Bosna i Hercegovina - 15 Godina Dejtonskog Mirovnog Sporazuma. Medunarodni Simpozijum – Knjiga Sazetaka

Author(s): / Language(s): Bosnian,English

By producing his most important work "L'Esprit des lois", Montesquieu showed th at the strength of a law is in the spirit that it carries. It is of decisive importance that the law is not simply a mechanistic sum of various influences that have been gathered in one place, but that it combines historical conditions making it consistent. And then the law makes sense and only within the context of realm of reality, set in such manner, it is enforceable. The law, which would be immediately taking over the text of a 'legal science's modern state' does not seem to make sense, as equally as the composition which would be composed on the principles of aesthetics and art theory, and that would not have contained the creative impulse of the spirit of freedom. The Dayton agreement is not the law, but it represents a kind of legal document which has been derived from a certain political will. In this sense, its topicalising can not be primarily based on positive law's issues. Discussing the Dayton agreement as the legal act, unless it has been fully understood in the context of positive law, debate, on these grounds, must remain ineffective an d may not rep resen t the basis of perspective construction of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an orderly society in the state form. As an agreement th a t stopped a war, this document is more a political ac t representing a form of political agreement or a compromise that aims, above all, at the giving of a possibility for creating new perspectives of Bosnian society, which no longer should be based on conflict and violent forms of resolving political issues.

Policy and Legal Environment for the Growth of the SME Sector in Bulgaria

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The Policy Forum aims to identify those factors that will improve the economic and legal environment for the growth of the small and medium sized enterprise("SME") sector in Bulgaria. The forum has brought together some of the country's most influential individuals, representing various institutional and independent bodies, to discuss the constraints that are hindering the development of the SME sector and to propose and review various recommendations to overcome these obstacles.

Migration - Europe's Integration and the Labour Force Brain-Drain

Author(s): Daniela Bobeva,Ivan Chalakov,Jordan Markov / Language(s): English

The report is aiming to answer the questions: What was going on in the science of Bulgaria in the years of transition and the related to it mass emigration of scientists abroad? Was that an occurrence of 'freedom euphoria', or 'a natural process of science internationalization'? What are the results from that process? What are the 'losses' and the 'benefits'? Who was the one 'to lose' and who - 'to win'? What are the perspectives?

The Labour Market Policy In Bulgaria (1990 - 1993)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Three years after the beginning of the political changes and two years after the beginning of the economic reform in Bulgaria a large portion of the population think that unemployment is not an inevitable phenomenon. Data from a national opinion poll of March 1993 reveal that a mere 27.3 percent consider unemployment natural and inevitable , and 63.3 percent think the Government should take measures to stop unemployment.

Recommendations to Facilitate Expanded Economic Relations between Bulgaria and the United States, January 1995

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

The recommendation presented in this document were developed by the Center for the Study of Democracy, based on discussions held during the Bulgarian-American Economic Cooperation Forum, and subsequent consultations with a variety of the participants. These recommendations do not necessary reflect the views of the Bulgarian and American institutions represented at the forum.

Debt-Equity Swaps In the Context of Privatization: the Case of Bulgaria

Author(s): Sophia Kassidova / Language(s): English

Bulgaria is continuing transformation towards market-driven economy in a rather strained environment - huge foreign debt burden, sustained losses due to the Gulf War and the UN embargo against Serbia and Montenegro. The establishment of private property and market-oriented legislation, and the ongoing law reform aim at promoting private sector expansion and removing restrictions to foreign capital inflow.

БЪЛГАРИЯ: ИНДИКАТОРИ ЗА ЕНЕРГИЙНА СИГУРНОСТ И ПРЕДИЗВИКАТЕЛСТВА ПРЕД ПОЛИТИКИТЕ

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

National bulletins present a critical analysis of energy security management in Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Ukraine, and highlight the major challenges faced by countries in their transition to more transparent and data-driven policy-making processes. The management of state energy enterprises in CEE is strongly influenced by political interference, violating their investment independence and regulatory oversight. This is particularly noticeable in Bulgaria and Ukraine. The political pressure to reduce electricity and gas prices in Bulgaria, Romania and Serbia further increases the vulnerability of their energy sectors.Strong dependence on a single source and route for gas supply is the most serious risk to energy security in all countries. In Bulgaria and Ukraine, this risk is exacerbated by their dependence on imported oil from the same source - Russia. While Romania, Bulgaria and Ukraine have made efforts for energy diversification, Serbia seems to support the current status quo, although it pays some of Europe's highest natural gas prices.

