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Slovakia

Author(s): Radoslav Štefančík,Eva Stradiotová / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Slovakia, an immediate neighbor of Ukraine, faced the Russian military invasion and its direct consequences with remarkable resilience. Despite being unprepared for the mass immigration of war refugees, the government, witnessed the effective mobilization of civil society. Individuals, groups, companies, and some public institutions such as schools and local governments organized spontaneous assistance to Ukrainian refugees independent of the state. This display of solidarity was unprecedented in Slovak society, showcasing a high degree of resilience and unity in the face of adversity.

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Hungary

Author(s): Žaneta Pavlíková / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The military conflict between Russia and Ukraine has caused concern around the world. Central Europe, including the Visegrad Four countries, many of which are Ukraine´s neighbors and may feel even more threatened, is undoubtedly the most affected region. Although they are members of NATO, which offers them some protection, the threat from Russia is more immediate than ever. This is partly because of President Putin´s claims about these states, the new waves of migrants, and the threat to Europe´s energy security. Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary were the countries where thousands of Ukrainian war refugees arrived. To this day, Slovakia and Hungary have been unable to resolve their energy dependence on Russia.

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Austria

Author(s): Katarína Seresová / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

War and language are inextricably linked to human existence. Language serves as a means of communication, while war is one of the oldest ways of resolving conflicts. Initially, these two elements were separate, but their relationship has become increasingly complex over time. In many cases, language is used as a propaganda tool to shape public opinion (Jowett, O’Donnell 2018) and promote war. Since time immemorial, people have used language to communicate, fostering the development of communities and cultures. War has also been a part of human history, as people have had to defend themselves against enemies and protect their territory and resources.

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Spain

Author(s): Mária Spišiaková,Nina Mocková / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Spanish-Ukrainian relations date back to the times of the Soviet Union. After the Chernobyl explosion, Spanish families began to take in Ukrainian children for summer holidays, and in 1992 diplomatic relations began to develop when Ukraine’s independence was declared. In terms of trade, Spain is the largest importer of Ukrainian grain in the EU and several Spanish companies are based there, including Acciona, which invests in renewable energy. On the issue of the annexation of Crimea and the occupation of part of the territory of Donetsk and Luhansk, Spain has supported Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial unity.

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United Kingdom

Author(s): Ildikó Némethová / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Language and politics are intertwined (Niehr 2014). If politicians want to engage citizens, they must master the art of communication. This was true in antiquity, and it is still true today. This is true in democratic settings, but language is also important for politicians in non-democratic regimes (Štefančík 2018). The art of communication is particularly important in peacetime, but it is equally important in wartime. It is important for the aggressor but similarly crucial for the country’s politicians, who have to defend themselves against the aggressor. It is equally important for the politicians in the states who are helping the invaded state. One of the states that is helping Ukraine significantly in its fight against the Russian aggressor is the United Kingdom.

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EUROPEAN SECURITY IS CHANGING - AND OURS?

Author(s): Marija Mikić,Filip Stojanović,Marko Despotović,Luka Ranđelović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The process of globalisation and the increasing interconnectedness has created a need for a united and single response to modern security challenges, risks and threats. Serbia’s unambiguous foreign policy goal of joining the EU unquestionably requires legislative alignment with the acquis communautaire. The subject matter of this policy proposal focuses on a brief overview of the key strategic foreign policy and security documents – the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Serbia (2009) and the European Security Strategy (2003). This paper also analyses the outlines of the new EU Global Strategy, along with providing recommendations for potential modifications to the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Serbia in the light of the Global Strategy.

