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In autumn 1944, after the re-conquest of Lviv, the Soviet authorities began a process of Sovietization. A key factor in this process was to create the new elite of the big city, who were expected to replace the old elite, seen as ‘inappropriate’ in terms of ethnicity and class. The new elite of the main industrial, cultural and political centre in the post-war Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR), who were inextricably linked with the Communist Party, played a decisive role in a major change of Lviv as an urban organism. The elite members were the bearers of the dominant political system and behaviour, which were often completely foreign to the indigenous inhabitants of the city. They were characterized, as it may seem, by the absolute deference to superiors, passivity and susceptibility to a variety of social pathologies such as alcoholism, abuse of power and finally extensive bribery and institutionalized looting. This article describes some of the most typical cases illustrating the new political landscape of the Soviet Lviv.
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Bosnian language has long been, and continues to be, a sensitive question to discuss about. This paper will present the language history of Bosnia and Herzegovina, introduce some linguistic features such as high and low variety of Bosnian language, codification, pragmatics, prestige etc. Besides the issues that are affected by the standardization of Bosnian as individual language. I will also discuss about how much politics affected language in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Politics is everywhere around us, so it is also involved in Bosnian language. Politics affected the development of Bosnian language a lot. How much war in Bosnia affected the progress of language? The war, between Bosnian and Serbs, that lasted long 4 years, from 1992-1996. This war was so long, it destroyed many lives and it also affected the progress of language. This is also political issue that I will discuss throughout the paper. All of these issues will be presented throughout this paper. “Bosnian/Croatian/Montenegrin/Serbian (BCMS) language is a South Slavic language. Because it has four standard variants, it is a pluricentric language” (Blum, 2002: 8). The language was finally standardized in the mid 19th century, decades before a Yugoslav state was established (Ibidem, 130-132.). Croats and Serbs differ in many ways. First of all they have different religion and they have historically lived under different territory, and have adopted different literary forms as their respective standard variants. Since independence, Bosnian has likewise been established as an official standard in Bosnia and Herzegovina. All four standard variants are based on the same dialect (Štokavian).
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This article covers a topical issue in terms of the creation of the European area of education andqualifications, I will try to highlight - as far as the information I ordered and space for - themain features of education in the European Union (EU), the principles and objectives thatrequire the education and lifelong learning, progress and priorities XXI century Europeanlearning. The structure of the education system is different from one country to another, itdelegates a priority of governments of all EU countries. Thus, education in the EU is a forum toexchange ideas and best practices, to promote standards, etc. The EU has a common policyregarding education, its role is to create a system of cooperation between Member States. Eachcountry arranges the organization and content of education and training. In Europe, educationis deep solutions and education systems in European countries are different. Ministers of theMember States are responsible for education decided in 1976 to set up hypotheses of informationthat should be based on an understanding of the policies and structures better education.
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The author analyses the policies of Germany and France towards refugees who flocked to the European Union in 2015 and 2016. He shows the scale of the problem and how the migration crisis has been handled in Germany and France. He further underlines the differences between Berlin and Paris’s approach to mitigating this phenomenon and getting the other EU Member States involved in the process of taking in refugees.
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The issue of trust in international relations seems interesting and certainly merits a thorough examination. Compared to studies of other categories of international relations, those pertaining to trust still remain rather limited, but the sphere is increasingly attracting the attention of internatiologists. The purpose of this article is to expand the studies of international relations and state foreign policy, in particular the Polish ones, to include the category of trust, with special emphasis on Polish–Russian relations. The author has set out to review international relations theories while focusing on trust as well as to outline the notion of trust, its sources and determinants. In addition, the purpose of this article is to provide a preliminary answer to the question about the reasons behind the lack of trust between Poland and Russia.
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Russia and China have been implementing the projects of the Eurasian Economic Union and the New Silk Road since the beginning of this decade. Each of the two countries, however, is employing two different sets of practices to build its influence. Russia is interested in establishing its own exclusive sphere of influence in the post-Soviet space. Its goal is to consolidate its superpower status and ensure primacy in the region. China, in turn, is developing its economic influence, and does not limit itself to any specific territory. Beijing strives to increase its economic presence abroad and hide its economic expansion behind a smokescreen of multilateralism. Because of these differences between the two projects of expanding influence, Chinese–Russian rivalry in Central Asia seems rather unlikely.
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Integration negotiations of the ‘win-win’ type can be applied in political, economic, trade, international, collective as well as many other types of negotiations. The most important barriers to the application of the principles of the Harvard model are: emotions, narrow-sightedness, insufficient knowledge about the subject of negotiations, haste induced by time pressure, aversion and prejudice, retaliatory actions, and fear of the opponent’s reaction. The aim of the article is to present the negotiations with Iran on the basis of win-win concepts. It points out the barriers that the United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran had to overcome in order to reach the nuclear agreement. It further emphasises the limitations resulting from the adopted format of the agreement, which partly fulfils the criteria of win-win negotiations.
