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DPC BOSNIA DAILY: In Urgent Need of a Plan B
Bosnia Daily: October 31, 2014 – In Urgent Need of a Plan B
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Bosnia Daily: October 31, 2014 – In Urgent Need of a Plan B
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Bosnia Daily: July 8, 2015 – What Chancellor Merkel Should Tell Bosnia's Politicians and People (I)
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Bosnia Daily: February 7, 2017 – In Support of Increased and Enhanced Civic Education In Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Globally. Cultivating the Demand Side of Liberal Democracy
More...25-30 octombrie 2020
The survey was conducted between October 25-30 on a national sample of 1482 selected subjects from 246 urban and rural localities in all counties of Romania. He measured the voting intentions in the parliamentary elections, as well as the attitude of the population towards the main political leaders, towards several issues of public interest: reducing the number of parliamentarians, eliminating special pensions, referendum for loans to be made by public authorities, etc.
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Common goal of crime prevention and community policing is to create a safe community that assumes partner work with different actors at the local level to improve the quality of human life. The concept of crime prevention and development of community policing are partly included in an appropriate strategic framework of the police reform in Serbia. In the Development Strategy on of the Ministry of Interior until 2016 it is well observed that for the development of this area it is necessary to improve the preventive forms of policing and to enhance the practice of community policing. As a result of strategic planning, the Ministry of Interior is obliged to adopt two more strategic documents for the development of crime prevention and community policing. However, there is no obligation to adopt an action plan for the crime prevention strategy, while the Initial Framework of the National Crime Prevention Strategy provides also for the creation of the National Crime Prevention Council, whose role has not been fully defined. An action plan for the implementation of MoI Development Strategy has not been adopted yet either, even though the deadline passed in June 2011. This created a gap between the two conceptually and practically related policies that build on each other. What creates further uncertainty is also the previous practice of community policing. Police officers in Serbia are not familiar enough with the techniques of building a safe community, and they do not fully implement them. In addition, there are no established guidelines in the development of community policing and local safety councils. Autonomy of territorial organizational units of the police is insufficient in the decision-making process. Having in mind the unstable economic situation in the country, finding the right funding has always been a challenge. On top of it there is a worrying attitude of police officers that legal restrictions on police conduct hinder effective policing. The policy study analysed the development of police work in Serbia on prevention activities through community policing after the year 2000. The aim of the study is to show the relationship between crime prevention and community policing and to present the state of development of the new philosophy of policing, then to present three problem-solving crime prevention techniques ("SARA", "problem solving process" and "5I knowledge management framework"). The techniques are guidance for police officers in the implementation of prevention activities and community policing. In the end, possible ways to build partnerships between police and citizens were identified.
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Manifestations of police corruption may be different and they are varying from those with less harmless consequences to those considered as criminal offences under the law. Successful prevention and suppression of corruption requires the establishment of police service control mechanisms and identification of corruption risks. In Serbia, the coherent system of internal oversight of the police is not functioning and this system together with the institutions for external oversight and control ensures that the police act according to the set rules and at the same time increases the accountability and integrity of police officers. This situation leads to increased opportunities for corruption. Consequently, the citizens’ confidence in the police is lower. Additionally, there is no clear list of corruption risks in the police. Therefore, the aim of the policy study is to fill this gap. First of all, the paper identifies the importance of external and internal oversight of the police in preventing and suppressing police corruption. Internal and external controllers play a significant role in eliminating corruption risks which are addressed in the second part of the paper based on typology of police corruption risks drafted by Transparency International. However, for a successful fight against police corruption it is necessary to eliminate deficiencies in the police internal control authorities and in external oversight institutions, which will be presented in the third and the fourth part of the paper. Finally, the paper presents guidelines for improving the fight against police corruption.