РУМЪНИЯ: ИНДИКАТОРИ ЗА НАЦИОНАЛНА ЕНЕРГИЙНА СИГУРНОСТ И ПРЕДИЗВИКАТЕЛСТВА ПРЕД ПОЛИТИКАТА

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

National bulletins present a critical analysis of energy security management in Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Ukraine, and highlight the major challenges faced by countries in their transition to more transparent and data-driven policy-making processes. The management of state energy enterprises in CEE is strongly influenced by political interference, violating their investment independence and regulatory oversight. This is particularly noticeable in Bulgaria and Ukraine. The political pressure to reduce electricity and gas prices in Bulgaria, Romania and Serbia further increases the vulnerability of their energy sectors.Strong dependence on a single source and route for gas supply is the most serious risk to energy security in all countries. In Bulgaria and Ukraine, this risk is exacerbated by their dependence on imported oil from the same source - Russia. While Romania, Bulgaria and Ukraine have made efforts for energy diversification, Serbia seems to support the current status quo, although it pays some of Europe's highest natural gas prices.

SERBIA: NATIONAL ENERGY SECURITY INDICATORS AND POLICY CHALLENGES. Country factsheet

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

National bulletins present a critical analysis of energy security management in Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Ukraine, and highlight the major challenges faced by countries in their transition to more transparent and data-driven policy-making processes. The management of state energy enterprises in CEE is strongly influenced by political interference, violating their investment independence and regulatory oversight. This is particularly noticeable in Bulgaria and Ukraine. The political pressure to reduce electricity and gas prices in Bulgaria, Romania and Serbia further increases the vulnerability of their energy sectors.Strong dependence on a single source and route for gas supply is the most serious risk to energy security in all countries. In Bulgaria and Ukraine, this risk is exacerbated by their dependence on imported oil from the same source - Russia. While Romania, Bulgaria and Ukraine have made efforts for energy diversification, Serbia seems to support the current status quo, although it pays some of Europe's highest natural gas prices.

UKRAINE: NATIONAL ENERGY SECURITY INDICATORS AND POLICY CHALLENGES. Country factsheet

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

National bulletins present a critical analysis of energy security management in Bulgaria, Romania, Serbia and Ukraine, and highlight the major challenges faced by countries in their transition to more transparent and data-driven policy-making processes. The management of state energy enterprises in CEE is strongly influenced by political interference, violating their investment independence and regulatory oversight. This is particularly noticeable in Bulgaria and Ukraine. The political pressure to reduce electricity and gas prices in Bulgaria, Romania and Serbia further increases the vulnerability of their energy sectors.Strong dependence on a single source and route for gas supply is the most serious risk to energy security in all countries. In Bulgaria and Ukraine, this risk is exacerbated by their dependence on imported oil from the same source - Russia. While Romania, Bulgaria and Ukraine have made efforts for energy diversification, Serbia seems to support the current status quo, although it pays some of Europe's highest natural gas prices.

Корупционни индекси. Регионален мониторинг на корупцията в Албания, Босна и Херцеговина, България, Македония, Румъния, Хърватска, СР Югославия Март 2001

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The present report outlines the key findings of the Regional Corruption Monitoring carried out in seven countries of South Eastern Europe – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Romania, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), and Croatia. The surveys conducted in these countries were based on the methodology of the Corruption Monitoring System of Coalition 2000 and marked the beginning of the implementation of a Regional Corruption Monitoring System. The main goal of this comparative analysis of the seven countries from the Balkan region is to show the public significance of the problem of corruption and the extent to which corruption has penetrated into the various elements of society.

Корупционни индекси. Регионален мониторинг на корупцията в Албания, Босна и Херцеговина, България, Македония, Румъния, Хърватия и Югославия Април 2002

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Bulgarian

The report presents key findings about the level of corruption and corruption related perceptions in a cross country perspective. The analysis is based on national sample (n=1000) surveys of the population aged 18 and over in seven countries of Southeast Europe. It also includes comparative data from the 2001 survey conducted using the same methodology.

PUBLIC PERCEPTION OF SERBIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE MIDST OF THE WAR IN UKRAINE

Author(s): Vuk Vuksanović,Luka Šterić,Maja Bjeloš / Language(s): English

The war in Ukraine did not significantly affect the perception of the Serbian public regarding the major issues of Serbian foreign and security policy. In this context, this relates to how Serbian citizens think about the influence of great powers in their country and how the public perceives its relations with Russia and Western security institutions, the EU and NATO. The public opinion surveys also showed that the issue of Kosovo is still being perceived as a major foreign policy priority. There is a powerful cynicism in how the Serbian public views great power influences, as most respondents believe that external great powers bribe Serbian politicians and moguls to further their interests in the country. Russia and China are perceived as close foreign policy partners of Serbia, putting them in clear advantage over those who favour the EU on that front. The respondents also believed that Russia and China are sincere friends of Serbia and not players guided by their self-interest. As opposed to the study conducted by the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) in 2020, which noted that Serbs perceived Chinese influence in the country as more positive than Russian influence, the latest survey shows that those who believe Russian influence in Serbia is positive have a slight edge over those who believe the same about Chinese influence. This is most likely the result of the fact that China has not been in the spotlight in recent months.

