Towards the Prevention of violent Acts at Sports Events: Proposal on a regional Cooperation Framework

Author(s): Marko Savković,Saša Đorđević / Language(s): English

Since 2000 until today seven people were killed due to the sports violence in Serbia. Over the last two years the incidents of violence at and before sports events have generated political, academic and media debate. Incidents at the Genoa stadium Luigi Ferraris jointly with the incidents during the Pride Parade have just “spiced up” the current debate. Additionally the presidents of Croatia and Serbia came with the initiatives to establish joint regional football compe¬tition, similar to the one already existing in basketball, and to co-host the 2020 European Football Championship. Yet, the sport of such international character as football is generates considerable “degree” of insecurity, particularly in this region. Incidents are constantly repeated, not only as random or organized acts of violence but also in the form of different criminal activities. This paper places an emphasis on the prevention of violence. The aim of the paper is to stir public debate about the lack of regional co-operation framework in the fight against hooliganism and violence at the sports events. In that regard, we made a brief analysis of the current situation with the focus on the mechanisms of prevention, which are already in place within EU and other European countries. Finally, we propose the model of the regional co-operation framework. The essence of our idea is to establish an additional, eighth Task Force in the current SECI Centre organisational structure, with its HQ in Bucharest. We have named it Task Force on Prevention of Violence at Sports Events. In order to achieve this goal, it is necessary to build capacity through appoint Laison Officers that will be in charge of this metter within NFP of the SECI Centre member states. We emphasize that our idea is not to set up a new regional body for strengthening cooperation in the areas of justice and internal affairs; although there is a tendency among the Western Balkan countries to do so (we refer to the initiatives of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia and Croatia). Our goal is to build up on the already existing institutional framework of cooperation.

Constitutional provisions in the area of security a comparative table. Excerpts from 50 selected Constitutions

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): English

Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) presents an overview of comparative constitutional norms on security with a view to promote debate on constitutional reforms in Serbia in this area. The overview has taken a form of comparative table consisting of selected constitutional provisions of 50 states and entities altogether, divided by regions. The first chapter is dedicated to Western Balkans states and entities which, due to shared recent historical and political experience, represent a first point of reference for comparison with Serbia (excerpts of Serbian constitution are also provided in the table). The second chapter covers most of the Eastern and Central European states, that underwent similar political transitions since the 1990s and are now members of the European Union. The third chapter covers 15 other EU member states and Switzerland, usually referred to as the Western Europe. Selected constitutional provisions of several, also transitioned, former Soviet Union states are offered in the fourth chapter. Finally, aiming at a broader perspective, a random selection of other countries all over the globe is presented in the fifth chapter.

Public Perception of Serbia’s Foreign Policy

Author(s): Miloš Popović,Sonja Stojanović Gajić / Language(s): English

REPORT OF THE OMBUDSMAN: A MERE FORMALITY OR A CONTRIBUTION TO THE RULE OF LAW IN THE PROCESS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION

Author(s): Lena Petrović / Language(s): English

In this document, the position of the Ombudsman (Protector of Citizens) will be discussed from the point of view of the attitude of the National Assembly and the Government of the Republic of Serbia toward the Ombudsman’s regular annual reports. In the past ten years, Serbia has largely regressed in terms of democracy and the rule of law. Data from international and domestic organisations point to a state that has been captured by one party, the collapse of the separation of powers, and the absence of political dialogue. On the other hand, the Government of Serbia keeps emphasising the rule of law as its main priority in the accession negotiations with the European Union (EU). For the EU, the development of democratic processes is the main aspect of Serbia’s approach. In such circumstances, the attitude of the legislative and executive powers towards the report of the Ombudsman shows whether the authorities are essentially or just formally committed to the rule of law and admission to the European Union. The Ombudsman is an independent state body that protects the rights of citizens and controls the legality of the work of the administration. Its role is protected by the Constitution of the Republic of Serbia. The Global Alliance for National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI) gave it the highest status A, which shows that its work is in line with international standards. However, analyses reveal certain weaknesses of this independent institution. The reports on Serbia’s progress in the process of accession to the European Union for 2021 and 2022 highlighted the need to strengthen the Ombudsman by providing staffing and financial resources and ensuring systematic cooperation with the authorities. Although there are numerous challenges in the work of the Ombudsman, this document analyses only the practice of its reporting to the National Assembly, in the context of ongoing reforms implemented for the purpose of Serbia’s accession to the European Union. We particularly stress the importance of the Ombudsman in strengthening democratic institutions and fulfilling the criteria from the negotiation Chapters 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security), and propose solutions that contribute to political responsibility and the rule of law.

