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According to the current division into periods, the Cucuteni culture includes the A 1-2-3-4, A-B 1-2, B 1-2 (-3) phases, preceded by the Precucuteni I-II-III phases. Moreover, some archaeologists also distinguish numerous sub-stages within these periods. It is not always clear to what extent one may speak of successive (chronological) stages and sub-stages, or of stylistic variations and regional aspects. As far as the Ariuşd culture is concerned in the south-east of Transylvania, this was classified by most of the scholars as part of the Cucuteni A2 and beginning of A3 phases. The stratigraphic position and archaeological context is still uncertain in the case of certain Cucuteni A-B and B type vessels and ceramic fragments, discovered in some sites in the south-east of Transylvania. Thus, the evolution of the Ariuşd culture and its relation to the stages of the Cucuteni culture has not been yet fully clarified. This paper is a comparative analysis of the radiocarbon dating available on the one hand for the Ariuşd culture (Malnaş Băi site), and on the other hand for the Precucuteni III, Cucuteni A and A-B (Tripolie A, B I-B II) phases of the area between the Carpathian Mountains and the Dnieper River. The analysed 66 dates are presented in a table (appendix 1) and by graphics, on the BP (appendix 2) and cal. BC (appendix 3) time scale. In order to emphasize some distinctive features of certain regions, the dating was grouped according to geographical units, from west to east and, in some cases, from south to north. One may notice that the radiocarbon dating only partially confirms the chronological classification of the settlements, based on the stylistic distinctive features of the ceramics: there are temporal synchronisms and superpositions more or less extended between the settlements from different areas, belonging to the Cucuteni A 1-2-3-4 stages. It seems that after the occurrence of Cucuteni A pictorial style of pottery or, possibly, even during its formation, there were early local or regional variations that had a parallel, more or less simultaneous evolution. For many years, they had an overestimated chronological value, which resulted some hesitations that can be noticed regarding the classification of certain sites in the Cucuteni A 1-2-3-4 stages. One may also remark that the few radiocarbon dating available for the Cucuteni A-B settlements from the Bahlui River basin (no. 36-37) and from the Prut-Răut inter-river area (no. 49-50) placed between the dating of the Cucuteni A 3 stage (no. 27-28, 31-33, 35, 45, 53) and only partially subsequent to the dating of the Cucuteni A 4 stage (no. 39-41, 46-47) (see appendix 2-3). This can enable some scholars to believe that the formation of the Cucuteni A-B painted pottery style could have started earlier, originating in one of the local alterations of the Cucuteni A style, at a time when, in other areas, the Cucuteni A style was still preferred, at least for a while. These remarks may be the starting point for the development of a new "evolution" pattern of the Cucuteni culture, placing more emphasis on the existence of regional variations and on the reassessment of the relation between the evolution of the painting styles and the actual relative and absolute chronology of this culture. The analysis and comparison of the radiocarbon dates allow us to make the following observations concerning the Malnaş Băi settlement and the chronological position of the findings in the south-east of Transylvania within the Cucuteni culture: 1. The beginning dates of the dating no. 4-6 of Malnaş Băi (5597-5570 BP/4460-4445 cal. BC) are in agreement with the beginnings of the settlements of Poduri (no. 15-19), Ruseştii Noi (no. 44), thought to belong to the Cucuteni A 2 stage, and Polivanov Iar (no. 52), probably of early Cucuteni A type. These dates, however, are later to the early period of the Cucuteni A 2 settlement of Mărgineni (no. 23- 25). 2. The span of time represented by the datings no. 4-5 and 7 (which end towards 5410-5387 BP/4255-4240 cal. BC) totally or partially correspond with the existence of certain settlements thought to belong to the Cucuteni A 2 (no. 15-26, 44, 52), Cucuteni A 3 (no. 28-33, 35, 45, 53) and even Cucuteni A 4 (no. 39-41,46-47) stages. 3. The later part of the time interval represented by the datings no. 6 and 8 (which end towards 5309-5260 BP/4049-4045 cal. BC) correspond to the dating of the more recent Cucuteni A 2 complexes of the Sub-Carpathian area (no. 19, 22, partially 20-21), as well as to the age of somé settlements of more Eastern areas, belonging to the Cucuteni A 3 (no; 28, 32-33, 35, 45, 53) and even Cucuteni A 4 (no. 39-41) stages. 