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In the Czech Republic, 45 - 65 years old people comprise over a quarter of the entire population and their employment plays a key role in the country’s economy. The data presented here is based on the official national statistics, which are typically classified by age. Unfortunately, the age categories are not consistent across all types of data. In comparison to the EU, the employment intensity in the Czech Republic is slightly higher than average. The employment rate of the working age cohort 15 - 64 years was 65.2 % (as of 2009). The employment rate of 20-64 years old was 70.7% (while the average rate in the EU was 68.8 %). [...]
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Dear readers, This publication will present you with examples of work-life balance provisions in several European countries: the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Germany and Poland. International perspectives from countries which are geographically, culturally and historically related to the Czech Republic can lend direction and inspiration to the policy makers who shape the family, social and employment policies in the Czech Republic now and in the future. Although we culturally share many notions on gender roles and the position of women and men with our neighbors, the texts in this publication show there are great differences among the specific policies in each country and their impact on the real lives of women and men. Julia Kubisa from Poland, for example, describes the development of family policy in Poland in the last decade and its effects, including the legal aspects regarding professional babysitting, the abolishment of the parental allowance, and the policy of paternity leave. Good practices in these areas are discussed by Oľga Pietruchová and Mária Jacková, who describe work-life balance provisions and flexible parental allowance mechanisms in Slovakia. In addition, examples from Germany illustrate a well-conceived and stable approach to family policy. A series of interviews with Czech women living abroad gives a comparative perspective on work-life balance policies in different countries and the ways these policies affect families’ choices and living conditions. [...]
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Dear readers, We are pleased to bring to your attention Women on labour market: today and in the future, a book, which is one of the outcomes of the project Fit for Gender Mainstreaming - Gender-Sensitive Transcending of Borders between East and West. Based on cross-border qualification initiatives for multipliers and public events in all countries participating in the “East-West Dialogue”, the goal of the project is to advance gender mainstreaming strategies on a local level and enhance exchange of experiences and qualifications. The publication follows up the international conference Future of Women on the Labour Market, which took place under the auspices of Kateřina Jacques, a Member of Parliament, in Prague in October 2007. Our goal is to assess situation of women on the labour market, refer to persisting inequalities and inspire discussion about the future. We are aware of the fact that gender equality policies need a thorough evaluation to prevent biased application, which may lead to cementing gender stereotypes instead of disrupting them. Our texts address not only decision-makers, but they also represent a call for solidarity between women, since its lack often stands for a barrier in achieving equality. Thus, we decided to focus some of our current activities especially on women.
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This issue of Robotrolling examines users suspended by Twitter. Contrary to expectation, most of the accounts were human-controlled accounts rather than bots. Since 2017, the speed at which Twitter suspended misbehaving users has by two measures almost doubled. However, removals of Russian-language accounts have been considerably slower than for English. The speed of removal can be critical, for instance in the context of an election. The Latvian elections, conducted on 6 October 2018, passed with remarkably little Russian language activity about the NATO presence in the country. Our analyses show a movement in the past year away from automated manipulation to humans operating fake or disposable identities online. The figures published in this issue reflect the good work done to tackle bots, but show much work remains to tackle manipulation through fake human-controlled accounts. Bots created 46% of Russian-language messaging about the NATO presence in the Baltics and Poland. More than 50% of Russian-language messaging about Estonia this quarter came from automated accounts. Anonymous human-operated accounts posted 46% of all English-language messages about Poland, compared to 29% for the Baltic States. This discrepancy is both anomalous and persistent. Some of the messaging is probably artificial. We continue to publish measures of fake social activity in the hope that quantifying the problem will focus minds on solving it.
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This is a summary of research based on a discourse analysis of official statements, speeches, and policy documents published by the Government of Canada in English from 2013-2018. The narratives derived from the discourse are coded according to the different national power dimensions and political values which they communicate. Sources were identified through a key word search of these publicly available resources.
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This is a summary of research based on a discourse analysis of official statements, speeches, and policy documents published by the Government of the Peoples Republic of China in English from 2012-2018. The narratives derived from the discourse are coded according to the national power dimensions and political values which they communicate. Sources were identified using a key word search of these publicly available resources.
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This is a summary of research based on a discourse analysis of official statements, speeches and policy documents published by the government of the Russian Federation in English from 2012-2017. The narratives derived from the discourse are coded according to the different national power dimensions and political values which they communicate. Sources were identified through a key word search of these publicly available resources.