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Since the establishment of the United Nations, political operations have been at the core of its activity related to preserving international peace and security. At the same time, they are very versatile and can be used at any stage of a conflict: as preventive measures, when the situation between the conflicted parties is becoming worse; as mediation measures during an ongoing conflict, to end it; at the post-war stage, when it is necessary to develop peace conditions and a new state order. After the Iraq War, the UN established the United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq, tasked with such issues as providing support to Iraqis in preparing and conducting democratic elections, passing a constitution, promoting national dialogue. The purpose of this article is to analyse the UN’s activity after the Iraq War, present the most important initiatives of UNAMI in terms of social and political transformations, which is to help the author answer the following questions: What role did the UN play after the Iraq War? What tasks were set before the United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq? Were the implemented actions and initiatives effective?
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The article presents a simple model explaining the actions of potential interveners in a situation of serious and mass violations of human rights. In this model, the key factor in making a decision to launch a humanitarian intervention are not the criteria of just war but the prospect of success defined as a complex of determinants facilitating the achievement of humanitarian effects with minimum losses for the intervener. The article points out the relation between the execution of the operational goals of an armed intervention and the probability of a decision to launch a humanitarian intervention. On the basis of a critical literature review and the history of enforcing the observance of human rights after 1991 it identifies the conditions that, when combined, determine high probability of success of a humanitarian mission: (a) the power of the potential intervener; (b) the reaction strategy for neutralising the potential enemy; (c) the possibilities of precisely defining goals in political and humanitarian terms; (d) the climate, environment, geographic and infrastructural conditions favouring the interveners; (e) effective use of the intervener’s logistic resources; (f) the intervener’s determination in pursuing the objective; (g) a clear political situation understood as the existence of a consolidated opposition to the central authority as the party that violates human rights; (h) the extent of connections under international law and political relations of the country subject to the intervention; (i) the legitimacy of the intervener’s actions; (j) the intervener’s coherence. An analysis of the above conditions on theexample of the situation in Lybia (2011) and Syria (2013) offers an explanation as to why it was decided to intervene in Libya while no operations were launched in Syria. Particularly important among the conditions increasing the prospect of success are: the presence of a local ally of the potential intervener, who opposes the human rights violator and has the potential for effective political and military action when supported by the intervener.
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The article presents proposed systematisation of international activity of regions (constituent parts of states) – regional paradiplomacy – within the framework of international relations studies. The author outlines the problems with defining the concept in question, the determinants of increasing activity of regions in international relations as well as the development of paradiplomacy studies. Furthermore, the author points out the dynamism and complexity of the analysed phenomenon aswell as the vagueness of the concept of regional paradiplomacy and the need to conduct further studies on the issue.
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The article outlines the Australia–Indonesia relations in the context of the changing regional order in Asia-Pacific and specifically of th e rivalry between China and the United States. According to official documents, Australia and Indonesia are strategic partners enjoying good cooperation in all key areas and share a similar vision of the desired regional order (regarding, e.g., the role of the US and China in Asia-Pacific as well as the pivotal role of ASEAN in regional institutions). However,their cooperation is hindered by a number of issues, the most important one of which is the misperception of the potential and significance of their respective partners. Not only does this frequently strain the diplomatic relations between Australia and Indonesia but also weakens the foundations for long-term partnership. The article suggest an alternative approach to Australia–Indonesia relations as described by Rod Lyon – namely the transformation of their bilateral cooperation from a ‘strategic partnership’ existing on paper only to an actual multi-faceted partnership leading to the creation of a third ‘power centre’ in Asia-Pacific (the others being Chinaand the US).
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The problems of the directions of research development and theory-based didactics of international relations are rarely addressed in the debate on the state and prospects of this field of knowledge. The article analyses the English and American discourse on the methods of learning and teaching international relations and focuses on the new directions in the application of knowledge in this field. Didactics is very important for a number of reasons. It allows us to determine the key issues and content in a given discipline of science, organises the research material, provides inspirations and tests theories, promotes knowledge and creates the image of research and researchers. It is a puzzling fact that the interest in political science in Poland has not brought about the development of the discourse concerning didactics, its methods and techniques. Negligence in the scientific-didactic sphere is a problem concerning the very core of scientific practice (of which didactics is a part), not to mention negligence concerning the cooperation of this science with other fields of knowledge and practice. This text presents the development of the theory, didactics, teaching, based also on the author’s own experience.