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CAPACITIES AND POTENTIALS OF THE SERBIAN ARMED FORCES TO ACT IN EMERGENCIES

Author(s): Jelena Vraneš,Jovana Perkučin,Dejan Remetić / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The current organisation of the Serbian Armed Forces can handle emergencies operationally. Technical capacities are relatively sufficient to respond to the existing challenges, but the operational procedures may not be best suited to cover every risk. The Serbian Armed Forces do not recognise the notion of crisis management, though its units carry out those tasks. Still, there is no single coordination body or authority that could plan and manage Serbian Armed Forces’ operations in emergencies. This paper will shed some light on crisis management, to what extent this concept is recognised in the European Union and NATO, and how it can be implemented in the structure of the Serbian Armed Forces. Beside the organisational solution, we will also provide recommendations for improving the organisational, human and material capacities of the Serbian Armed Forces in emergencies.

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“WHO CONTROLS POLICE TAPPING?” - TOWARDS BETTER CONTROL OVER POLICE -

Author(s): Veljko Jovanović,Matija Trenković,Stefan Milutinović,Ivan Kutlarović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Are you being tapped, by whom, to what extent, how and why? Who approved and allowed the tapping? Who, if anyone, controls it? These are only some of the questions the authors have asked themselves. You will find most answers in this short policy proposal. We will also discuss what tapping issues Serbia is facing, how other countries solved them, how we can try to solve them and preserve our privacy at the same time, prevent misuse and establish effective control of all “tappers”. The research provides insights into how this field is regulated in Serbia and presents the relevant bodies and institutions. We also showcase best practice examples from EU member states, as well as various mechanisms and recommendations for improvement of this field in Serbia.

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PARLIAMENTARY CONTROL OF SECURITY SERVICES – THE CASE OF VOA-VBA

Author(s): Aleksandra Zdravković,Danica Rajin,Emilija Milenković,Ksenija Filipović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The subject matter of our research is parliamentary oversight of military security services, because of the parliament’s role as the main mechanism of democratic control over security bodies, primarily the military, the police and the security services. After the political change in Serbia 2000, a thorough reform of the security sector, including the security-intelligence system, was launched. This dynamic process has its own course, stages and certain rules. A more complete control should be established and the somewhat vague legislation should be modified. Clear-cut laws need to be adopted to regulate concretely the work of the security services and specify their jurisdictions in deploying methods, measures and procedures that violate human rights and freedoms. Some progress has been made lately in increasing the transparency of security services in Serbia with regards to updated fact sheets, compliance with provisions concerning information of public importance and cooperation of security services with the civil society. Is that enough, however? Is the current law being implemented and does it need to be modified – those are some of the questions we have dealt with in this paper. Our recommendations will focus on the need to increase the initiative by MPs in the Committee for Oversight of Security Services, and the possibility of including independent experts in the Committee’s work. This practice has been used in other countries and would contribute to depoliticising oversight.

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JAČANJE PARLAMENTA PUTEM JAČANJA ODBORA

Author(s): Anđela Cvetković,Jelena Uskoković,Kosta Dimitrijević,Nadežda Krupniković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

U ovom radu izloženi su glavni problemi u funkcionisanju Narodne skupštine Republike Srbije kao i raspoložive opcije koje su dostupne donosiocima odluka kako bi unapredili rad skupštine. Polazeći od analize postojećeg stanja u organizaciji parlamenta, izvode se zaključci o promenama koje su neophodne. Za razliku od tradicionalnih analiza, u ovoj su umesto zaključka pobrojana praktične preporuke koje ukoliko se primene, mogu zaista dovesti do efikasnijeg i demokratičnijeg rada parlamenta. Kao najvažniji element uzima se ojačavanje skupštinskih odbora.

