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The paper considers the relation between the urban organisations of medieval Romanian towns of Moldavia and Walachia and the state intervention (the intervention of the ruling princes), a problem being the subject of a controversy in different publications. One opinion (considering architectural and urban arguments, and having been adopted also by some historians and archaeologists) is that as early as the 14th and 15th century coherent central public spaces (urban squares) existed. The other (considering historical and archaeological arguments) places the appearance of these squares only later, beginning with the 16th century. This work using information from of the varied fields, supports the first theory, reviewing the genesis and early development of the towns having been studies in relation with the role of the ruling princes. The study is organized observing the following pattern: - the appearance and development of a network of medieval towns in Moldavia and Walachia, - the role and status of the colonists and their relation to the state, - the genesis and perfection of the urban structures, - the genesis and perfection of the organization of central squares. Case studies for Suceava, Roman, Iaşi, Câmpulung and Piteşti follow. Finally, the two formerly stated opinions are compeered in graphic format. Some older studies of the author concerning the urban structure of some Romanian medieval towns complete the work.
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Le XIXe siècle a constitué, pour quelques localités du sud de Banate, le début de leur urbanisation. Ce développement a eu bien en étapes et avec des intensités différentes d’une localité à l’autre, en liaison directe avec la situation politique de la zone. Parmi les événements politiques gui ont influencé directement la vie de ces localités il y a: les révolutions de 1848–1849; l’annulation des régiments qui avaient rapport à la garde des frontières (1872) et la translation de la zone sous l’administration hongrois de l’est de l’ Empire Autrichien-Hongrois; l’émancipation nationale des peuples de cette zone; la première guerre mondiale et l’intégration de la zone dans la Roumanie recomplétée; la vie politique nationale et internationale entre les deux guerres mondiales; l’instauration du communisme. L’auteur suit le développement permanent de la ville d’Orşova et de la station Băile Herculane, mais aussi celui de Baziaş, en declin après la première guerre mondiale et devenu un petit hameau a l’époque du communisme. De même, l’auteur se réfère aux localités qui sont restées uniquement des villages plus grands (Mehadia, Topleţ), bien qu’ils aient eu un début d’industrie et d’urbanisation.
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Enoncé en tant que vastes possibilités de mettre en évidence certains aspects du développement de la ville, la thématique de cette session propose le facteur politique en lui attribuant un rôle de choix à chaque étape du devenir urbain. Tout en insistant sur le fait que les actuelles recherches historiques sur le Moyen Age soulèvent toute une série d’interrogations, voire de problèmes difficiles, notamment quant à l’interprétation à donner à certains rapports entre pouvoir politique central et pouvoirs locaux au sujet du développement de la ville. Un vaste tour d’horizon à travers des recherches occidentales me permet d’avancer quelques mises au point, ayant le rôle de situer cette (apparente) nouvelle problématique dans le cadre européen de la ville du Moyen Age. Car, en fait, il ne peut s’agir d’un seul facteur politique mais d’une série de mesures (facteurs) à caractère politique, social, démographique ou autres qui présidèrent à la fondation, à la formation et au développement des villes.
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In den ersten Teilen der Mitteilung wird das zeitlich unterschiedliche Verhältnis zwischen der Zentralmacht und den Städten hervorgehoben: eine relativ kleine Bedeutung der Städte vor dem Schwarzen Tod, eine Überragende Bedeutung der Städte während der Agrarkrise (vor allem als Verbündeter der Zentralmacht in der Türkenabwehr) und eine sich wiederum verringernde Bedeutung der Städte in der darauf folgenden Periode. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird die Entwicklung von Temeschwar aufgerollt. Zunächst gab es dort eine kleine Streusiedlung auf einer Einödblockflur und, aus strategischen Gründen, eine bewohnte Burg. Als sich König Karl Robert für einige Jahre hier niederließ, entstand ein Schloss und eine neue, regelmäßige ausgebildete Siedlung, die vermutlich von Handwerkern bewohnt war. Etwa gleichzeitig mit einer stärkeren Befestigungsanlage der alten Siedlung bildete sich eine Vorstadt heraus. Nach zeitgenössischen Zeichnungen hatte die Siedlung bis Mitte des 16. Jhs. ein zentraleuropäisches Gepräge, nach der Einnahme durch die Türken änderte sich dieses jedoch. Völlig umgestaltet wurde die Stadt nach der Eroberung durch die Habsburger.