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The high susceptibility of Ukrainian officials to corruption has been one factor affecting the condition of the Ukrainian state. Since 2014, the government has managed to create several anti-corruption institutions whose independence from the executive is one of the main conditions for Ukraine to continue receiving financial assistance from the West. Over the past year, this system has become more robust, and the first sentences were issued in cases involving state officials caught up in corruption schemes. However, despite President Volodymyr Zelensky’s declared determination to combat corruption among state officials, recent months have seen measures that may weaken the key institutions established to combat corruption; this would be tantamount to reversing reforms in this field. These actions have been initiated by politicians and oligarchs intending to make the fight against corruption less effective. This has triggered major concern from Western donors (who are responding to this by threatening to halt financial support and to suspend the visa-free regime) and from Ukrainian civil society.
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On 15 October Kyrgyzstan’s president, Sooronobay Jeenbekov, resigned from his position and his duties were taken over by the opposition leader, Sadyr Japarov. The change in power was brought about by large-scale protests which broke out on 5 October, the day after the election; subsequently the protesters took over the main buildings of the central administration in Bishkek and released opposition leaders who had been imprisoned (among them Japarov). The demonstrations, which were forceful but not long-lasting, resulted in a compromise of sorts which led to changes in the highest state positions, the announcement of an early presidential election and a rerun of the parliamentary election.
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The search continues in Germany for a site for final repository of high-level radioactive waste. A disused salt mine in Gorleben, which was earmarked as the site more than forty years ago, has been definitively eliminated as a choice due to not meeting geological requirements. For years, the choice of the site was a source of severe protest, and this was a major factor in the founding of the Green Party in 1980. Still today, the issue of permanent storage of radioactive waste in Germany is stigmatized. The new process of finding a site has been devised to avoid making the same mistakes made many years ago, when the decision was made in an enigmatic manner with no public consultations. Although the decision as to the new and definitive site was intended to be made on the basis of scientific criteria, the matter has again become a political matter and will also be a major campaign issue in the run-up to the Bundestag elections. This will call into doubt the credibility of the entire process and could seriously hamper the making of the final decision, envisaged by 2031.
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Russia’s ruling elite believes that the outcome of the US presidential elections will have only a negligible impact on Washington’s policy towards Moscow, because the American establishment is convinced that Russia under Vladimir Putin has consistently pursued an anti-American policy. In Russia’s view, each candidate has both strong and weak points, but in the end the Kremlin would prefer to see Donald Trump remain in the White House. To this end, Moscow has been active – particularly in the sphere of propaganda – with the aim of weakening Joe Biden’s candidacy and stoking domestic tensions in American society. However, the scope of Russia’s activity seems more limited compared to the previous electoral campaign. However, Moscow is likely to step up its activities should a political conflict emerge over the outcome of the election. A victory for the Democratic presidential candidate will result in revisions in US policy towards Russia. The incoming Biden administration can be expected to combine tough rhetoric on its divergences with Russia in the field of values with attempts to find areas where their interests converge and where cooperation can take place (such as arms control, the resolution of regional conflicts and the fight against terrorism), complemented by efforts to coordinate the West’s policy towards Russia.
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Germany hopes that Joe Biden’s upcoming presidency will contribute to restoring transatlantic bonds. It is pinning its hopes on both sides sharing a similar perception of the key challenges, the appreciation of the importance of alliances, and on the US returning to the use of multilateral instruments. German-American relations will no longer be burdened by the confrontational rhetoric and strictly transactional approach which were typical of the outgoing president. However, the political change in the United States will not remove the differences of positions and interests that underlie the main disputes between Berlin and Washington. Moreover, given the fact that both Democrats and Republicans were running neck and neck during the presidential race, Germany may modify its expectations with regard to the new American administration to become more realistic. German politicians have signalled their readiness to engage more in maintaining the partnership with the US, but whether they will be able to put these declarations into practice remains an open question, considering that elections to the Bundestag are due to be held next year. The main difficulty for Germany will be making adjustments in the area of security, mainly due to the German public’s reluctance to increase spending on defence. Coordination of policy towards China will be an equally important challenge.