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REFORMA IZBORNOG SISTEMA

Author(s): Vladimir Mihajlović,Balša Delibašić,Višnja Begović,Marko Tešanović,Dušan Arsenović / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Postojeći proporcionalni izborni sistem Srbije, čije su osnovne karakteristike transponovanje glasova u mandate proporcionalnom formulom, prohibitivna klauzula (cenzus) od 5% i jedna celovita izborna jedinica na nivou države, je u proteklom periodu pokazao sve svoje anomalije. Na osnovu analize postojećeg izbornog sistema i identifikovanja konsekvenci koje ima na ceo politički sistem, identifikovana je potreba za promenu izbornog sistema Srbije. radu su analizirana četiri modela za reformu izbornog sistema, kao i njihove podvarijante: većinski izborni sistem (dvokružni i jednokružni), mešoviti (rovovski), proporcionalni izborni sistem sa više izbornih jedinica i personalizovani proporcionalni (kompenzatorski sistem i proporcionalni sistem sa direktnim glasanjem za kandidate). ovom radu se pledira za proporcionalni izborni sistem sa direktnim glasanjem za kandidate. Ovaj model podrazumeva više jednomandatnih izbornih jedinica u procesu glasanja, ali samo jednu izbornu jedinicu na nivou države za raspodelu mandata. Predloženi sistem zadržava proporcionalnost čistog proporcionalnog sistema, jer bi partije dobijale broj mandata koji u potpunosti odgovara broju osvojenih glasova na izborima. Ključna razlika se nalazi u činjenici da ovaj sistem omogućava personalizovanost izbora i posledično selekciju kandidata pri ulasku u parlament prema individualnom izbornom uspehu. cilju sprovođenja reforme izbornog sistema potrebno je inicirati usvajanje novog zakona. tom procesu je važno uključiti sva relevantna ministarstva, druge organe državne uprave, nezavisna tela, Narodnu skupštinu, međunarodne institucije, akademsku zajednicu, civilni sektor i domaće i strane eksperte.

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OCD I BEZBEDNOSNE SLUŽBE: DOKLE DOPIRE POGLED JAVNOSTI, A GDE SE DIŽE ZID TAJNOSTI?

Author(s): Dragana Bajić,Filip Stojanović,Irina Stojanović,Jovana Đurović,Sandra Jelisavčić / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Snažno civilno društvo jedan je od osnovnih gradivnih elemenata svakog demokratskog uređenja, budući da artikulisanjem interesa građana otelovljuje potrebu za transparentnom i odgovornom vladavinom. Međutim, odnos između organizacija civilnog društva i državnih institucija često je veoma delikatan i ne ostavlja dovoljno prostora za adekvatan dijalog koji bi doprineo učvršćivanju poverenja obe strane. Ovo je posebno naglašeno u sektoru bezbednosti, gde organizacije civilnog društva (OCD) deluju kao akteri sa nadzornom ulogom. Na prostoru Republike Srbije su do sada identifikovane 44 organizacije koje se u nekom aspektu svog rada bave bezbednošću, od čega 15 OCD kao primarnu oblast interesovanja izdvaja bezbednosno-obaveštajnu zajednicu. Političko nasleđe u Srbiji uticalo je na negativnu percepciju bezbednosnih službi koje su i dalje mistifikovane i koje svoje postupke brane potrebom ostvarivanja određenog stepena tajnosti – što stvara mogućnost za zloupotrebe. Sa druge strane, organizacije civilnog društva su u prošlosti bile pod opstrukcijom državnih aktera, čime su postajale zastrašene i radile u neadekvatnim uslovima. prkos velikom broju započetih diskusija o reformi sektora bezbednosti i o nadzoru rada bezbednosno-obaveštajnih agencija, nije dovoljno urađeno na konkretizaciji problema i davanju jasnih smernica za unapređenje ove problematike, koja predstavlja veoma zahtevnu i bitnu temu, naročito u procesu evrointegracija. Posebno značajno, a nedovoljno obrađeno pitanje predstavlja odnos i saradnja Bezbednosno-informativne agencije (BIA) i OCD. Dok stav Republike Srbije uopšte ne pominje Bezbednosno-informativnu agenciju i mogućnosti njenog nadzora od strane javnosti, oni dokumenti koji sadrže odredbe o toj mogućnosti su veoma neprecizni i široko definisani, što granicu između javnosti i tajnosti rada Bezbednosno-informativne agencije čini dodatno zamagljenom. Dobra praksa ukazuje da je postojala saradnja između BIA i OCD, ali isključivo na ad hoc nivou. Da bi se otklonili uočeni nedostaci i uspostavilo poverenje između BIA i OCD, potrebno je, za početak, definisati mesto OCD u radu sektora bezbednosti normativnim dokumentima i obezbediti mehanizme za njihovo stvarno učestvovanje u kreiranju i implementaciji bezbednosne politike. Budući da je BIA institucija koja je poslednja po transparentnosti, sledi da je prva po broju zahteva za informacijama od javnog značaja, koje često ne uvažava. Shodno tome, postoji mogućnost diskrecione ocene ove institucije prilikom odluke o davanju informacija građanima i organizacijama civilnog društva. Sve navedeno ukazuje na činjenicu da je potrebna reforma u skladu sa standardima koje Srbija mora da isprati kao demokratska, moderna država, a naročito s obzirom na reforme koje preduzima u procesu pristupanja EU.