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International flows of people, defined as all instances of movement of people in space that go across the set boundaries of their more or less permanent domicile, comprises international migration, refugee diasporas, small cross-border flows, and international tourism. The changes that have been taking place in international tourism for the last decades are so dynamic that, beyond doubt, this dynamically developing sector of the economy and component of international relations willsoon be subject to further changes, without losing its growth rate. The development dynamics will probably also be influenced to a significant extent by the changes within the sphere of tourism. Even now we are witnessing a shift from domination of supply in tourism to domination of demand. Tourists themselves increasingly shape the demand for new tourist attractions and the ways to explore and use them. The concept of tourism as short-term trips for pleasure or recreation has developed in the internal flows of people to allow special treatment of temporary changes of residence that do not involve pursuing specific economic or professional goals. Development of international tourism is facilitated by civilizational megatrends. As shown by statistical data, in the 21st century the number of tourists crossing borders is increasing, but so do concerns about the safety of international trips due to terrorist threats and the perception of these threats. The role of international tourism in the everyday lives of societies is increasing, as is its significance for the state economies. With this, international tourism is becoming an increasingly important component of international flows of people. The question remains, however, whether this trend will prevail in the coming decades of the 21st century.
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Our analysis deals with the electoral contest of individual political parties both before and after the 2016 Slovak parliamentary election was held. The space, which is provided from all kinds of media to political parties, is various. Each medium has an owner and each owner supports different interests. Parliamentary election is considered to be the most important election in Slovakia and thanks to that really wide media coverage is givento them. A couple of months before the opening of the polling stations, discussions had already been underway in both professional and amateur circles regarding the possible variations of the next governing political parties. The media play a large part in decision-making because they can have a meaningful influence on public opinion. Many voters today decide who they will vote for according to media coverage. Political programmes and agendas of the parties and political representatives come second in this decision. In our analysis we also look at online social networking sites, which are currently a huge phenomenon. Every political subject nowadays has its own website and every modern politician has a profile page on Facebook, an account on Twitter and on other social networks. We will also try to approach the possible perspectives of the development of the Slovak political scene.
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We propose a possible approach, as a mixture between Economics and Philosophy, starting withClassical Economics during the Enlightenment Century, through the thinking related to thesocial-economic order in Russia after WWI and, finally, to a leading philosopher of our days, infact a controversial character. As one already sees, being relevant in this case, we have chosentwo foundational types of teleology of the economic philosophy (because this is the field foraction for this issue): Humanistic and Malthusian. The term in debate, the entire issue, is one ofthe foundational economic-philosophic problem, which worry the mankind from millennia.We’ve tried to give a possible angle of approach of this issue, far for being exhaustive and togive categorical answers. The human life and of all beings of the Earth are subject to subjective,objective processes and even beyond our ephemeral existence. But, for the specialists inepistemology not to feel betrayed by this approach, even the term teleology is suitable to theeconomic domain, but in terms of scientific and knowledge point of view we recommend to usethe term of praxeology (emerged from Austrian School of Economic Thought)
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In an attempt to capture the gravity of depression in the lives of children and adolescents, thepresent paper aims to highlight the conception of the society in which we live in connection withthis disease. The starting point for the research is the explanation of the term depression.Therefore, in the first part of the paper (Chapter I, entitled Depression in Adolescence), besidesproviding some general information about the influence of the socio-economic environment andeducation on the child's psychological development, the causes of depression and its symptoms.Chapter II seeks to highlight the importance of treating this disease. Thus, we learn that somemedications that a psychologist recommends to those who suffer from depression can causeother quite serious disorders such as suicide.
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Since I have left school, I have never faced the problem of undermining and ignoring thestudent. Of course, when I was a student, I faced a lot of situations in which teachers have, withso much talent, managed to destroy our imagination and creativity for the simple reason thatthey did not agree with our ideas, which were good ones. Perhaps I can put this on the fact of theardent subject of the intergenerational conflict, but I will not feel better nor more quietly. Thoseteachers with a passport were often frustrated by their intentions of controlling, monopolizingand destroying the best things in a child, namely, imagination and creativity. The latter requirestimulation and help, not oppression and subversion. The children, the pupils are the mostimportant resource in a country, in a society, and for that reason they deserve a specialtreatment, meant to make them better, more mind-opened, more fulfilled and more curious.Once that I became a student to university, I met teachers who forgot their purpose and theirmission. More recently, I am also a student to Educational Sciences, the psycho-pedagogicalprofile, and soon I will have my first hour as a teacher in applied practice. I hope that everythingis going very well. And in order to continue with the above idea, I have made a promise since Iwas a student in school, that if I ever become a teacher, I would choose not to be a man of fatewho has all the future in front; not to become a teacher who does not support or who doesn’tteach his own students, thus breaking down their wings with which they would fly.
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