Constantin Virgil Negoiţă- despre etica postmodernistă
The post modern novel “Impotriva lui Mango” published by Constantin Virgil Negoita at the Paralela 45 Publishing House in 2004 is analyzed here by Mircea A. Diaconu.
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The post modern novel “Impotriva lui Mango” published by Constantin Virgil Negoita at the Paralela 45 Publishing House in 2004 is analyzed here by Mircea A. Diaconu.
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A journey late in the night, by train to Suceava; the streets of Suceava early in the morning, the experience of Putna on the commemorative event, officials and common people gathered for the commemoration; the journey back to Bucharest and the dispersing of the Putna pilgrims through the big city.All these snap shots make this article inciting.
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The article is a review of Mircea Petean’s book “Cartea de la Jucu Nobil”published at the Limes Publishing House Cluj Napoca in 2003.
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The recent decision of the Tiraspol administration to close down all the Latin letter writing Romanian schools in Tiraspol is labeled by the author of this article as a Russian diversion meant to de-stabilize the Moldavian Republic’s independence
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In the article published in the weekly magazine “Timpul de dimineata” the writer Constantin Tanase reproaches the Moldavian intellectuals the lack of interest for the national holiday “Our Language”(31 of August was declared the official day of the Romanian Language).
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This is the second part of a study on Cioran’s work signed by Ion Turcanu.
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There are no easy solutions to Albania’s dire electricity shortage. But one positive outcome of the crisis could be the public and political will to root out corruption.
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An anti-HIV drive seems to be working in a Bulgarian Romani quarter even as the general level of health of its residents remains worryingly poor.
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Little known outside Romani communities, local judges gain respect for mediating disputes and preventing crime.
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Russian disdain for non-Slavs is misdirected. They ought to care more about a fair judicial system and good governance.
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Prostitutes cannot be prosecuted in Kazakhstan, but they can be beaten, harassed, and cheated. Some campaigners say legalization is the solution.
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A new government initiative alleges that its goal is to bolster the NGO sector, but experts are concerned it may threaten organizations’ independence.
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The Ottoman conquest of Serbia in 1459 was the crucial event in the history of the Serb people, but in the area of social relations, changes in many aspects occurred slowly and gradually. Accepting into their governing system many local specificities and institutions, from Christian spahiyas, through particular social classes like the Vlachs, elements of military organization (like voynuks, šajkaši), mining legislature, local customs and measurement systems, to regulating of the status of the Serb Orthodox Church and occasionally rather loose application of the strict Shari'a Law to Christian population, the Ottoman state facilitated the adjustment of the local population into the new order, thus strengthening its authority. Therefore, this paper aims to, using the example of Braničevo, and combining local and Ottoman sources, show currents, relations and changes that occurred immediately following the Ottoman rule, as well as in the following several decades.
