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This article analyses the recent trends of Portuguese labour law, and above all the legislative reform of 2012, which took place in the framework of the current financial, economic and social crisis. Despite being essentially aimed at ensuring the flexibility of labour legislation and the reduction of labour costs, the results seem to be far from satisfactory, and some of its measures seem to violate the Constitution.
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As the International Law Association highlights “[power] entails accountability, i.e. the duty to account for its exercise.” Against this background, the article focuses on the question of accountability of the European Union (EU) border agency Frontex for potential human rights violations that may occur in the course of its operations. The article aims to challenge Frontex’s stance that states bear sole responsibility for any wrongful act. Rather, it is argued here that Frontex may incur responsibility, alongside a wrongdoing state. Shared responsibility, or responsibility for complicity that may arise in such circumstances, would reflect intertwined acts and powers of various actors involved in Frontex’s operations.
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The article discusses the regulatory treatment of consumer credit contracts after the re-codification of private law in the Czech legal order. The New Civil Code has significantly affected contractual relations in the sphere of providing financial means to consumers for a consideration, and this paper aims to describe some representative aspects.
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From its foundation in 1143 to present times, Portugal has been a country very rich in constitutional events. Without intending to cover in detail the long period between the XII century and present times, this article aims rather to take an overview of Portuguese Constitutional History until the present (presided by the Constitution of 1976, with its few amendments). It begins with a glimpse of the pre-liberal, historical constitution(s) as well as the liberal monarchical ones, but it concentrates primarily upon two more recent constitutional texts: the 1911 republican constitution, and the 1933 authoritarian constitution. This last one would die in the carnation revolution in 1974, the mother of the present constitution text, which dates from 1976.
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This paper offers theoretical reflection on sustainability challenge associated with the acts of solidarity. The focus is on the role of social norms, beliefs and local ways of life,as central factors mediating the success of cooperative initiatives, especially where it pertains to heterogeneous groups and interfaces. Based on an experiential account of informal street trade sector in a city of India, the paper first argues that Social and Solidarity Economy (SSE) framework with its expanded notion including voice and agency, has much appeal for managing the urban street trade. However, it also observes that operationalisation of SSE framework – with its spirit of democracy, equality and participation - lays considerable demand on public policy to engage with citizens, as also on administrative capacity and social circumstances. Since SSE framework is value driven, role of norms and beliefs automatically become important in it. As such, manifestation of favourable circumstances – beliefs and practices – is envisaged not only for evolution but more so for sustainability of cooperative behaviour.
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The social economy is an alternative business model, which focuses strictly on maximizing profit, but also has a social component, the labor market integration of persons belonging to vulnerable groups. The theme of this study is to identify the identity profile of social economy organizations in Timisoara, the field size, target groups benefiting from the services, processes and organizational structure, economic performance indicators (economic purpose) social performance indicators (social purpose), partnerships with business, government, community and educational environment. The research is exploratory, empirical and descriptive, the research instrument used was a standardized questionnaire (adapted from -Survey of Social Enterprises in Alberta and British Columbia CANADA, 2010) BC-Alberta Social Economy Research Alliance (Romanian BALTA). Among the main results we include poor self-identification in the self-perception of credit mutual aid unions with social economy, these ones tending to maximize the economic and financial dimension of their work to the detriment of social organizations like bank financial loan.
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The social economy is an alternative business model, which focuses strictly on maximizing profit, but also has a social component, the labor marke integration of persons belonging to vulnerable groups. The theme of this study is to identify the identity profile of social economy organizations in Timisoara, the field size, target groups benefiting from the services, processes and organizational structure, economic performance indicators (economic purpose) social performance indicators (social purpose), partnerships with business, government, community and educational environment. The research is exploratory, empirical and descriptive, the research instrument used was a standardized questionnaire (adapted from -Survey of Social Enterprises in Alberta and British Columbia CANADA, 2010) BC-Alberta Social Economy Research Alliance (Romanian BALTA). Among the main results we include poor self-identification in the self-perception of credit mutual aid unions with social economy, these ones tending to maximize the economic and financial dimension of their work to the detriment of social organizations like bank financial loan.
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Adopting the current draft law on social economy (SE) would rather support the labour insertion of vulnerable groups through SE entities then the development of the SE as a socio and economic sector. Even though the paper reviews the pros and cons of an SE law draft, the final purpose is not to support the adjustment or abandoning of an SE law draft, nor to put forward another proposal. The originality of the paper consists in the scientific contribution in substantiating a decision of the policy makers responsible in this respect.
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Adopting the current draft law on social economy (SE) would rather support the labour insertion of vulnerable groups through SE entities then the development of the SE as a socio and economic sector. Even though the paper reviews the pros and cons of an SE law draft, the final purpose is not to support the adjustment or abandoning of an SE law draft, nor to put forward another proposal. The originality of the paper consists in the scientific contribution in substantiating a decision of the policy makers responsible in this respect.
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This text is an analysis of the social economy practices as a means of reducing poverty. Besides the patterns of social economy of protected entities, we are seeking an extrapolation of social economy in traditional practices. We have analysed a series of interviews with people involved in the implementation and promotion of social economy projects and several possible models of traditional activities have been searched which may be the object of the social economy. Documentation made for this research suggests that there are models of traditional social economy in certain Romanian geographical areas not adequately promoted and shared with other communities. The analysis highlighted some weaknesses of the event and functioning of these practices and traditional social economy models. They concern the difficulties of traditional activities sustainability by lack of marketing, utilizing products, market and especially very small and occasional profit. Although profit is not found only in the last goals of social economy and is recommended for reinvestment, it remains important for covering minimum needs. In this context, these weaknesses constitute the risk factors in maintaining motivation to support these activities in the social economy.
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The Foreign Affairs journal is an important asset for analysis of American foreign policy and the most important global topics for nearly a century. In the 1990-ties many of the authors in this journal dealt with the issue of Yugoslavia – the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and a series of wars that followed on its former territory. The Yugoslav crisis was analyzed by the different authors: theorists, prominent journalists, and politicians that were directly involved in different stages of the Yugoslav crisis, such as David Owen, Warren Zimmerman or Carl Bildt. Most of the attention was devoted to the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo. The causes of the Yugoslav tragedy were analyzed, in many articles on the Yugoslav wars in the 1990s, published in Foreign Affairs, with a special focus on origins of internal tensions that preceded the tragic collapse of the Yugoslavia. The most frequent topic of those articles, was the role of foreign factors in crisis and wars in the former Yugoslavia. The issue of international recognition of the breakaway Yugoslav republics at the beginning of the wars, and NATO air strikes against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999 was specifically addressed. Several Foreign Affairs articles published the nineties and the early years of the millennium evaluated of the political situation in countries of the former Yugoslavia in the post-conflict period. Common to almost all authors who were analyzing this subject are negative remarks on the post-war development in parts of the former Yugoslavia, which were mostly affected by the crisis and wars of the 90s. An integral part of the contence in those articles, were recommendations of authors to those international actors who are able to influence the processes in the former Yugoslavia.
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The article is scrutinizing stages of disintegration of SFRY, from the crisis which characterized the 80s to erosion heralded with the disintegration of LCY and realignment of political players during 1990. The collision between leaderships of republics, which produced divisions within the state Presidency, as well as collision between the Presidency, Federal Executive Council and the military is traced through the failed attempts to stop the erosion of the security situation in Yugoslavia at thte end of 1990 and beginning of 1991. Through the documents, media sources and the memories of participants, the article analyses activity and mutual raltions of key actors in the period of deepening og Yugoslav crisis in the direction of paralysis and violent disintegration of the state.
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