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This study proposes a reconstitution of the urban plan of Iaşi from the 18th century. In the context of all the historical researches done until today, this reconstitution confirms some hypothesis, but also promote new ones, like about the route of the old roads, or about the site of some squares, markets and old streets. Also, an important basis for this reconstituted plan was the historical evolution of the town. In order to analyze and decipher better the old urban configurations, this work of reconstitution used a very efficient instrument: a permanent correlation and superposition of the old and new plans of Iaşi, from the 18th until the 20 century. The correct transposition on this plan of all the historical information collected was an important part of this work, too. Also, the transposition in chronological order of some historical buildings and archaeological discoveries became an efficient guide and an important verification instrument for this reconstituted plan. Fortunately, due to an inertia phenomenon of the old streets network of Iaşi, some of the zonal urban characteristics were preserved until nowadays and they were precious reference points in the reconstitution of this old urban plan.
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Urban history of Chişinău knows not only two stages – till 1812 and after 1812–, but four with different judicial status and three urban, political factors determining the further way of development of locality. Identified in 1436 and till the end of the XVII century that it is a state initially of boyar afterward monastic village founded near Fântâna Mare (Great Fountain) (or – Albişoara). Intention of the regent Eustrate Dabija of outfit of Chişinău with detour for its rising at the rang of market fails due to its dependence on cloister Saint Friday (Sf. Vineri, or Balica) from Iaşi. Economic development of the locality situated on one of the most utilized way of communication from zone leads to the formation of Chişinău as market dependent on the closter. In 1739 the market Chişinău is destroyed by Turkish, afterward he extends on the narrow terrain situated downstream of river Bâc, on the estate of Buiucani village which was belonging to the cloister Sf. Arhangheli from Iaşi (later known as cloister Galata where was situated the gorge across the river utilized by the menzil (Turkish poste). It forms the commercial market which through its trapezoid outline confesses the genesis of the locality – market at crossing of ways. In short time Chişinău becomes the biggest market from the inter-river Prut-Nistru situated on the land of two cloisters. During a fight from December 1788, between Russian and Turkish army, the locality is set on fire together with those „6 or 7 churches”. The town is remaking at great pains, only on the eve of the year 1812 arriving at number of churches from previous period. After incorporation of the inter-river Prut-Nistru in the composition of Russian Empire, the territory occupied by Chişinău in 1818 is given by the cloisters to the „Russian crown” and the locality becomes the capital of region Basarabia. In its plane fixed in the first project of urban systematization from 1817, the street trama is dominated by directions of ways: of Turkish post became The Great Street of those of transit oriented to 2-3 gorges across river Bâc and of the river oriented to source The Great Fountain. Other streets represent the directions of relation with neighboring villages etc. After 1834, year where is confirmed the urban systematization plane, the town developed on two portions of the urban territory relatively independent. New Russian town is founded to the West of Chişinău on waste land where in 1789–1790 was previously cantoned the military Russian camping but without using grating remained from subdivisions. New town was created in orthogonal system, with rectangular districts whose size was dictated by the occupied district by Metropoly placed in the geometric circle of systematized Chişinău. The street trama of Ancient Town, medieval Chişinău, was pointed after what became, how it was characterized by contemporaries „chaotic, lack of logic, with devious streets” etc. Plane of Chişinău elaborated in first postwar years...