GEOPOLITICS IS LOCAL: RAMIFICATIONS OF CHINESE PROJECTS FOR HUMAN SECURITY IN SERBIA

Author(s): Maja Bjeloš,Vuk Vuksanović / Language(s): English

The research was conducted in three Serbian cities with large PRC investments -Smederevo, Bor and Zrenjanin - to establish the impact of these projects on local communities and how they affect human security, understood in terms of human rights and human dignity. In that regard, several forms of human security endangerment were observed in the course of the research project:• Environmental hazards: Since the arrival of the PRC investments, cities of Bor and Smederevo have recorded a major surge in the emission of various harmful particles. Environmentalists have so far filed several criminal charges against Chinese companies for air pollution, including pollution of the river Mali Pek. The future will bring further environmental challenges for the inhabitants of Zrenjanin, as the Linglong tyre factory could endanger the nature reserve Carska Bara as well as the food production in Vojvodina.• Public health: Serbia is a country with the highest rate of pollution-related deaths in Europe. Cities of Bor and Smederevo have experienced a rise in the rates of cancer and various other respiratory and heart diseases connected with industrial pollution.• Socio-economic and human rights: A feature of Chinese projects is the influx of labor from Asia to Serbia. A whole range of exploitative practices against foreign and domestic workers has been recorded in all PRC projects, including human trafficking of Vietnamese workers for the purpose of labor exploitation. Despite public pressure, the Serbian authorities are ready to tolerate violations of labor and human rights in order to maintain foreign direct investments, employment and political rating.• Rule of law: PRC projects are often declared as those of ‘national interest’ and are characterised by the lack of transparency and public scrutiny. PRC investors enjoy privileged treatment by local authorities and administration that adjust the legal framework and make numerous concessions at the expense of citizens and local communities.• Cross-cultural issues: The fact that Chinese workers are not trying to integrate and interact more profoundly with the local communities remains a big problem. In the absence of interpersonal communication and intercultural exchange, inter-ethnic and sexual assault-related incidents have also been recorded in some cases.• Surveillance: Chinese cameras equipped with face recognition technology have not been utilised in these cities to date, but local population fears that cutting-edge technology could be used as the PRC presence grows

PANDEMIC MANAGEMENT: LESSONS LEARNED FOR A MORE SECURE FUTURE

Author(s): Srđan Hercigonja,Gorana Pebić / Language(s): English

Negative headlines, positive tone: how military exercises, peacekeepinig missions and IPAP are seen in Serbian media

Author(s): Pavle Nedić / Language(s): English

In Serbian media peacekeeping missions and military exercises are mainly referred to in the context of Kosovo. Multinational operations are overwhelmingly brought up in positive context. Individual Partnership Action Plan (IPAP) is mostly touched upon in positive tone, but the reports are generally very polarized and the number of neutral texts is rather small. Overall, military exercises are the most frequently mentioned topic. However, in the reports on military exercises, Russia is never referred to in a negative tone. On the other hand, NATO is primarily mentioned in a neutral or a negative tone. This analysis focuses on media reporting regarding selected keywords, namely military exercises, peacekeeping missions, multinational operations and IPAP. These keywords were selected because they receive considerable attention in the media, but there is often a mix of true and false information in reports on them. The analysis covered 383 media pieces published between 1 December 2018 and 28 February 2019. Media sources included online portals, printed newspapers, TV and radio. The goal was to determine how often and in what context these subjects are mentioned in the media, which media sources report on them the most and whether they are brought up in positive, neutral or negative tone. We also measured how often key international actors, namely NATO, Russia and the EU are referred to. Furthermore, the tone towards NATO and Russia was analyzed in media pieces regarding military exercises and IPAP respectively.