4. The later datings mentioned above reach, in time, the datings of some sites belonging to the Cucuteni AB/Tripolie B II (B I- B II) stage (no. 36-37, 49-50). Therefore, the radiocarbon dating obtained for the Malnaş Băi settlement are in agreement with the dating of the sites belonging to the Cucuteni A 2-3-4 stages, located in the Eastern part of the Carpathians. Taking in consideration the no. 3 dating, the outset of the Malnaş Băi settlement could have even reached the earliest stage of the Cucuteni A stage of the sub-Carpathian area. On the other hand, considering especially the longer intervals of the no. 6 and 8 datings, the late period of this settlement may have even reached the appearance of the Cucuteni A-B painted ceramic style. The radiocarbon datings obtained for the Malnaş Băi settlement were performed on samples from the Ilh and IInd habitation levels and, consequently, they can be taken in consideration only for orientative reasons, both for the existence of the settlement and the overall chronological position of the Ariuşd culture. Considering, the remark on the parţial synchronism of the sites belonging to various sub-stages of the Cucuteni A period, the available dates show that the south-eastern Transylvanian branch of the Cucuteni culture belongs to the period characterized by the Cucuteni A painted ceramic style, under the form of a regional variation that had a more or less simultaneous evolution. The debates, however, on the integration of the Ariuşd type settlements to the Cucuteni A 2 or A 3 stage (or to its sub-stages) seem to be pointless. When the hypothesis presented in this paper is confirmed, according to which the Cucuteni A-B painted style may have occurred in certain areas at a time when in other areas the vessels were still being painted in the Cucuteni A style, this would provide a possible explanation why the Cucuteni A-B type ceramics appear in somé settlements of the Ariuşd culture. Most of the here presented ideas are hypothetic. In order to understand better of the evolution and chronology of the Cucuteni culture, more precise datings and dating series are needed for all areas of the Ariuşd-Cucuteni-Tripolie culture, for all the stages and stylistic groups, obtained on samples from many settlements, preferably with multiple layers/levels of habitation.
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Situated on the watershed between the River Mureş and Arieş, Rimetea and Colţeşti are two Hungarian villages with specific ethnographical tradition in a region populated mostly by Romanians. Since the 13th century both villages were in the possession of the Torockai family, which gradually extended its estates in this area. The family built its first castle after the Mongol invasion of Hungary (1241 —42) in the neighbourhood of Torockó, on a high rock later called Székelykő. This was a fortification specific for that period, suitable especially to shelter people as it was built and maintained together with the neighbouring population. Later on the family showed no interest in that castle used basically by the surrounding communities. At the beginning of the 14th century the family got a higher social rank: Ehellős Torockai was appointed vice voivode of Transylvania. During the confused period of history of Hungarian Kingdom he took possession of the Szádkő castle, that was in the property of the Transylvanian Chapter. Situated at the edge of his private land properties, the castle was intended to be the new residence of the family. However, when Charles of Anjou solved the interior conflicts of the country, Ehellős Torockai was compelled to give back the castle to its legitimate owner. For the following time the family remained in the background and only after the change of the Hungarian ruler could obtaining new privileges. In 1366, when King Louis the Great stayed for a longer period in Transylvania, the Torockais got the ius gladii and probably that was the moment when they were authorized to build a new castle. Late written sources mention even the builder of the castle: Elek Torockai. It was built north to Torockószentgyörgy, and became the centre of the family's land properties. At the beginning it was a donjon like fortification consisting of a solid tower, a ditch, and probably some other architectural components. Probably still in the 14th century it was extended with a new tower, and the two towers were linked by a curtain wall. Basically this is the first significant building phase of the castle. The castle was brought up to date in the mid-15th century when on the southern side a new palace wing was erected. In a document dated in 1470 this was called novum edificium. The family could not enjoy for a long time the new residence because some of its members were engaged in a rebellion against King Matthias in 1467. After that the Torockais lost their castle, and some of their lands, which entered first in the property of the Transylvanian voivode, Miklós Csupor, and later under the possession of János Kis, Péter Derzsi, voivode János Pongrác and his son, Mátyás, János Corvin and others. The family achieved to get back the lost properties only in 1516 when the king of Hungary issued a new diploma for the Torockais, granting ownership of the estate and the castle. During the period when the castle was owned by different families it was many times improved, which resulted the lower and the upper castle. The lower one was consisted of the donjon and some new apartments on the southern part. The upper castle was extended with a bastion and a large courtyard. The two castles were unified when the Thorockai family regained them in 1516. This was already the century when the these type of castles were gradually given up and new types of residences were built. The castle was partially used until the beginning of the 18"1 century when it was completely destroyed by the Habsburg army.