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REFORMA I PROFESIONALIZACIJA DIPLOMATSKOG APARATA – REFORMA DIPLOMATSKE AKADEMIJE

Author(s): Gavrilo Nikolić,Mihajlo Tošić,Sonja Mirković / Language(s): Serbian Publication Year: 0

Suočena sa posledicama devastiranja diplomatskog aparata nakon raspada jugoslovenske države, ali i odsustva njegove blagovremene reforme, Srbija je propustila priliku za uspostavljanje i definisanje dugoročne spoljnopolitičke strategije, što je direktno uticalo na njen trenutni položaj u međunarodnim odnosima. Postoje indicije da je bilo pokušaja za njenim definisanjem, kao i reformom celokupnog diplomatskog aparata, naročito u periodu demokratske tranzicije, ali čini se, bez adekvatne političke podrške. ovom radu biće iznete preporuke vezane za reformu postojećeg diplomatskog aparata, sa posebnim naglaskom na obrazovanje diplomatskog kadra. Diplomatija, kao sfera društvenog delovanja, pre svega je usmerena ka mirnom rešavanju političkih konflikata, te se postojanje visoko kvalifikovanog i obrazovanog diplomatskog kadra, kao svojevrsnog “oruđa” nameće kao prioritet svake države. Stoga je neophodno pristupiti temeljnoj i kompletnoj reformi postojećeg diplomatskog aparata, odnosno prevashodno obrazovanja, kao njegovog suštinskog dela. Primenjeno na slučaj Srbije, to bi pre svega podrazumevalo uvođenje veće transparentnosti procesa prijema u diplomatsku službu uz kontrolu kriterijuma selekcije, usklađivanje kurseva diplomatskog obrazovanja sa nacionalnom spoljnopolitičkom strategijom, te proširivanje kapaciteta za eventualno stručno usavršavanje diplomata u različitim oblastima. Nakon pažljive analize i opsežnih istraživanja, uzimajući primer, pre svega, austrijskog i hrvatskog sistema diplomatskog obrazovanja, sa posebnim akcentom na one karakteristike koje njihove sisteme izdvajaju od ostalih, u daljem tekstu biće reči o načinu na koji Srbija može da doprinese reformi i profesionalizaciji sopstvenog diplomatskog aparata, kao neophodnog uslova za stvaranje stabilne, moderne i uspešne diplomatske službe.

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Keynote Speech

Author(s): Milan Pajević,Christer Asp,Tanja Miščević,Mette Kjuel Nielsen / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Keynote Speeches of Milan Pajević (Chairman of the International Advisory Board of ISAC Fund), H.E. Christer Asp (Ambassador of the Kingdom of Sweden in Serbia), Tanja Miščević (the Chief Negotiator for Serbia’s EU Negotiating Team and a professor at the Faculty of Political Science, University of Belgrade), H.E. Mette Kjuel Nielsen (Ambassador of the Kingdom of Denmark to the Republic of Serbia and Republic of Montenegro from 2007 until 2013).