COVIDOCRACY IN THE ELECTION PROCESS

Author(s): Srđan Hercigonja / Language(s): English

Serbia and Hungary: Hammering Democracy

Author(s): Marko Drajić / Language(s): English

Hungary is currently Serbia’s closest international partner. Bilateral relations between the two countries are no longer marred by any disputes and their political and economic interests increasingly coincide. The values underpinning the administrations of both countries have converged to such an extent that a similar modus operandi is evident in their attitudes to issues such as democracy, the rule of law, institutions, foreign policy priorities, political opposition, the media, non-governmental organisations and the migrant crisis. According to the latest Freedom House report, these values and the political systems they have given rise to categorise these two countries as hybrid regimes – one step closer to authoritarian systems of government.

RUSSIA AND CHINA: FRIENDS AND BROTHERS OF THE CAPTURED STATE

Author(s): Vuk Vuksanović / Language(s): English

(NE)SVRSISHODNOST JAVNIH NABAVKI ZA POLICIJU

Author(s): Vladimir Erceg / Language(s): Serbian

The Ministry of Internal Affairs in Serbia plans to spend 8% of the budget (about six billion dinars) for the procurement of much-needed equipment, uniforms, and technology and to invest in the development of police capacities. Purposeful spending of these funds will significantly improve the work of the police and improve the safety of citizens. That is why it is important to wisely plan and spend every dinar. Improving the expediency of public procurement implies improving efficiency, effectiveness and economy in tenders.

QUOTAS IN THE SERBIAN SECURITY SECTOR – DO THEY CONSTRAIN OR PROMOTE WOMEN?

Author(s): Maja Bjeloš / Language(s): English

Worldwide, the security sector is dominated by men, and Serbia is no exception to this. Recent times have seen some changes to this situation, with the quota system being among the factors responsible for this. Quotas are provisional measures which set a minimum proportion of women in security sector institutions. In the Serbian security sector, a quota system is used for the enrolment of women in police or military schools or in training for police or military jobs. Are quotas suitable for resolving the problem of inequality between women and men? Do they constrict or encourage the recruitment and promotion of women in traditional security institutions? Do they alter the prevailing perception of the role of women in the security sector, or do they reinforce existing preconceptions? This paper focusses primarily on analysing the way in which the quota system has been applied in the Serbian police and military. Based on this, recommendations are made for security and defence system institutions. In addition, the paper attempts to identify the origin of quotas and to outline the advantages and shortcomings of their application in the security sector.

GENDER ANALYSIS: POSSIBILITIES OF APPLICATION IN SECURITY SECTOR

Author(s): Zorana Brozović / Language(s): English

Gender analysis investigates the relationships and differences between men and women in their respective roles, status, position in the society, and privileges. If we understand gender differences, this will enable us to understand the effects that existing or planned policies, programmes, and ways in which services are provided, have on different gender groups, as well as to improve the position of a gender group in less favourable position. Conducting the gender analysis is absolutely necessary in the processes of creating and implementing the strategies and policies since it enables us to take account of their different implications for different gender groups. In this text we will present the development of interest for gender mainstreaming and gender analysis, concrete steps in the implementation of this analysis, and the most significant theoretical-methodological approaches to gender analysis. Possibilities for the application of gender analysis in security sector – when creating and reforming the policies, formulating and revising the legislation, planning the services, and planning and implementing the projects, are presented here below in more detail and appertaining examples are provided.