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La ville de Câmpulung, située tout près de la frontière hungaro-valache, sur une importante voie de commerce entre les territoires hongrois et le bas-Danube, était constamment soumise aux pressions catholicisantes et expansionnistes de la dynastie Arpadienne auxquels la ville devait résister. C’est pourquoi le pouvoir Valache était bien intéressé à soutenir la communauté de la ville, en lui accordant des privilèges exceptionnels. D’autre part, la cour princière de Câmpulung, avec une très imposante église en pierre, semblait être placée très proche du monastère catholique pour que l’autorité du prince puisse contrôler le prosélytisme catholique, en témoignant une politique duplicitaire des voïvodes roumains qui, par des raisons de politique internationale, s’étaient engagés à soutenir le catholicisme. La choie des premiers voïvodes roumains, Basarab I (1310–1352) et Nicolas Alexandre (1352–1364) d’être enterrés dans cette église, semble porter aussi un message politique. Mais c’est le règne de Matei Basarab (1632–1654) qui eût le plus fort impact sur l’évolution de Câmpulung pendant le Moyen Age. Par des raisons politiques, ce voïvode a fait reconstruire la cour princière mais comme un grand monastère, en s’érigeant en héritier de la dynastie Bassarabe, déjà éteinte. Pendante la première moitié du XIX-e siècle, la ville a mené une politique sage et appliqué pour se créer une belle image de station de villégiature. Visité plusieurs fois par le premier roi de Roumanie, qui semblait désirer se construire ici une résidence d’été, Câmpulung a attiré constamment des visiteurs jusqu’à 1925, l’année ou elle a été officiellement déclarée station climatique. Pendant le communisme, en perdant la qualité de résidence de département, Câmpulung n’as pas été soumis aux pressions de l’industrialisation forcé, par conséquence les investissions locatives ont été diminué. C’est pourquoi l’ancien paysage construit n’a pas été essentiellement changé. C’est pourquoi après la chute du communisme la ville était vraiment représentative comme petite ville historique roumaine. Malheureusement, après 1990, une politique urbaine pas de tout intéressé par les problèmes culturels et historiques permet transformer radicalement le paysage construit de Câmpulung.
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La phase de la reconstruction du fond construit détruit pendant les années de la deuxième guerre mondiale correspond à la «période soviétique» de la République Soviétique Socialiste Moldave. Maintenant toutes les tâches posées en face des urbanistes sont en relation avec la politique de l’Union Soviétique - État puissant, riches en ressources minérales et humaines avec la propriété nationalisée et l’économie centralisée. Pendant la prospérité du culte de la personnalité de I.V. Staline au pays on met en évidence les principes «de l‘urbanisme autoritaire» (staliniste). La nouvelle construction urbaine inclut des ensembles de loger, exclusivement collectifs. On trace la tendance vers la grandeur et l’idée de la représentativité devient dominante. On accorde une grande attention aux effets visuels et aux architectures monumentales qui rendent service à la propagande et constituent «la façade de parade» de l’État Soviétique. Des accents urbanistes «oppressifs» persistent et concentrent «l’essence idéologique» du nouveau système. On élabore des projets de systématisation selon lesquels on réalise la construction urbaine pour les villes les plus importantes de la république. On rédige des séries modèles de bâtiments aux 2, 3 et 4 niveaux. On édifie aussi des constructions à la décoration riche qui ont des détails sculpturaux de pierre, céramique etc., spécifiques aux pays au régime totalitaire pendant la première moitié du XX-ième siècle. Les éléments décoratifs de la symbolique socialiste sont omniprésents dans l’architecture.
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During a funeral the dead becomes excluded from the world of the living and transferred to the world of the dead, by many considered a reflection of the world of the living. In the grave pits everyday use objects, arms, decorations and costume elements are found – they are things the person used during the lifetime. But also gifts are found, deposited with the body during the funeral. In the graves various objects strictly related to the gender were deposited. In female graves they were headband ornaments, “kaptorgas” (containers for magical or religious content), bead necklaces. In male graves they were mainly weapon elements. While presence of some ornaments (for instance clips or rings) in male graves, along with the weapons, can be explained by the fact they were carried with or on clothing during the lifetime, some of them can be evidence of specific equipping of the burial (gifts?). It seems that in order to consider them as gender attributes they must be found at an adult skeleton, in a place where they were carried during the lifetime. An attempt to carry out a detailed analysis of correlation of early-Medieval graves with weapons with the person’s gender encounters, however, many obstacles. For many, especially archival, sites there is no detailed anthropological analysis and gender definition is based on archaeological factors (sic!). In case of many studies there is no topographic analysis of object layout either, and it would be often helpful in finding answers to the question if we are dealing with equipment or grave gift.