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The massive public protests against the rigging of the presidential election’s results which began on 9 August have led to the deepest political crisis in the history of independent Belarus. For the first time, a situation has arisen in which anti-regime demonstrations have been held for over three months, numbering over 100,000 people in the capital at the times of greatest mobilisation. Despite the fall in the number of protesters observed in recent weeks, the public’s anger is not waning, which is making it difficult for the authorities to control society. In response to the rebellion by a large number of its citizens, the regime has chosen the tactics of repression and intimidation. As a result, Belarusian authoritarianism is becoming more and more oppressive, gradually taking on the characteristics of a militia state. As he concentrates on keeping power, Alyaksandr Lukashenka has come to rely principally on the security sector, who see preserving the regime as a chance to hold onto their own privileges. In parallel to the increasing importance of the so-called siloviki in the government apparatus, Lukashenka has weakened the position of the civilian element of the nomenklatura. The regime is also pursuing an increasingly confrontational policy towards the West, to make it seem more credible that the protests have been inspired from abroad; in the economic sphere, economic reforms have been blocked as the regime focuses on controlling business. Lukashenka’s future maybe decided by Russia, which is trying to use the crisis in the Belarusian system of power to gain full domination in Belarus.
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In recent months, the rules for gas transmission through the countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe have been changing at an ever faster rate. There has been much talk about opening new routes for exporting Russian gas to the European Union along routes which would bypass this region, which has led to a decline in its transit importance. The ongoing expansion of the network of interconnectors and alternative connections is changing the routes of gas transmission on the Central European market. No less important, although still somewhat less noticeable, are the changing rules for the transport of gas from Russia to the EU. With the expiration of a succession of long-term transit contracts (Ukraine’s at the end of 2019, Poland’s in May 2020, and also those of Slovakia and Bulgaria over the next few years), it will be possible for all of the region’s gas transmission to operate on the basis of EU regulations, namely the Third Energy Package, including its network codes. As a result, there is an increase in transparency and competition, and access to the infrastructure is becoming more attractive, which encourages European companies to use it. At the same time, however, gas transmission from Russia is becoming more unpredictable. This is illustrated by the changes this year in the flow of gas through the Yamal gas pipeline, Ukraine’s main lines and the Trans-Balkan route. The future of gas transmission in the region will also depend on external factors: the processes taking place in Ukraine, the actual physical levels of Russian gas transit, and the situation in the European gas market.
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Joe Biden’s victory in the US presidential election means that Washington will continue its confrontational policy towards Beijing. At the same time, it will clearly change its tactics and attempt to mobilise the US’s network of alliances to contain China. On 13 November, China congratulated Biden and Kamala Harris, but highlighted the need to resolve possible legal disputes. The expected change in the US administration has been widely commented upon in the Chinese press. The initial reactions from China reveal expectations that competition with Washington will continue in almost all key areas, although Beijing hopes to unblock some channels for diplomatic contacts. It also expects an extensive US-EU dialogue to begin discussing what actions should be taken with regard to the PRC. The first reactions from Europe suggest that this scenario is very likely. Biden’s victory has been presented as an opportunity for a joint response to the challenges linked to China by Heiko Maas, the German foreign minister, and some representatives of Brussels. However, creating a common front on Beijing will require a number of structural problems in transatlantic relations to be resolved, including in the areas of trade and services, digital technologies and security.
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The Kremlin defines the role of the Russian Federation as a superpower in the international arena in terms of the strength it can bring to bear due to its resources, and this is the backdrop for the Kremlin’s plans to integrate the capacities of the ‘forces ministries’ into a coherent state military organisation. The system, which was created to mobilise the various resources, and develop a capacity for them to be used flexibly to further Russia’s strategic political goals, has also been put to the test in the current epidemiological crisis. One form in which this has manifested itself is marginalisation of the Ministry of Emergency Situations (EMERCOM), which officially is in charge of coordinating crisis response operations.
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