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According to the available data, the term ekklesiastikos was unknown on the Mount Athos in the tenth and eleventh century. The earliest mention of cr’kovnik is in the Typikon of Chilandar. However, the practice of having rich and famous monasteries sending one klerikos to the church of Protaton in Karyes had been mentioned in the year of 1089. Well established and known monasteries, such as Great Laura, Vatopedi, Iviron, and Chilandar, each gave one ekklesiastikos, while remaining monasteries provided the total of eight. Protaton provided the kellion in Karyes for the ekklesiastikos, as well as the vineyard in the vicinity, which became the property of the monastery that sent him and had the responsibility to support him. In the fourteenth century kellia of ekklesiastikoi were getting destroyed, either during the times of Turkish incursions or as a result of monastery’s own financial hardships. When those unfortunate events took place, the monastery was not able to send an ekklesiastikos in Karyes, who were needed for the church of Protaton to normally function. Protaton ensured that ekklesiastikoi’s cells got repaired, in order for monasteries to send ekklesiastikoi to Karyes. The order of ekklesiastikoi in the church of Protaton corresponded to the seating arrangement of their hegoumenoi in the Council of the protos. This order of precedence had to be respected. When this order was not respected, arguments occurred. One such argument took place in the fourteenth century between the monks of monasteries of Docheiariou and Xenophon. Ekklesiastikoi (cr’kovnici) of St. Panteleimon and Chilandar monasteries were noted in the decisions of the Brothers’ Assemblies, usually in front of the hegoumenarches, paraekklesiarches, trapezarios, paradocheiares, and related officers. Ekklesiastikoi of the church of Protaton had the same responsibilities as those in other monasteries. The two of the most important were to take part in processions and to maintain the order during the services. The ekklesiastikos jurisdiction resembled that of ekklesiarches, as noted by the mention of the latter as ekklesiastikos in the Typikon of Chilandar. In addition, it appears that ekklesiastikoi and epiteretai have taken over from epistemonarches. Lastly, ekklesiastikoi’s signatures on the acts of protos and his Council (1316, 1366, 1375, 1377), show that this officer, along with others from the Protaton church and representatives of smaller monasteries, especially the ones from Karyes and its surroundings, witnessed property transactions within Karyes, and participated in the creation of legal acts in the Protaton office. The ekklesiastikos who took part in making the decisions of protos and his Council in the fourteenth century, advanced in the hierarchy of Mount Athos, and took place right after the ekklesiarches and epiteretes.
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Based on mostly published and unpublished sources from the Kotor and Dubrovnik archives, the paper presents a noble family through four generations in Medieval Kotor. Members of the Mekša family did business in Kotor, Dubrovnik, and Serbia. They formed mixed trading societies with people from Kotor, traders from Zeta seaside towns, people from Dubrovnik, Venetians, and Serbs. Some of them were successful merchants, acquired wealth and reputation, and performed important social functions in Kotor. A particular biographical note is about the family's most prominent member, Marin Mekša, who was not matched by his heirs. He was a great and capable merchant. He traded in metals, primarily silver, salt, textile, and other goods. Marin Mekša earned large capital, which he invested in other business and in real estate (houses and land) in Kotor, Serbia, and Dubrovnik. Due to his trading skills, Marin Mekša acquired great reputation, and performed important diplomatic missions for the Serb state and for his native Kotor. He was King Dušan's emissary in Venice in 1332, where he negotiated on settling Kotor excessive debts with Venice merchants, and about repaying these debts in time. When not busy with trade and diplomacy, he resided in Kotor, and performed important social duties in the native city. Marin Mekša frequently served as a judge and as an auditor in Kotor.
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Science is aware of numerous crosses listed in the system of village boundaries in many Medieval charters, and they are mostly seen in the context of marking the boundary. However, just like in the cases of churches, roads, vineyards, and other anthropo-geographical entities, their primary role was not in the function of boundary. It is obvious from the charters themselves that boundary stones were placed «in front» or «lower» of the already existing crosses. The purpose of this paper is to present the multiplicity of meanings of these crosses, perceived as objects of social and religious significance for a local community, presented in a village and in a parish. That is why information from the charters is compared to other sources, where free standing crosses are mentioned. One of the most important sources is the penitential text (dated in the 13th-14th centuries) that forbids liturgies near crosses erected by the roads, as dogs and pigs make it dirty. Their religious and social use is recognized in Domentian's Life of St. Sabbas of Serbia, where pastoral eagerness of St. Sabbas, early 13th century Archbishop of Serbia, is praised by mentioning that he erected churches and crosses all over the countryside. In similar context, erecting crosses by roads is mentioned in the 16th century Ottoman kanun-nama, Hans Dernschwam's travels, or in a mid-17th century marginalia mentioning renewal of a more than one hundred years old cross. In any case, the sources mentionedconfirm the one-sidedness of the information of the charter as a source for this topic, especially as they do not provide the micro-toponymy of the village area in general, but only on its borders.