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Military successes of the late medieval peoples of the Great Steppe, including the Mongols had many reasons. Of great importance were extraordinary skills of their leaders, great strategy and tactics, functional weaponry as well as easiness to adapt to various environments. Another key element was also the equipment taken on military expeditions. Information about it can be found is some medieval texts (e.g. Ystoria Mongolorum by Giovanni da Pian del Carpine and The Secret History of the Mongols). The remains of the equipment are currently discovered by archaeologists exploring the region of the Great Steppe. This article presents examples of some chosen tools: awls, adzes, hooks for lacing up armours, files, whetstones and firesteels. It lists camping equipment: yurts, cooking cauldrons and other cookware, as well as ropes and lines. The article mentions also leather containers for clothes, which also were used for getting across rivers. The number of tools taken along for expeditions depended on various factors, including wealth, scope of activities, type of the unit, as well as the size of the convoy. Written relations indicate that for example the Mongols had very sizeable trains of wagons. While undertaking the topic of military activities of old warriors of the Great Steppe one should not overlook the equipment they carried along for expeditions.
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Equipment of an early-Medieval warrior was not limited to arms, but included also other artifacts, being accessories used during military expeditions. Author discusses this issue basing on early-Medieval (end of 10th – 13th cent.) graves from Polish lands, including military artifacts and so-called every-day use objects. The following artifact categories were selected for the analysis: knives (with sheath ferrules), tinder-boxes, flints, whetstones, so called ring-pins, sickles, awls, needles, combs, razors, scissors, keys, fishing hooks and fastening hooks. They come from 197 burials, discovered at 70 burial grounds. The performed analysis suggests that the majority of the discussed objects could have been used by the warriors under war conditions. The utilitarian character of the accessories revealed fully during river-crossing, camping and prolonged sieges. Under these circumstances there has always been a need to ignite a camp-fire, prepare and consume a meal, repair the camping equipment, weapons, clothes and even perform hygienic and body-care activities, and on the march, to make a passage through forest thicket. The tools and accessories were most probably warrior’s property, so they were carried as personal equipment. Small objects and provisions were most likely carried in pouches, made of textiles or leather. Whetstones, tinder-boxes and ring-pins, and especially knives were usually placed in leather sheaths, attached to the belt or suspended on the neck. The author is careful in interpretation of a sickle as a distinction of a rider. On the included territory no grave has been found so far with a sickle appearing together with military artifacts considered as attributes of a rider or manifesting ones wealth (spurs, caparison, sword). Besides the grave from Końskie (No 85), where it was found along with a dagger, no other grave with weapons contained a sickle. The author emphasizes also the fact, that the analyzed artifact categories, besides technical-utilitarian functions, are linked also to symbolical-magic content.