WRITTEN CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION 2013 PROGRESS REPORT ON SERBIA

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

“prEUnup” (ser. prEUgovor) is the first coalition of civil society organizations formed in order to monitor implementation of policies related to the Accession Negotiations between Serbia and EU, with an emphasis on Chapters 23 (Judiciary and Fundamental Rights) and 24 (Justice, Freedom and Security). “prEUnup” is formed on the initiative of Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) with the mission to propose measures to improve the condition in the fields relevant for the negotiation process. In doing so, the coalition aims to use the process of EU integration to help accomplish substantial progress in further democratization of Serbian society.

GENDER ADVISORS IN THE SERBIAN SECURITY SECTOR

Author(s): Gorana Odanović / Language(s): English

Mechanisms for introducing a gender equality policy into security sector governance, aimed at bringing about gender-sensitive treatment of women beneficiaries of the security system, are still lacking in Serbia. One way to ensure that gender equality issues are continuously addressed is to create a specific position for an individual whose job would be to advise top management about measures for improving gender equality. The National Action Plan (NAP) for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in Serbia envisages the introduction of a gender advisor to the minister/director at the Ministry of Defence, the Ministry of Interior, the Customs Administration, the Security-Information Agency, and the Administration for Enforcement of Penal Sanctions. The advisor’s task would be to advise managers during the process of developing and implementing policies, with the goal of facilitating respect for the rights of women and men, both those employed in the security sector and those who use the services provided by security sector institutions. The same document envisages the inclusion of gender advisors in the composition of Serbian contingents in multinational operations. The intention of this text is to provide a position description, a method for selecting the gender advisor, and the ideal profile of a gender advisor. Conclusions and recommendations are made, based on the experience of other countries and on guidelines provided by participants in a specific round table on gender advisors, organised by the BCSP with the support of DCAF, and in workshops on gender advisors, organised by the BFPE in cooperation with BCSP with the financial support of the OSCE Mission in Serbia, within the framework of the training programme “Introduction of a Gender Perspective into Security Sector Reform”.

Parliamentary Oversight of Implementation of Special Investigative Measures in Serbia

Author(s): Katarina Đokić / Language(s): English

Special investigative measures (SIM) are measures covertly applied by state institutions (foremost security institutions), which inherently constrict the degree to which citizens enjoy their constitutionally guaranteed rights. These fundamental traits of SIM mean that uncontrolled implementation may lead to undue violation of human rights, abuse of power, and it may unnecessarily cost taxpayers significant amounts of money. These risks are not purely “theoretical”. In recent years, there were several scandals in Serbia involving the use of SIM. In 2012 and 2013 the public was shaken by media reports of phone tapping of high state officials. In early 2014, former deputy head of the Police unit responsible for SIM implementation was arrested for having leaked information to an organised criminal group on measures implemented against its members. Apart from these scandals, there are also indications that SIM are amply implemented by institutions. For instance, one mobile operator reported that public institutions made 270,000 accesses to retained electronic data of its customers within one year.1 All of this suggests there is a need for strengthening external oversight, which is essential for increasing the accountability of state actors implementing SIM. Strengthening external oversight is also in the best interest of security institutions, as it helps demystify their work and enhance public trust towards these institutions.

Attitudes of Serbian Citizens Regarding Relations with Kosovo and Albania

Author(s): Maja Bjeloš / Language(s): English

Relations between Serbia and Kosovo are currently reduced to the EU-facilitated talks in Brussels. The long-stalled talks went “back on track” after the appointment of EU Special Representative Miroslav Lajcak. The resumption of the dialogue was influenced by a different US approach to the Balkans following the presidential election and the appointment of Special Envoy Gabriel Escobar. Despite the international community’s strong desire for the leaders of Serbia and Kosovo to return to the negotiating table, it seemed that Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and Kosovo’s Prime Minister Albin Kurti were unwilling to take a step forward. Their first meeting in June 2021 in Brussels was not encouraging, as it revealed personal animosities that threatened to bring the dialogue to another impasse. With an accession perspective that includes no date, i.e. without a tangible ‘carrot at the end of the stick’, leaders seem less motivated to make bold decisions. The actors were more engaged in the production and management of a crisis than in taking an effort to reach a final solution and progress towards EU membership. All in all, ten years after the dialogue began, there is little room for optimism as relations between Serbia and Kosovo are now at their lowest level. Many agreements have not been fully implemented, while the implementation of Brussels’ provisions concerning the association of Serb-majority municipalities is still pending.

