of interest belong issues such as Slovak–Hungarian reconciliation, national division, European identity, political community, constitutional value system.
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The author deals with the political biography of Dragoljub Jovanovic (1895-1977), who as a consistent proponent of his political ideas was the victim of two completely opposite authoritarian regimes in Serbia - the right wing regime between the two world wars which declared him to be a Bolshevik and the communist regime after the Second World War which perceived him as a right winger and reactionary. Due to his political engagement and public presentation of his political beliefs both regimes convicted him to long prison sentences. The author analytically presents all court proceedings in relation to Jovanovic and underlines his independence, free mind, education and readiness to make sacrifices for his own political ideals which he did not give up until the end of his life. The author devoted special attention to the genesis of Dragoljub Jovanovic and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Although he was a left winger and the fighter for the emancipation of peasants, as a true democrat and the supporter of the multi-party system Jovanovic did not accept the communist Bolshevik conception of social and political system. Due to this he suffered the most after the communists took power. In the text the special importance is given to Jovanovic's cooperation with Croatian politicians and their warning that only the equal participation of Croats and Serbs in the political life of Yugoslavia may secure its stability and duration. At the end the author argues for Jovanovic's rehabilitation.
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Dzieło sztuki jako manifestacja postpamięci
The text is an attempt to determine the relationship between post -memory (or –in other words – “vicarious memory”) and art. Particular attention is given tovisual arts. The works of artists of the younger generation, such as Libera, Bałka,Żmijewski, and to some extent Betlejewski, who explored the memory of theShoah, were discussed. Their works can be considered a form of manifestationof post -memory. Assuming that the analysis of artistic phenomena is not possiblewithout reference to the social context in which art is created and its socialresponsibility, the works of these artists were confronted with the material tracesof memory (including Jedwabne, Kolno, Jeleniewo) that shape the social backgroundof artistic creativity, its reception and debate about it.
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Dr. Ermin Sinanovic is an assistant professor of political science, teaching politics of the Muslim world, at the United States Naval Academy in Annapolis, Maryland. In this interview, Dr. Sinanovic presents his views about the role of faith in the era of globalization. According to him, theories of modernization, which declare faith as obsolete, have been proven wrong. Furthermore, he anticipates that religion will play an important role in the 21st century. The phenomenon of globalization comprises of political, cultural, and economic dimensions. Political globalization can often entail a cultural globalization which tends to reduce cultural diversity. Liberal democracy and free market economy are the fundamental ideologies behind the globalization. Those who have reservations towards these ideologies are often declared enemies of democracy in general. At the same time, globalization provides an opportunity to present the universal values of Islam. Muslim cosmopolitanism is one such opportunity.
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Notes on some of the topicalities concerning Europe and the national state, such as: the adaptation of the national state to the EU context; democracy and the national state as Siamese twins; the transnational European identity easier to imagine 20 years ago when facing a common enemy; bureaucracy in the enlarged European identity easier to imagine 20 years ago when facing a common enemy; bureaucracy in the enlarged European Union; the United Kingdom is doomed – what will replace it?
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While Macedonians find it vexing that the flag of a foreign country will be soon be flown from government buildings, that is what will happen in the 16 municipalities that are inhabited by more than 50 percent Albanians. This lighthearted article takes a look at the impending legislation designed to fulfil Ohrid Accord stipulations and placate Albanian nationalism, while some on-the-spot reporting reveals telling national sentiments.
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In diesem Text versuche ich die Freundschaft zwischen Carl Schmitt und dem Juristen Hermann Ignatz Heller zu rekonstruieren, die in der Folge eines Streits um den Begriff des Feindes aufgelöst wurde. Ihre Freundschaft und die Entzweiung des sehr intensiven Kontakts bieten eine gute Gelegenheit, Schmitts Begriff des Feindes zu interpretieren. Indem ich die Zeugnisse, die Schmitt in underschiedlichen Perioden seines Schaffens zum Begriff des Feindes gibt, aufgreife, versuche ich, die Verbindung des Feindes und der Vernichtung des Feindes in Hinblick auf die Vernichtung des Anderen als eine der wichtigstenen Kontroversen in seinem Buch Der Begriff des Politischen wie seiner Theorie im Allgemeinen zu erforschen.
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In the last fifteen years a “federalist revolution“ has been carried out at the U.S. Supreme Court, led by the then court president William H. Rehnquist. Although it has involved a variety of rulings in different areas, the ones connected with the limitation of regulatory powers of Congress on the basis of the Commerce Clause (the Lopez and Morrison cases) were of the greatest symbolic importance. The liberal antifederalist minority has put up resistance against such changes, until divisions in the conservative federalist majority were brought about over the Gonzales v. Raich case (2005). On the basis of the decision in the Raich case, the liberals largely managed to abolish the effects of Lopez and Morrison. Starting from Riker’s concept of heresthetic maneuvers, this paper puts forward the hypothesis that the success of the liberal minority is a result of proactive heresthetic efforts towards overthrowing the “federalist revolution“. It also points to the importance of a relatively neglected case, United States v. Oakland Cannabis Buyers’ Cooperative (2001), as one of the corner-stones of the antifederalist campaign. The moves of the liberals in the OCBC and Raich cases are analysed in accordance with Riker’s categorisation. The hypothesis is demonstrated through an analysis of material comprising rulings, opinions, minutes of verbal discussions and statements given by participants in the legal proceedings.
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