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The village of Ormány in Kolozs county lies west from the Kis-Szamos valley, between the hills on the banks of the river Szamos. In the middle Ages the village belonged to the Interior-Szolnok county. The village church was built between the end of the 13th century and the 1330s, but due to the frequent changes of ownership it is difficult to decide whether its builder was the land-steward Rénold, from the Kökényes-Radnót kindred (before 1322), Simon bailiff of the Széklers from the Kacsics kindred (in the 1320s) or Dénes Losonci and his sons (from the 1330s). The only medieval data about the church that once belonged to the deanery of Szolnok, is the name of the church's cleric, András on the papal title-sheets from 1332-37. Here the reformation might have happened around the middle of the 16th century. In the course of the 19th century its population decreased considerably, and by 1999 its flock died out completely. At the beginning of the 1990s the roof of the church fell in, hence its condition is continually waning, its walls are damaged by rainwater and freezing, and weed grows inside the building. The furniture (and the equipment) was either carried away or it perished. Therefore, there was a great need to exploit and to document the present conditions and its disappearing values, at the same time, and as it turned out, its so far hidden wall-paintings (frescoes) provides further reasons for a hoped-for intervention. From the result of the wall-explorations done in 2002, it can be asserted that the single-aisled church was built in a single building period. The sacristy with a semi-cylindrical vault joins the square shaped cross-vaulted chancel in the north, with buttresses on its eastern corners. This type of plan is identical with that of the churches from Ördöngösfuzes (Fizeşu Gherlii), Bádok (Bădeşti) and Krasznacégény (Ţeghea). The early-gothic profiling gate-frames and its round-arched windows with a considerably large opening are of the same age. Similar gates and windows are to be found in the reformed churches of Boroskrakkó (Cricău), Sárd (Şard), Méra(Mera) and Magyarborzás (Bozieş). During the exploration it turned out that the walls of the chancel are covered with a multi-layer painting. Probably soon after the building of the church consecration crosses were painted on the walls, out of which seven could be identified. The second paint layer from the northern chancel consisted of a figural depiction in a frame of geometrical patterns. From this painting only Christ's head and a cross and a glory lasted, with the HC XC inscription in Greek Ietters and a small detail of a cross with an arched stalk. The frame ornament resembles the frescoes of the churches from Kéménd (Chimindia), Abrudbánya (Abrud) and Néma (Nima) and, it can approximately be dated to the Sigismund of Luxembourg-era. Its theme cannot be identified unambiguously; it might have been a detail of a Vir Dolorum, a Crucifíxion or a Resurrection depiction, which created a composition with the tabernacle and related the sacrament of the altar to the Passion. The next painting displayed on the entire surface of the chancel, was probably a polychrome belt with geometrical patterns stretches, although larger coherent parts were found only on the lower part of the eastern wall. The fourth painting, in black, dates from the protestant period of the church, probably from the 18th century. At this time the margins of the windows and of the triumphal arch were ornamented with decorative stripes, on the sedilia was painted a vase with bouquets of flowers, and on the two sides of the eastern window excerpts from the gospels were placed.
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In 2000, on the occasion of the oldest church's rehabilitation in Nagyszeben built by the hospitaler order in the 13th century an unknown medieval bell was discovered which is not included in the modern corpora. The inscription on the small bell (height: 36 cm, the diameter of the lower rim: 44 cm, the diameter of the shoulder: 22 cm) is ad • iuva (!) • nos • deus • 1509 • (Help us, God). Between the words small reliefs can be seen: rosettes forming masks, a harpy and a lion. The bell was castered in a local workshop which was established by a master named Leonardus. The instrument is a late product of the workshop led by Steffanus Clockengisser and Paul Clockengisser at that time. In Nagyszeben were the most productive bell-founding workshops of the medieval Transylvania and ironically the above mentioned bell is the only instrument cast in that city which remained there.