URGENT POLICE DEPOLITICISATION IN THE WESTERN BALKANS

Author(s): Sofija Mandić / Language(s): English

One of the biggest problems faced by the police in the Western Balkans is politicisation and lack of operational independence from political leaders and structures. This is confrmed by the legal framework on policing which introduces a wide scope of competencies of Ministers of Interior and other politically elected figures, and by the citizens’ perception that the police serve the political parties’ interests. The Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH) Law on Internal Affairs of 2014 allows direct and indirect influence of political parties and officials on the autonomy of the police. Most important shortcomings are related to the Federal Minister of Interior who is allowed to make decisions regarding concrete police actions, influence human resources micro-management, and decide on the use of police finances and detention treatment and rules. The Law only declaratively stipulates that the police are subjected to civilian and democratic control. However, more than 80 percent of the citizens of BIH believe that the influence of politics on operative work of the police is quite high. In Kosovo, before the Prime Minister takes a decision on the appointment of Police Director General, the Minister of Internal Affairs interferes in the process by establishing and regulating the work of the Commission whose task is to nominate the candidates. The 2012 Law on Police in Kosovo allows direct influence of the Minister of Internal Affairs on the internal organisation of the police and the establishment of special police units. The Minister can compromise the operational independence of the police regardless of the fact that the Law on Police stipulates otherwise. More than 70 percent of the citizens perceive police as politicised and fully, or to some extent, under political control. The Montenegrin Law on Internal Affairs of 2012 allows the Minister of Interior to influence the Police Director’s appointment by proposing the candidate to the Government, and to influence the work of the Police Directorate by appointing Police Director’s deputies. The Minister is allowed to define the exceptions concerning the duties that are deemed incompatible with police work, but he also has discretionary powers to allow police officers to conduct some activities that are in contravention to the rules if he estimates that this will not harm the professional work of the Ministry. The Minister can decide in disciplinary proceedings and develop its rules. The public image of the police as an authority serving the citizens is better, to the extent that the legal framework is more progressive – one third of the citizens believe that the police is working in their interest. The Serbian Law on Police of 2016 does not create sufficient and necessary conditions for depoliticisation of the police. The text of the law mentions “respect for the operational independence of the police” but fails to specify what that actually means. The Minister of Interior is allowed to prescribe the mode of performance of internal affairs tasks, request reports, data and other documents relating to the work of the police and the Ministry, and provide the Internal Affairs Sector with binding instructions for work, as well as with orders to perform certain tasks and undertake certain measures. The Minister is given the power to assign and dismiss the highest ranking heads of the Police Directorate. More than 80% of the citizens see the police as an institution serving others’ interests instead of theirs. There are various legal shortcomings influencing the operational independence of the police in the Western Balkans. It is therefore necessary that the international community – the European Union (EU) in particular – advocate the development of legal instruments and institutional mechanisms which will prevent the political leaders and structures from crossing the forbidden line and becoming involved in the operational work of the police.

THE ROLE OF PARLIAMENTARY OVERSIGHT IN BUILDING POLICE INTEGRITY IN SERBIA

Author(s): Katarina Đokić / Language(s): English

Parsimonious legal framework and parliamentarians’ reluctance to utilise their powers have impeded parliamentary oversight of police work. Hence, the parliament does not have a significant role in building police integrity in Serbia.

Prvih pet godina

Author(s): / Language(s): Serbian

The Center for Free Elections and Democracy is a non-profit organization founded in August 1997 by a group of students – members of the Legal Committee of the Belgrade Student Protest of 1996-97, professors of the Faculty of Law and leading experts in the field of electoral process studies. The Center was founded primarily with the aim of organizing impartial election observation in Serbia, including media monitoring, voting observation and parallel vote counting.