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The purpose of the paper entitled Warn Him..!, or, the case of Ondrej Muranica is to analyse the poetics and aesthetics of the first largely Slovak feature film produced shortly after World War II., in 1946. It focuses on the characteristics of formal means of expression with overreaches in the contents and national principles, which are brought to prominence in this first Slovak feature film. Emphasis is placed on the analysis of the stage, acting, and direction characteristics which are attributed to the actor and film director Paľo Bielik, founder of the Slovak feature film production. The feature film Warn Him..! is among the fundamental pillars of Slovak cinematography, which is markedly reflected in the construing of schemes and stereotypes typical of Bielik’s feature film production and which are also to be found in the production of other Slovak film directors that followed suit.
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The text deals with a documentary film directed by Jaroslav Vojtek and released in 2009, The Border. It itself is conceived as a group portrait of the residents of the village Slemence and raises several questions about constructing collective identities in areas divided by state borders. The village is currently divided between Slovakia and Ukraine. The split occurred in 1946 and remains actual. The absurdity of the Slemence case is emphasized by many factors. The inhabitants, suddenly divided between two Slavic states, are mostly of Hungarian nationality. Further, the closely guarded border didn’t divide two geopolitical blocs, but the Soviet Union and an other socialistic state. Last but not least, the border remains in place today. Although in 2005 it was opened for the use of cyclists and pedestrians, in 2008 it became the border of the Schengen zone and is now once again surveyed at least as closely as it was in 1949. The introduction of visa requirements for Ukrainians – and the Ukraine’s reciprocal response – once again makes crossing the border a lengthy process, involving a journey to the nearest district town which often takes several hours. The text analyses all af these factors as well as some specifically filmic means of metaphoric crossing the border.
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The paper is a continuation of Prečo je Dario Fo nositeľom Nobelovej ceny? (What Makes Dario Fo the Nobel Prize Winner?), published in Slovak Theatre No. 4/2009. This time, the author-and-actor poetics of Dario Fo is in the centre of attention; it is analysed and recreated against the backdrop of the comparisons with theatre theoreticians, such as Konstantin Stanislavsky, Bertoldt Brecht, Luca Ronconi, and also Jerzy Grotowski. What one finds in Dario Fo is Stanislavsky’s identification with the character, however, without the mystic element, Brecht’s educated actor, however, without the effect of alienation, the simplicity of costumes and the stage typical of the poor theatre. This blend, or collage if you will, of several well-known 20th century theatre techniques, enriched with internalisation and currentness and the updating of the joculator theatre technique, add a flair of originality to Fo’s author-and-actor poetics.
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Relationship between European Union and The People’s Republic of China declared in 2003 as the “strategic partnership” attracts attention as a new and remarkable phenomenon within post-bipolar international framework. This article reviews essentials and motives of both partners’ mutual and deepening relations by pointing at their growing economic interdependence, upgrading political relations, and further developing their cultural, science and technology, academic, environmental etc. cooperation. However, while critically analysing EU–China basic agenda of the strategic partnership and its real outcomes, this article points at poor Chinese human rights record, persistence of EU arms embargo, mutual trade disputes, Chinese failure at obtaining the EU’s Market Economy Status, as well as insufficient intellectual property and trade mark protection in China. This study concludes with finding an attaining the real EU–China strategic partnership questionable, considering that as a mere term of official-level politeness, lacking behind expectations and potential.