WAR ECHOES INTENSIFY FEARS - VIEWS OF SERBIAN CITIZENS ON RELATIONS IN THE REGION

Author(s): Gorana Pebić,Ivana Ranković,Luka Šterić / Language(s): English

The Belgrade Centre for Security Policy conducted the annual public opinion survey on relations in the region, with a special focus on the Western Balkan countries and current events and trends. This report analyses Serbian citizens’ views on three main topics – the possibility of conflicts in the Balkans, Serbia’s bilateral relations with its neighbours, as well as key benefits and opportunities of regional cooperation and initiatives. Due to the current war in Ukraine and the war-mongering rhetoric in the Balkans, the fear of outbreak of conflict in the Balkans has risen. Compared to results from 2020, when more than half of citizens were not afraid of possible conflicts at all, the 2022 survey shows that almost two thirds of respondents are to a certain extent afraid of the outbreak of conflicts in the region in the next five years. Concerning potential causes of the conflict in the region, two-thirds of Serbian citizens believe that it is very or somewhat likely that a conflict might break out over the status of Kosovo. On the other hand, the results of the survey indicate a significant decrease in support of the reintroduction of mandatory military service, in comparison to results from 2020. When it comes to bilateral relations between Serbia and its neighbouring countries, the data shows a decline in support for potential separation of Republic of Srpska from Bosnia and Herzegovina and unification with Serbia. Citizens believe that relations between Serbia and Montenegro have not improved significantly, despite the signing of the Fundamental Agreement with the Serbian Orthodox Church. On the contrary, the negative perception of Serbian public towards Albania has slightly improved over the last two years, mainly due to the closer cooperation between the leaders of the two countries through the Open Balkan initiative. However, regional relations are still seen as strained, in part due to the promotion of the concept of Serbian world which creation is supported by slightly more than 40% of citizens. In 2022, the focus of the public in terms of regional cooperation was directed more directly to the Open Balkan initiative as a platform for collaboration between Albania, North Macedonia and Serbia. Although the data show an increase in the number of Serbian citizens who are familiar with the idea, there are still no concrete and publicly visible results of the initiative