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The variety of needs that warrior experienced during war with certainty determined the wealth of his equipment. Objects executed from animal skin were an important element of taken equipment. It seems, that the objects that were folded with the warrior in the grave, beside weapon, can be recognized as the essential element of his war activity. Mediaeval iconography as well as written sources also delivers information about other then military equipment used by warriors. The qualities of leather, good isolation, elasticity, lightness, relative easiness of forming, large accessibility, caused that from the earliest times the different elements of armament were executed from it. Integral parts of side-arms were produced from leather: early-mediaeval and medieval swords grip coverings, rain guards, sword sheaths, swords belts. Manufacturers of weapon also used leather elements: the strap which joint the head of war flail to wooden handle, was made of leather, fragment of leather was put to the axes to better servants to their storage. The armourers used leather as material on thatches of quivers, archers band on the wrist protecting the joint of palm from bowstring as well as to executing the catapult. The leather material was also used by them to produce protections of head and body (helmets, armours and shields). The leather material was also the basic material used to produce horse and riding equipment (spurs straps, leather strap for stirrup, whips, the elements of saddles, leather harness fittings). Girdles were an important element of mediaeval fashion, clipping different elements of clothes and also element to which bags and sheaths were added. Unfortunately, using our criteria, we cannot qualify the form of shoes preferred or especially designed to use in war. We can assume that “civil” footwear was used, and it depended on warriors’ individual preferences, was a result of fashion and also atmospheric conditions and field in which war working rolled. During war expeditions warriors had to possess gloves. The elements of top clothes were also executed from leather. With regard on isolating values of leather, it had to be used to its production unusually willingly. Among executed from leather objects, and taken to war, containers had to be also for liquids: bottles, leather bags and leather pails. The size of this article doesn’t let us discus the whole problems of using leather in needs of war. Introduced review of warrior’s inventory shows however large wealth of leather objects being in his equipment by whole Middle Ages. We hope, that more far complex studies, first of all, over mediaeval iconography, will let us know all the aspects of “men of war” leather equipment.
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The specific character of the accessories of burial of the Wielbark culture, resulting from the selective depositing of the particular categories of objects in the graves, which excluded iron objects, tools and, utmostly important in our case – the armament, limits the probability of identification of the graves of the warriors on the basis of archaeological materials. The objects not prohibited by taboo, yet carrying evident military connotations are spurs, considered the only element of the warrior’s equipment observed in funeral practice. The analysed group numbers 99 graves, dated from phase B1 to D. In the Wielbark culture, the set of objects accompanying the warriors can be generally divided, with regard to their functions, into the following categories: elements of the dress; jewelry; toilet articles; tools; objects connected with custom; and amulets. The first group includes fibulae, buckles, belt-end fittings and belt plates, and pins. The pins were not used exclusively to fasten a cloak, but, among other functions, to fasten a shroud. The second category covers fi nger rings, bracelets and metal necklaces. Toilet articles, used by the warriors in grooming hair and beard, include combs, tweezers and shears. There are few tools. These are mainly knives and needles or awls, while shears appear as extremely rare finds, and in the warriors’ graves they are found miniaturised. An interesting category, connected with the graves with spurs, are articles belonging to the custom context, proving the owner’s high social position. These are imported bronze and glass vessels, gaming pieces, coins, drinking horns and wooden caskets. The wooden caskets are usually considered an attribute of women. Yet because of the presence of their remnants in the graves of the horsemen of Wielbark culture and in the deposits of militaria in the boggy sacrificial sites (for instance: Vimose) it cannot be excluded that the warrior’s equipment could have comprised such kind of containers for tiny objects (like toilet articles), useful during expeditions. The last category are the amulets. As such are considered glass or amber beads and spindle whorls, common in women’s graves. The function of a talisman could have also been performed by bucket-shaped and ball-like pendants, hazelnuts and fossils (shark’s teeth), accompanying the warriors of the Wielbark culture.
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This essay deals with one of the most difficult problems modern society faces nowadays, that is juvenile delinquency. Juvenile delinquency is a “deviation” which refers to any social conduct and gesture that are different from the general behavior and is seen from various points of view: biological, psychological, social and cultural. One fact emerges clearly; the modern society we live in alongside with the complex phenomena of urbanization, industrialization and economic development are factors that lead to juvenile delinquency.
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Lucrarea se ocupa de modul in care se pot depasi valorile moderne negative prin teoria jocului. Aceasta teorie sociologica se focalizeaza pe ideea ca jocul reprezinta o emergenta a eului si ca intreaga cultura poate fi privita ca rezultatul jocului nostru cu cuvinte, sentimente si valori. Poezia lui Page si, Nicholl insumeaza imaginatia, spontaneitatea si subtilitatea care reprezinta de fapt trasaturile esentiale ale jocului pur, estetic.
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