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During both occasions of the 1st anniversary of the German Grand Coalition government CDU/CSU and SPD (2005/2006) and of the 10th anniversary of the Czech-German Declaration on reconciliation (1997) the author analysis the recent German foreign policy, especially the role of past burdens in the bilateral relations. Gradually, although they faced many complications, both a legal and political solution was found, and instilled, creating a prevision for, and to a certain degree institutionalizing “the culture of historical controversy“. The rhetoric of historical guilt and responsibility slowly disappears in Germany’s relationships to the states of Central and East Central Europe, it relates also to the reconciliation rituals. On the other hand the new German government (with the CDU-chancellorship) has accepted all declarations and treaties made by preceding governments, including those which deal with property issues between the F.R.G. and Poland/Czech Republics respectively. The main dash is not drawn between any single political camps; rather nowadays, it is drawn right across the German society and their political elites. Especially the topic of World War II and its victims has become a conventional subject and one of public historical memory. This appeared shortly after the new government was appointed into office, as well as the idea that the moral-historical dimension of the Czech-German, Polish-German (and any other neighbors to Germany) relations will not disappear, but instead achieve a new quality. Only the role of moderator will be given to the governments and to the political sphere. Parallel to the departure of the last generation of contemporaries, the theme will be changed, and there will be only one of many reference frameworks in German relations to its neighbor states and their societies. This will, however, not be a linear process: relapsing is not excluded and it will depend on the responsibility and maturity of the political elites as well as the quality of the Czech-German “community of interests“ (including the constituting role of European Security and Energy policies), as to how they will be managed.
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Contemporarily human rights are ranked among the most crucial foreign policy priorities in many countries. At the same time numerous states are forced to consider the human rights agenda under growing international pressure. The substance of foreign policy in the field of human rights, its intensity and instruments vary in many different aspects. The paper focuses on foreign policy in the field of human rights analysis. Its aim is to comprehend and extend prevailing methods in order to obtain an analytical scheme applicable to almost every country. To fulfil this aim it includes several steps, the most important of which are: examining the essence of analysing foreign policy in the field of human rights as a specific part of the foreign policy agenda, introduction and elaboration of the so called Mower’s apparatus, interpretation of foreign policy in the field of human rights using different levels of analysis and developing methods of its evaluation. In the end the paper summarises the current state of research and makes some recommendations for the future.
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This article summarizes the main contemporary theoretical approaches to international institutions as well as significant theories of institutions, which build upon those approaches. In line with the existing overviews, I focus on realism, neoliberalism and constructivism. All three approaches differ in regard to both the origin and impact of institutions. Whereas, the basic realist perspective regards state interests and power to be the main source of the institution’s origin; the basic perspective of neoliberalism emphasizes the structure of state interests and collective action problems, which result from it. Many constructivists presume that so called general institutions determine the origin of specific institutions. According to realists, the impact of institutions is dependent on state interests and power; institutions only regulate state behaviour in a limited way. The neoliberal conception of institutions infers that: institutions significantly regulate state behaviour since they help states resolve collective action problems. According to constructivists: institutions even constitute state identities and interests.
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Natalia Naročnickaja: Rusko a jeho místo ve světě. Za co a s kým jsme bojovali. 1. vyd. Praha: Ottovo nakladatelství, 2006, 207 stran (název ruského originálu: За что и с кем мы воевали), ISBN 80-7360-511-2. (Michael Romancov) Jan Křen: Dvě století střední Evropy. 1. vyd. Praha: Argo, 2005, 1109 stran, ISBN 80-7203-612-2 (Jiří Beránek) Егор Тимурович Гайдар: Гибель империи. Уроки для современной России. 1-ое издание.Москва: РОССПЭН, 2006, 440 stran, ISBN 5-8243-0759-8. (Karel Svoboda) Dionyssis G. Dimitrakopoulos – Argyris G. Passas (eds.): Greece in the European Union. 1st ed. London – New York: Routledge, 2004, 164 stran, ISBN 0-415-25811-1, (Jan Hřích) Ladislav Cabada: Politický systém Slovinska. 1. vyd. Praha: Sociologické nakladatelství (SLON), 2005, 272 stran, ISBN 80-86429-37-7, (Filip Tesař)
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A sarcastic article over the anti-American reactions that followed the 11 September events and a realistic analysis of the tragedy and its implications in the postmodern world signed by Mircea Mihaies.
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The article is fragment from “Adlebaran- Amintiri despre Ion Vinea” (being published) which comprises a sequence of dialogues of Ion Vinea, the author of “ Paradisul suspinelor”. Vlaicu Barna is the personality whose memories on Vinea are presented by the author of this article.
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The article is a realistic analysis of the phenomenon of anti-Semitism doubled by evocations of some sad experiences on the issue the author experienced both in Israel and Romania.
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The cybernetics: definition, progress, anxieties are a few of the author’s topics on this controversed issue.
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