TODAY AND TOMORROW: SOCIAL MEDIA AND POLICE SERVICES IN THE WESTERN BALKANS

Author(s): Marko Živković / Language(s): English

Police services in the Western Balkans (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia) are not substantially active on social media platforms (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and YouTube) and are not sufficiently exploiting the advantages of online communication such as: flexibility (accessible 24/7), relevance (provides a place for real-life policing examples and the exchange of experiences), and community building (the police can develop a supportive, stimulating community that is held by participants in high regard). There is a significant possibility for police services to use social media in the WB for strong community engagement and partnership with the aim of providing a crime-free and safe environment for citizens. Internet penetration in the region is 68.1% and there are 12.5 million internet users1 as well as more than 8.5 million Facebook2 account holders. The average Facebook consumer has more than 200 ‘friends’3 , which indicates a high potential for the community engagement and sharing of information. The research analysed the level of police presence in the social media platforms during the period from 1 January to 31 July 2017. It shows that five out of seven police services in the WB that are subject to this analysis use at least one social medium as a communication tool. Four out of seven are present on Facebook and YouTube, while three have Twitter and Instagram accounts. Only the Albanian police are present on all four social networks. The Kosovo Police makes use of three networks, while the rest use two out of four. Montenegrin police and the MoI of the Federation of BiH, however, are not present on any social networks. Police services in the region predominantly use social media to share basic information, and for promotion. Efforts to engage citizens are lacking. The nature of these social networks, as two-way communication tools, is not recognised by police forces of the region. The police in Albania are mostly active on Facebook, with more than 30,000 page-likes. Twitter and YouTube are used considerably less, Instagram not at all. Facebook is used primarily as a communication tool for sharing service information of the Albanian police, mostly through video posts. There is no interaction with the citizens. The language is formal and bureaucratic. The MoI of the Federation of BiH is not actively using social media, while the MoI of the Republic of Srpska has a YouTube account and an official Facebook page with 18,123 page-likes. It is not however present on Twitter. Facebook is primarily a communication tool used for sharing service information, mostly by way of posting photographs. Citizens’ engagement is low, but still better when compared to the practice in Albania and Kosovo. The Kosovo police have Facebook, Twitter and YouTube accounts, but no Instagram. Facebook is their main online communication tool, with 34,345 page-likes. However, the Kosovo police are not regularly active on Facebook and mostly share links that lead to service information. Interaction with citizens is very low. Original Twitter content is not produced and a low level of activity on YouTube has been noted. The MoI of Macedonia is active predominantly on YouTube, with more than 5,000 subscribers and almost 9.5 million views, which is the best result in the region. Its activity on Instagram is modest. The Facebook page was created in August 2017. There is no Twitter account. The Minister of Interior is not very active on Twitter, and tweets are not strictly related to policing. The MoI of Montenegro is not present on any of the social networks. The police in Serbia are active mainly on Instagram and YouTube.4 Tweeting ceased in February 2010. Instagram is used in accordance with the rules of this social network, with the primary goal to promote the activities of the police and the Minister. The YouTube account of the Serbian MoI had more than 9 million views and boasts 6,483 subscribers, which is the record in the region. Communication in the 21st century has been tremendously changed by new technologies. Social media now provide a completely new communication approach, with different potential and substance. Regardless of whether or not the police want to be present on social media, police issues are being discussed online. Due to this fact, if the police do not use social media many related information can be subjected to spinning and misuse, with no possibility of reacting through the same communication channel. Even though the facts regarding internet and social media users in the WB indicate that conditions for police use of social media do exist, law enforcement agencies of the region are not sufficiently active on social networks. There is significant room for improvement of social media usage by police in the WB to increase effectiveness by engaging citizens, and to build trust in the police by presenting the human side through community policing. Social networks are not just another traditional media channel; they allow greater connectivity and interaction between the web users and encourage contributions and feedback from anyone who is a member of any virtual community

DVADESET GODINA DEJTONSKOG SPORAZUMA

Author(s): / Language(s): Croatian

EKONOMSKI FAKTORI I UTICAJ NA POLOŽAJ NACIONALNIH MANJINA U LOKALNIM ZAJEDNICAMA - PRIMERI MAĐARSKE, HRVATSKE, RUMUNSKE I BUGARSKE NACIONALNE MANJINE

Author(s): Jelena Perković,Darko Baštovanović / Language(s): Serbian

They melted down our tanks, we are creating the strongest power in the region – militarist narratives serving the purpose of state capturing

Author(s): Luka Šterić / Language(s): English

Defence system capturing is done in various ways. The authorities are using the procurement of armament from different parties to achieve foreign policy goals in order to reduce the external pressure on the authoritarian regime. Insisting on military neutrality and foreign policy balancing, Serbia is trying to keep access to both the Eastern and Western armament markets. Also, through non-transparent contracts, individuals and companies close to the government opulently profit at the expense of the military industry, as well as through exporting weapons often times conducted in contravention of both domestic and international law and norms.

Security sector in a captured state: act two

Author(s): Predrag Petrović,Jelena Pejić Nikić,Luka Šterić / Language(s): English

Due to the damage that state capture causes to the public interest, it is very important to investigate and closely monitor this process in the security sector of Serbia. The Belgrade Centre for Security Policy was the first organisation in the country to point out this negative process and the role that the security sector plays in it. It has conducted its first research on this topic, the findings of which can be found in a study entitled “Capturing the Security Sector of Serbia”. The study in front of you is a continuation of that research. In it, we monitored and documented further state capture and the role of security institutions in that negative process. The research covered the period from the beginning of 2020 to November 2021. It explained the political context of capturing the state, the security services, the police, the army and the Ministry of Defence, within which we analysed the capture of special-purpose [arms] industry and parliamentary oversight of the security sector. Considering the fact that actors who participate in state capture are trying to secure international support for their endeavor, and that they are also making use of the experiences of other captured states, we have analysed the foreign policy aspect of capturing the state, which is a novelty compared to earlier research.

A Quasi-Arms Race: Serbia and Croatia

Author(s): Marija Ignjatijević,Vuk Vuksanović / Language(s): English

In the last six years, Serbia and Croatia have been upgrading their military arsenals, leading to the conclusion that the two countries are spearheading a new arms race in the Western Balkans. This narrative is misleading as the strategic environment makes inter-state war unlikely and the process is actually about Serbia and Croatia replacing old equipment from the Yugoslav days. However, the two countries use arms procurement as leverage in their respective foreign policies and tools of domestic promotion for their rulling elites. The return of hostility is highly unlikely, but there is a political threat of cementing an atmosphere of mistrust in the region.