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Sweden’s policy of neutrality

Author(s): Jacob Westberg / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

I have been invited to speak about Sweden’s experience of neutrality and the present relevance of this policy. During the Cold War the Swedish policy of neutrality was officially described as a policy of great consistency, resting on a long and successful historical track-record. Most Swedes believed that this tradition of military non-alignment and neutrality begun already in the early 19th century and that Sweden was to be considered as a permanent neutral state. The fact that Sweden had managed to stay outside the wars in Europe in the 19th and 20th century was also accredited to this policy.

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Finland - From a Buffer Zone to an EU member state

Author(s): Charly Salonius-Pasternak / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

My presentation will be divided into three sections. In the beginning I will say a few words about the context for the development of the Finish concept of neutrality. Secondly, I will share some thoughts about the Finish experiences during the Cold War as they are relevant to today’s situation and the goal of this conference. And finally, I will speak about the Finnish experience in the last 20 years.

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Austria´s “Permanent Neutrality” after 1955 – a Model for Serbia?

Author(s): Friedhelm Frischenschlager / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Austria´s permanent neutrality is a very specific case of neutrality, quite different from the other examples of neutrality introduced at this conference. Its origin, substance and political weight are linked mainly to the international developments after 1945 at European and global level and the Austrian reaction to them. Accordingly it has undergone some changes since its adoption in 1955. Formally Austria never abandoned permanent neutrality, today more for domestic reasons, as Austrian citizens grew extremely emotionally attached to it. Could Austria’s permanent neutrality serve as a model for Serbia? From the “original” Austrian permanent neutrality – as a product of the Cold War – more or less nothing is of relevance for a European state of today. Austria itself faces some difficulties with its permanent neutrality and tries to pass by “new interpretations”. But, how Austria dealt with its neutral status when approaching EU, the role it played for the EU in the accession process and today for Austria as an EU member state in a Union with a Common Security and Defence Policy, these experiences provide some interesting aspects, may well be relevant for Serbia’s EU accession process.

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The ethos and elements of Irish neutrality: 18th – 21st Centuries

Author(s): Karen Devine / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

The ethos and elements of Irish neutrality can be traced across four centuries of discourse and practice. To understand Irish history is to understand the current of neutrality running through centuries of Irish foreign policy. This paper will outline the motivations and foundations of Irish neutrality in the context of Ireland’s historical narratives and security identities, using Irish leaders’ and successive governments’ speeches and policies. The research shows Irish neutrality was driven by ideas and norms that are constitutive of survival and material interests.

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NATO and European (permanently) neutral states - Neutrality is not an issue for NATO

Author(s): Jiri Kyrian / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

NATO was founded as a political-military alliance with the core task of collective defence. As such, logically it could not be neutral. However, it has always respected the neutrality of partner countries. When we speak about NATO, I would like to underscore its first adjective – it is a political -military organisation. In the alliance’s history the relative weight of these two dimensions was not always the same. During the Cold War, the military dimension kept more visibility and importance. However, after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the radical changes that have occurred in the Eastern camp, the political dimensions perhaps did not take the primary role, but it got new content and meaning. Neutrality and cooperation do not exclude each other. That has been the principle approach of NATO towards other countries since early 1990s, regardless of their foreign and security policy lines. Therefore, the Alliance has decided to extend the “hand of partnership” to the countries of former Eastern bloc. The sole thing that mattered was their willingness to cooperate.

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Russia’s perception of Serbian neutrality

Author(s): Žarko Petrović / Language(s): English Publication Year: 0

Russia looks differently at neutral states in the post-Soviet space and at the neutrality of Serbia. States in the post-Soviet area have understood one of NATO’s messages, that Jiří Kyrian reduced to the maxim “neutrality cannot be an excuse for noncooperation” in his presentation at the conference, and they behave in accordance with this position. For example, Turkmenistan is not a member, but actively participates in bodies of the Commonwealth of Independent States, such as the Cooperation Council for Border Policy. Moldova is a CIS member state, and Ukraine is an associate member, therefore the neutrality of these states is balanced in a manner that does not mean their isolation from the fundamental trends pertaining to security in their regions. Namely, post-Soviet states cooperate with Russia as the dominant factor of security in the region.

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