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Na fali przemian ustrojonych naszego kraju tematyka szeroko pojętej administracji Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej stała się dla wielu osób zagadnieniem wstydliwym. Jednakże coraz śmielej badacze zmierzają ku rzeczywistemu zobrazowaniu działania systemu biurokracji partyjnej PZPR.
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1 maj 2004 r. Polska oficjalnie weszła w szeregi państw Unii Europejskiej. Towarzyszyły temu wielkie emocje, euforia, wizja lepszej przyszłości. Każdy oczekiwał zmian na lepsze. Było niemal pewne, że polityka zagraniczna Polski dopiero teraz zacznie w pełni funkcjonować tak jak powinna. Po rozpadzie Związku Radzieckiego i komunistycznego bloku państw można było już na poważnie myśleć o strukturze swoich państw, lecz nie każde z tych „wyzwolonych” państw zdecydowało się na ten krok. Oderwanie się od radzieckich rzą- dów, a tym bardziej zerwanie sieci systemu hierarchii panującej wówczas było nie lada wyzwaniem.
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In light of recent geopolitical developments, Europe and Poland are acutely aware of the urgent importance of infrastructure security. Despite heightened interest and increased investments, our security resources remain severely limited, rendering continuous protection for every potential target unattainable. Consequently, the strategic allocation of security resources becomes an ongoing imperative. This paper presents a short introduction to the core principles behind advanced methods that facilitate automated decision-making in security resource allocation. These methods leverage artificial intelligence (AI), game theory, and optimization techniques, and have demonstrated their effectiveness through multiple real-life deployments in the USA. We also provide a concise overview of this exciting body of research and discuss the solutions and software developed by our team, “AI for Security” at the IDEAS NCBR research institute to protect critical infrastructure in Poland and in Europe.
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In light of recent geopolitical developments, Europe and Poland are acutely aware of the urgent importance of infrastructure security. Despite heightened interest and increased investments, our security resources remain severely limited, rendering continuous protection for every potential target unattainable. Consequently, the strategic allocation of security resources becomes an ongoing imperative. This paper presents a short introduction to the core principles behind advanced methods that facilitate automated decision-making in security resource allocation. These methods leverage artificial intelligence (AI), game theory, and optimization techniques, and have demonstrated their effectiveness through multiple real-life deployments in the USA. We also provide a concise overview of this exciting body of research and discuss the solutions and software developed by our team, “AI for Security” at the IDEAS NCBR research institute to protect critical infrastructure in Poland and in Europe.
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Diplomatic facilities are buildings with a unique structure and of great international importance. One of the important factors in their design is security and therefore the use of possible security measures (active and passive) to prevent potential threats. The aim of this article is to present the security measures used for the architecture of diplomatic facilities using the example of embassy buildings in Europe. Twenty-two embassies located in Warsaw, Berlin and Rome were analysed from this perspective. The article characterises the elements used in their design, implementation and modernisation at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries.
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With the growing threat of agroterrorism and the highest level of risk in Poland and the European region since the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (1972) and the Additional Protocols to the Geneva Conventions (1977) came into force, it is important to analyse the challenges in the area of biosecurity and food security and make recommendations. The analysis carried out by the author of this article indicates that the COVID-19 pandemic has contributed to the dissemination of knowledge of the basics of microbiology and epidemiology and to the increased availability of low-cost, portable microbiological diagnostics, which may also have negative effects. The analysis took into account the possibility of foreign intelligence influencing food production in Poland, e.g. through disinformation via social media. Conclusions of the analysis include: expanding monitoring of the expert community and social media, strengthening the vigilance of food producers and agricultural experts, simulating introduction scenarios, studying radicalisation processes and using epidemiological assessment tools in case of alarming events.
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Terrorism continues to be a problem for many countries around the world. The article compares the effectiveness of selected machine learning algorithms in predicting the victims of terrorist attacks in order to answer the question of whether they can serve as one of the anti-terrorist tools. An exploratory data analysis was carried out, and selected trends and characteristics of terrorist attacks were discussed. Some measures for evaluating the classification algorithms used in the study are presented, and potential directions for further research are indicated.
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In the doctrine of criminal law, the subject and the subjective elements ofcrime are considered indispensable, inherent and strictly necessary elements for theexistence of crime. The subject of the crime is defined as the person who committed acertain act prohibited by law, by action or inaction, and is legally responsible for whathe or she has committed. Numerous scientific works are dedicated to the subjectiveside of crime and its individual characteristics
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The subject of the author’s interest is the diversity of ideological orientations due to gender and age. The theoretical findings so far indicate that in developed democracies already at the end of the 1990s there was a reversal of the ideological positions of women and men. Recent social research shows that also in Poland women identify with the left to a greater extent than men, and in the younger generation these differences are even greater. The aim of the article is to show in detail the ideological differences between young men and women in Poland. The author poses two types of research questions: (1) descriptive and explanatory, which concern the characteristics of similarities and differences in the ideological orientations of young women and men; (2) methodological, which concern how to measure this phenomenon. The author assumes that the measurement of left-right self-identification used in many studies brings an overly simplified picture of the respondents’ real views, beliefs and values, which can be described as ideological orientations. Therefore, he proposes the use of multidimensional tools (issue-based scale) that allow to better describe complex political attitudes. In search of answers, the author analyzes data from his own survey conducted among a large group of Polish students.
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The increase in women’s participation in political life in recent decades has resulted in research explaining how women’s presence (or absence) changes the form, nature and content of politics. However, a gender perspective is still lacking, especially in the relationship between political participation and violence. Violence against women in politics is increasingly recognised around the world as a significant barrier to women’s participation in political life. The aim of the research is to find out whether politically active women are more exposed to violence (physical, psychological, symbolic, sexual, economic) than politically active men and whether violence against politicians is related to belonging to a political party. The research conducted among Polish politicians (n-88) confirms that both women and men who are politically active experience violence. However, women are more often attacked psychologically, symbolically and sexually. Politicians acting under the banner of a party are much more likely to experience violence than non-partisan politicians. Physical violence is very rare, and the level of experiencing violence in all its forms decreases with age.
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The article concerns the voting preferences of West Pomerania inhabitants in comparison to the whole country regarding parliament elections, European Parliament elections, presidential elections, except for self-government elections. Taking into account different characteristics of the last type of elections, a separate article has been prepared to discuss them. Applying the comparison method, the election results have been analyzed in terms of political geography. The comparison of territorial diversity of political behaviors has shown how political preferences have evolved with respect to division into provinces, country districts and towns ruled by presidents in reference to, among all, three main political parties (PO RP, PiS and SLD). It has been checked if since 2005 the Platform has really managed to dominate the West Pomeranian political scene and also if any differences in voting preferences occur depending on the place of residence or the type of elections? Subject to the analysis have been election results without the study of factors having impact on them, that is electoral campaigns and events on the political scene (they will be discussed in a separate publication). Regarding the typology of political parties ideological and programme criteria has been applied resulting in west-wing (SLD), central (PO RP) and right-wing division.
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