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In Medieval states, marital and family relations were under constant social scrutiny, firm control, and even surveillance. Morality and way of behaving were not considered as personal rights. From the time of the Leo III's Ekloga dating from 726, the Church attitude that each sexual intercourse outside marriage conducted by the Church ritual was sinful and should be punished, was accepted in Byzantium. The state and the Church attempted to completely regulate marriage and family, so they also received attention on the legal codes of Medieval Serbia. That is why abducting women and girls for marriage, even with the approval of the abducted person, was considered to be a socially dangerous thing and was marked as a criminal act. In Medieval Serbia, abducting women and girls was considered a serious offence, for which severe punishments were determined. In the legal sources mentioned, the social position of victims or perpetrators is irrelevant. The only difference concerns the severity of the offence, to be determined in the investigation. The more severe offence exists if the crime has been committed with the use of weapons, so, therefore, the punishment was more severe. The less severe form was defined as the abduction without the use, or even without having any, arms. Abduction of one's own fiancée, or the acceptance of the abducted person or her family, were not considered as mitigating factors. Depending on the severity of the case, death penalty was prescribed, or several corporal and shaming punishments, as well as exile. Essentially, the crime of abducting women or girls was the crime against one's person, but, in Medieval framework, it was also the crime against morality and, in a wider sense, even against the faith and the security of the population, so it was also in the public interest to prosecute it.
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Studying credit trade of Medieval Dubrovnik based on Dubrovnik archival sources (Drbita notariae in Diversa notariae), the author encountered some new and interesting data on crvac (chermesium), an agent for coloring fabric. Based on this new data, he confirmed the thesis that crvac is a material of organic origin, and that it was acquired through a special technique of collecting and drying lice in Serbia and Bosnia. The paper includes data on determining of prices and their variation. The most information was encountered in sources after the 1540s. Several debtors were processed, particularly from Trgovište and Goražde, as well as some lenders. From several specific examples, it was demonstrated how a trade in crvac went in Dubrovnik, and which transactions took place. It is assumed that lenders gave raw textiles as credit, and accepted crvac as payment. The image of the credit trade is augmented with trade contracts and contracts on trade societies (collegantiae, societas). Crvac was also shipped to Italy, primarily to Florence and Venice.
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After his father's death (in 1466), Herceg Vlatko spent most of his time in Herceg Novi, were he married for the second time, with the granddaughter of the Aragon King Alfonse V, Margarita Marzano (in 1474), and started a family. Together with his son-in-law, Ivan Crnojević, and with Dubrovnik's financial aid, he erected the church of St. Stephen. For the reasons that we do not know, this church was destroyed at the end of September 1475. He did not forget his nobles, the Kostanjić brothers, to whom Herceg Vlatko confirmed (in August 1475) the village of Drvenik with Perun, and admitted them into «the faith of the nobles» as long as they respect their obligations according to the Charter. In the late 1481, after he surrendered a part of the Herceg Novi fort by the sea to Turks, Herceg Vlatko, following some marital discord, left his «residence » in Novi, and until 1486 lived in the part of the Hum lands previously inhabited by the Kosačas and Vlatkovićs. Then he suddenly moved across the Cetina river into Poljice, and found himself in the Venetian territory, where, along with settling the payment of some old debts with Nikola Kamenarić from Šibenik, he spent some gloomy days in the Poljice Župa. Due to indecent behavior of some members of his entourage, Herceg Vlatko was «sent off» from there by the Split Providur, Fantono Coppio. Thus, the last Herceg after St. Sava, facing numerous problems in life, found himself in the island of Rab, which is still witnessed by the name of the Cape Kosača, and, enjoying hospitality of the local Crnota nobles, finally died there. He was survived by his widow Margarita, who soon found herself «in the marital embrace» of the well known Venice captain Marco Loredan, and several male and female children, of whom the youngest son, Jovan, was most likely, after reaching maturity, in 1505, enlisted into the Venice High Council, and continued to live in Venice.
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