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On the popular Russian-language social network VK, material about the NATO presence in the Baltics and Poland was viewed no less than 11 million times this quarter (February – April 2019). 93% of these views were for material from community spaces. On VK, community spaces are increasingly important, both as a sources of content and as places for discussion. The move to groups has implications beyond the Russian-language space. Facebook has recently launched a push to promote community spaces. These spaces, normally closed to researchers, offer huge potential for misuse and manipulation. Our investigation of VK community spaces reveals that the vast majority of groups in which NATO is discussed are communities with radical pro-Kremlin or nationalist tendencies, or dedicated to the conflict in Ukraine. These communities generate more posts and attract more views even than communities created by Russian state media outlets. On Twitter, bots tweeting in Russian remain a bigger problem than bots tweeting in English. In Russian, they account for 43% of all messages—a significant increase in recent months. In English bots posted 17% of messages. English-language bots this quarter overwhelmingly amplified news content from RT (formerly Russia Today) and other pro-Kremlin news outlets. On all platforms, discussion regarding NATO troops in Poland attracted the largest number of posts this quarter. Finally, in this issue we publish our first case study of manipulation on Facebook. It looks at the degree to which bots and trolls targeted posts promoted by Latvian political parties contesting the European Elections in late May 2019.
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This report presents top-level findings from the first research project to systematically track and measure the scale of inauthentic activity on the Russian social network VK. On VK, a vocal core consisting of loyal news media, pro-Kremlin groups, and bots and trolls dominates the conversation about NATO. The volume of material from this core group is such, that overall genuine users account for only of 14% of the total number of messages about NATO in the Baltic States and Poland. The spread of demonstrably fake content can offer a starting point for measuring how social media manipulation impacts genuine conversations. In the case of one story about a fictitious Finnish blogger, our algorithm estimates that at least 80% of users who shared the fake story were authentic. This quarter, messages appeared in more than 2 000 different group pages on VK. Setting aside messages from group pages, 37% of VK posts came from ‘bot’ accounts—software that mimics human behavior online. This level of activity is comparable to what we have seen on Russian-language Twitter. Unlike on Twitter, where the vast majority of human-controlled accounts are operated anonymously, on VK most accounts are likely to be authentic. Western social media companies have belatedly taken an active role in reducing the reach of the Kremlin’s social media manipulation efforts. However, it remains hard for researchers to evaluate the effectiveness of these measures on platforms such as Facebook and Instagram. In this context, VK offers a cautionary view of a network with minimal privacy, regulation, and moderation.
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Nakon više od dvadeset godina, ime Aleksandre Zec još uvijek je demarkaciona linija u hrvatskom društvu. S jedne strane su oni koji lamentiraju nad pravosudnom farsom koja je poznate ubojice, bez obzira na njihova priznanja i materijalne dokaze, ostavila na slobodi. S druge pak oni kojima Aleksandra Zec služi isključivo za uspostavljanje razlike između ‘naših’ i ‘njihovih’ žrtava. U takvoj viktimološkoj dihotomiji ‘naše žrtve’ dobivaju mjesta posebnog pijeteta i “mramor ih se sjeća”, dok ‘njihove’ ostavljamo medijskim strvinama, stalno novom prežvakavanju onoga što nacionalno lobotomirana svijest nikako ne može provariti.
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Institucija ombudsmena za ljudska prava Bosne i Hercegovine je centralna nezavisna institucija za zaštitu i promociju ljudskih prava. Imajući na umu da u Bosni i Hercegovini ne postoje druge institucije ombudsmanskog karaktera (npr. tematski ombudsmani), niti druge institucije za ljudska prava, kao što su fondacije ili vladine kancelarije za promociju civilnog društva, značaj Institucije ombudsmena za ljudska prava Bosne i Hercegovine je još veći. [...]
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The Institution of Human Rights Ombudsman of BiH is a central, independent institution for the protection and promotion of human rights. Having in mind that there are no other institutions of ombudsman nature in Bosnia and Herzegovina (e.g. thematic ombudsman), nor other institutions for human rights, such as foundations or government offices for the promotion of civil society, the importance of the Institution of Human Rights Ombudsman of BiH is even greater. [...]
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This submission is short summary of the current developments, but also of the very detailed “Pink Report. Annual Report on the State of Human Rights of LGBT People in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2014”, published by the Sarajevo Open Centre.
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This submission is short summary of the current developments, for more information, read a detailed Annual Report On The Human Rights of Women In Bosnia And Herzegovina In 2014, published by Sarajevo Open Centre and CURE Foundation on behalf of Women's Network BiH.
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Sarajevo Open Centre and Open Society Fund BiH hosted a conference on December 16th, 2013 with the aim of sharing best practices for improving LGBT human rights in the Western Balkan region. Representatives from LGBT organizations and ombudsperson offices in BiH, Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, and Macedonia were present, as well as those from international organizations, such as the OSCE Mission to BiH, the United Nations office in BiH, and some representatives of foreign embassies. We also invited all relevant BiH institutions such as Ministry of Human Rights and Refugees, the three members of the Presidency, human rights committees from multiple levels of parliaments, and the gender agency and entity gender centers. However, we received few responses and no one attended. We present a summary of lessons learned as a first step to transferring this experience to the local context, recognizing the fact that utilizing European Union integration processes is key for accomplishing all of the following recommendations.
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