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The present study tries to outline the stylistic effects that marked the art in Transylvania in the 17th century, starting from the ornamental style that characterized the buildings of Prince Gabriel Bethlen (1613-1629). Hereby are bestowed the works of foreign sculptors, stucco carvers, carpenters either from the Hungarian Kingdom, or from the German Empire, that came to Transylvania in a great number during Bethlen's rule. Besides the stucco composition known since 1974 that survived in the princely palace in Oradea and a few strap-work carvings, the present paper presents the so far absolutely unknown stucco vaulting from the princely residence in Alba Iulia as well, which was made between 1623 and 1625. The stone pulpit of the Calvinist church of Cluj was made in 1646 at the order of Prince George Rákóczi the Ist, the successor of Gabriel Bethlen. In reference to this pulpit J. Balogh created a concept regarding an independent „Hungarian-like" ornamental style, the so-called „flowery Renaissance". Counter to her opinion, the pulpit is the work of Elias Nicolai (around 1600 - around 1660), a Viennese sculptor, who arrived to Transylvania during Gabriel Bethlen's rule, and settled down in Sibiu. Elias Nicolai collaborated with Hannes Lew Rechner alias Régeni Asztalos János (1622-1702), a Saxon prentice from Cluj, who carved the alabaster tiles of the parapet. The crowning of the pulpit was made by a carpenter of Polish origin (probably from Stanislav, Ukraine) working in the Prince's service, while the paintwork was made by two painters from Cluj. Analysing Hannes Lew Rechner's surviving drawings it emerges that the patterns that played the major role in his professional preparation in the 1640s were still those originating in the work of Georg Hoefnagel (1542-1600) and that of Gabriel Kramer (died around 1608). These patterns were very much present in the Central Europe on the artistic products of Emperor Rudolph the IInd. This poor, conservative inspiration, based mostly on engravings, marks the art of the more and more isolating protestant principality in the decades following 1660.
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Der erste Schritt der Wiederherstellung der im Jahre 1689 durch Brand schwer beschadigten evangelischen Stadtpfarrkirche A.B. in Kronstadt ist die Wiederherstellung des Dachstuhls gewesen. Aus der ersten Phase der Arbeiten, die wahrscheinlich schon im Jahre 1691 begonnen habén, besitzen wir nur geringe Quellen, die entweder allgemein gehalten sind, oder in ihrer Glaubwürdigkeit angezweifelt werden können. Das letzte Jahr der Dachstuhlarbeiten (1693) ist durch einen Rechungsbucheintrag gut dokumentiert. Im Folgenden werden gemeiusam mit der erstmaligen Veröffentlichung der genannten Quelle, der Kirchenrechnung des Johannes Retsch (Kirchenkurator 1693-1694) von 1693, einige Probleme zur Bauchronologie, zu Malínahmen an der Dachstuhlkonstruktion, zu einzelnen Aspekten der Zimmermannswerkstátte und zur Ablauforganisation der Arbeiten beleuchtet. Die Veröffentlichung der Rechnung ist in erster Linie für die Erforschung der Wiederherstellungsarbeiten an der Schwarzen Kirche von wesentlicher Bedeutung. Neben den Informationen über den Wiederaufbau des Daches bietet sie Aufschluli über den Zustand von Kirche, Nebengebaude und Pfarrhof und die daran vorgenommenen kleineren Restaurierungsmalinahmen in den Jahren unmittelbar nach dem groBen Brand.
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Amid the XVIIIth century, Sámuel Teleki (1739-1822) the fore-coming chancellor of Transylvania, the founder of the Teleki Téka (Teleki Library), has established Dumbrăvioara as the centre of his domains, and after the construction of the castle it also became his family residence. The family burial-place has automatically emerged in the settlement within short period of time. His descendants, the Telekis from Dumbrăvioara, had been buried there in the course of one and a half century. Sámuel Teleki himself buried his first child in 1772 in the place of the actual crypt, and the references hence have erroneously dated the edifice to 1772. However, regarding the proofs of the present research, the crypt was constructed above the dead of the family - meanwhile increased to seven only thirty years later: meanwhile Sámuel Teleki was appointed chancellor of Transylvania, started the construction of the crypt with the participation of the same craftsmen that worked at the Teleki Téka between 1801-1803. His chief craftsman was the builder of the famous Arieş-bridge, János Követsi (1764—1825), the coordinator of several autochthon constructions from Turda, the later geometrist of the Turda county and Aranyos seat. The roof frame is the work of the carpenter Christian Schön, who had made the roof frame of the Teleki Téka as well. In this period he had also built mills in Dumbrăvioara. Nonetheless, the research has also revealed that two allegorical angels have been once stowed to the construction of the chancellor's shrine, who died at the age of eighty three. These angels were manufactured by the famous artist from Cluj, Sámuel Nagy.
