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Drama globalizacije

Author(s): Miroslav Pečujlić / Language(s): English Issue: 7/2003

The chief argument of this article is to be found in the extremely dramatic complications of globalization. The miraculous technological, economic and cultural hights that man has attained provide an unimagined power for creating a more humane, peace-loving and democratic "World Society". However, at the same time their dark side becomes overpowering, turning the global arena into a World Society of risk. The democratic image of globalization or the Orwellian repressive world regime and an unbridled upsurge of risk are at stake. The new era brings about a new, epochal perspective: integration into a single and united European Union, the process of which will, however, have different rhythms for different European states.

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VIOLENCE, IRRESPONSABILITÉ ET RÉCIDIVE LA LÉGISLATION DES MINEURS DANS LA FRANCE ACTUELLE

VIOLENCE, IRRESPONSABILITÉ ET RÉCIDIVE LA LÉGISLATION DES MINEURS DANS LA FRANCE ACTUELLE

Author(s): Horia Lazăr / Language(s): French Issue: 1/2009

Violence, Irresponsability and Recidivism. The Minors' Legislation in Current France. In 20th century France, the minors' legislation has undergone three stages: between 1950 – 1990 juvenile delinquency is assimilated into social alienation and corrected through educational measures; after 1990 the assumption of irresponsability is gradually abolished, while the legislation which had become more strict made use of educative sanctions; after 2007 the ideology of risk prevention sees the underage delinquent as a potential recidivist, replacing the juridical treatment of youth delinquency by a globalizing, biopolitical approach, according to which, the minors' crimes become the object of tighter administrative surveillance and of stiff penalties.

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ASPECTE ALE CENZURII COMUNISTE ÎN PROZA ROMÂNEASCĂ POSTBELICĂ

ASPECTE ALE CENZURII COMUNISTE ÎN PROZA ROMÂNEASCĂ POSTBELICĂ

Author(s): Viorel Nistor / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2009

Aspects de la censure communiste dans la prose de l'aprèsguerre roumain. Cette étude, dédiée à la censure exercée par le régime communiste en Roumanie, a pour but de montrer que sont le but et le rôle de la censure, les modalités juridiques, institutionnelles et humaines qu'il a exercé, l'influence que la censure a eu sur l'écriture et sur les écrivains roumains en cette période. L'étude vise les formes de censure au cours de la domination communiste, et illustre, avec des documents d'archives, l'exercice de ces formes de censure.

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METODE DE CERCETARE ÎN ŞTIINŢELE COMUNICĂRII

METODE DE CERCETARE ÎN ŞTIINŢELE COMUNICĂRII

Author(s): Mirela Abrudan / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2009

Research Methods in Communication Sciences. Research issues in the communication sciences direct to a set of methods and techniques of investigation common to other sciences and disciplines that study human social aspect. And, because, as John Hosu stated, the arising problems mainly concern the appropriateness of these methods and techniques to research the phenomena and processes from the communication and public relations, the present research aims to expose two of the most popular research methods, analyzed in the context of science communication, i.e. content analysis and observation.

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HOW INSTITUTIONAL COMMUNICATION WORKS: THE EU ENLARGEMENT AND THE DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION IN THE BLACK SEA REGION STATES

HOW INSTITUTIONAL COMMUNICATION WORKS: THE EU ENLARGEMENT AND THE DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION IN THE BLACK SEA REGION STATES

Author(s): George Jiglău,Sergiu Gherghina / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2009

The process of enlargement of the European Union has been approached in many studies and from different perspectives in the past years. This article focuses on the idea of institutional communication between the candidate countries and the EU and takes into account two dimensions relevant for explaining the impact of a foreign actor on the democratization process at the internal level: the structural factors that emphasize economic development and the institutional elements needed to establish a sustainable democracy. This article analyzes the relationships between the EU enlargement policies and the democratic and free market performances of those states from the Black Sea Region that are closer to the EU in ideas and/or expressed for a long period the willingness to join the European structures.

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WAS FUKUYAMA RIGHT - HAVE WE REACHED THE END OF HISTORY OR THE STRUGGLE FOR RECOGNITION NEVER ENDS
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WAS FUKUYAMA RIGHT - HAVE WE REACHED THE END OF HISTORY OR THE STRUGGLE FOR RECOGNITION NEVER ENDS

Author(s): Dijana Stojanovic Djordjevic / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

The end of the Cold War marked the beginning, not only of economic, but also of political liberalization. States began to let up and faced the growing demands of its citizens to participate in the process of making and implementing decisions and policies. Thus the world reached a silent consensus about the legitimacy of liberal democracy as “the best system of government, devoid of deep disadvantages and contradictions which would lead him to collapse”. This system according to Francis Fukuyama is the endpoint of the evolution of ideologies - drivers of human activity. Liberal democracy is the maximum that modern man can achieve, and because of that, for Fukuyama it represents the “end of history”. However although life in democracy is full of benefits, its residents are free, equal before the law, enjoy numerous rights, they are controllers of the government that govern on their behalf and for their own good, still cannot be given precise and only answer to the question is it everything so perfect? Modern societies, despite their “democracy” are not homogenous, but rather even more highlight the cultural, religious and linguistic differences between them. The modernization of societies and the increased interaction between people through electronic communication, mass and social media, trade and tourism leads to a great exchange of knowledge, attitudes, opinions and ideas. Modern man is increasingly seeking to highlight its own identity through the things that distinguish it from the other, fearing not be blended with the majority. On the one hand, with increasing economic and political power of the societies, they seek to influence the creation of a global and universal culture, in which they will have the biggest impact, and on the other hand citizens of these societies begin to define their identity through tradition and religion. Therefore modern societies contain certain contradictions which may be a source of dissatisfaction of the citizens, and thus lead to their mutual destruction. So the question remains, whether the man who lives in a liberal democracy is even more satisfied with his live, that there is no longer need to fight and look for something more?

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DANGEROUS SENTIMENTS: NATIONALISM AND POLITICS IN MACEDONIA
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DANGEROUS SENTIMENTS: NATIONALISM AND POLITICS IN MACEDONIA

Author(s): Mirjana Maleska / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2012

When shall we see the beginning of the end of the twenty years ‘name dispute’ between Macedonia and Greece, which left Macedonia in front of the NATO and EU doors, and which threatens to disintegrate the state along ethnic lines? When does the moment come when a chance may at least appear that “the nationalism of the powerless” will be considered reasonable when their goals are within reach? If international politics still functions on the principle expounded by the realists – that the strong do what they want while the weak do what they must, and having in mind the name dispute between Macedonia and Greece, the question arises: how much time it takes for the nationalism of those who believe that are powerful enough to get what they want (saying: “these are our rights and they are nonnegotiable”) to break down the nationalism of the “powerless”? The main thesis in this article is that whatever was achieved so far, as a result of the pressure on Macedonia to change its constitutional name in these twenty years comes down to the following: Macedonian nationalism increased and strengthened, the antagonism between the Macedonian and the Albanian political parties deepened, and the democratic process in the country was undermined. However, the results of the early elections in 2011, indicate that the Macedonian society slowly consolidates, under the so called ‘fatigue’ of ‘protracted conflict’ and prepares for a compromise.

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