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The article overviews the most important judicial decisions of the Supreme Court concerning application of the provisions on the EU social security systems coordination, which have been issued since Regulations No 883/2004 and 987/2009 came into force. The analysis allows identifying two major categories of cases. The first relates to disputes concerning determination of the applicable legislation, including delegation of employees to work on the territory of another member state and simultaneous pursuit of activities in two or more member states. The other category concerns awarding of benefits, in particular old age pensions. In this category one can distinguish such issues as application of the principle of equal treatment of benefits, income, facts or events, and relation between coordination regulations, both currently and previously biding ones, as well as bilateral agreements. The issues in questions seem to be dynamic. To a large extent this is due to the changing socio-economic conditions, which labour-related migration is subject to. Moreover, as regards the sphere of social security it may take several decades from the time one becomes subject to social security until they acquire rights to benefits under the laws of various EU member states. All this makes the ability to apply intertemporal rules, as well as the general principles of social coordination, which allow courts to arrive at fair and lawful decisions on matters concerning the specific individual questions, very important.
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In the author’s opinion, the term “payer” used in the social insurance law is incorrect because the construction of an insurance on a third party’s behalf results from a substantive division of the contribution obligation between the contribution payer and the insured. Therefore the contribution payer is the insuring party that insures another person (the insured, a third party) who is entitled to an insurance benefit. The contribution payer as a party to judicial proceedings in social insurance cases acts, i.a., in the role of an “interested party”. The author expresses the opinion that in judicial cases regarding contributions, the contribution payer and the pension awarding authority are parties, and not summoning the employee (the interested party) to take part in the proceedings is a procedural infringement that should not cause invalidity of the proceedings. Furthermore, due to important legal and factual differences between the insured and the contribution payer (the insuring party) their procedural entitlements and obligations should be differentiated.
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The subject of this study is the issue of control of the contribution calculation basis on sickness insurance. The observations lead to the conclusion that the basis of contributions on social insurance may be subject to judicial control, directly or indirectly. In the first case, the control concerns basis of contribution as an element of the content of relation being subject to social insurance. In this case, one of the elements with respect to social insurance, is directly a subject under control. However, on the other hand, indirect control refers to the legal relationship, namely title insurance. Jurisdiction allows possibility of assessment, under Article 58 of the Civil Code, only legal relationship being title insurance. At the same time, the assessment can apply to both the existence of the title, as well as its components, i.e., remuneration. The difficulties in determining the contribution base in the amount declared and the consequent possibility of instrumental obtaining excessive benefits, require legislative changes.
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The article concerns the extraordinary means of appeal in civil procedure pertaining social security cases, in particular cassation of appeal, reopening of proceedings and plea of illegality of a non-appealable ruling. The essay concentrates on specific features of civil procedure in social security cases in comparison to general rules.
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The paper deals with the issue of practical use of the regulation related to return of files to the pension-awarding authority in order to supplement case materials and difficulties of representatives of the pension authorities related to determination of the value of the subject of appeal in cases related to social insurance. The author, in particular, indicates that determination of the value of subject of a litigation within the frame of first instance proceedings, as well as the method of formulating the conclusion of a judgement in cases regarding the amount of social insurance benefits have a substantial influence on the fulfilment of the formal obligation to indicate the value of the subject of appeal. Additionally, it is indicated in what circumstances ordering a return of case files to the pension-awarding authority to supplement the files is justified.
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The paper presents the performance of the Analytical Consultative Centers which are newly created organizational units of the Social Insurance Institution. The idea of establishing the Centers is described along with their organization and task performance. In the later part of the paper, the problem of various interpretations of the social insurance regulations is mentioned and illustrated with the examples provided by the author. Also, there are described difficulties with the uniform application of the law by the pension-awarding body, resulting from differences in interpretations.
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