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The scope of the jurisdiction of the Rector of the Krakow Academy was determined by the foundation privileges of Kazimierz Wielki and Władysław Jagiełło; the latter had subsequently been extended by the university statutes as well as by the royal and urban documents. The judicial competence of the Rector, named in legal documents as the “highest judge”, referred above all to members of the university corporation, but also to people remaining outside this structure (e.g. in some cases to the Krakow townsmen). The Rector assumed the jurisdiction the moment he had taken an oath. The students and professors of the Krakow Academy were also subject to the Rector’s judicial authority, the moment they had taken an oath. The subject range of the Rector’s jurisdiction comprised penal cases, including those relating to disciplinary issues. The jurisdiction also extended to civil law: confirmation of documents, certain institutions of inheritance law and even civil contentions relating to copyright law. The Rector adjudicated on the basis of canon law, Roman law and customary law as well as on the basis of the university statutes. The procedure was based on a shortened and simplified mode derived from canon law. The trial was of an adversarial nature and consequently, the penal and civil proceedings did not differ much one from another. All proceedings were based on the principle of oral testimonies. The hearing of evidence was based on a legal theory of evidence. The fundamental type of evidence was an oath, but other forms of evidence were also allowed, including testimonies of women witnesses. The majority of cases adjudicated by the Rector concerned the students of the Academy; proceedings against professors were also conducted. The most common offences concerned disciplinary matters, offences against morality, neglect of duties, theft of books, fights. Among the adjudicated punishments there predominated fines although one could also come across penalties of temporary imprisonment or church punishments, such as excommunication. The students and professors were protected by immunity, thanks to which they could not be held responsible before municipal and magistrates courts. As a matter of rule, one could not appeal against the verdict passed by the Rector, although there were other legal measures that enabled one to avoid punishment. During the reforms implemented by H. Kołłątaj, attempts were made to broaden the extent of the Rector’s judicial competence, yet the latter had never been implemented on a wider scale. The Rector’s jurisdiction was eventually abolished by the Austrian authorities.
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Over the course of history, on countless occasions the law had been treated as an instrument for conducting policy. Such is also the contemporary understanding of the function of law in democratic countries. Yet, during the Jagiellon period the law was a means, not an end. It was defined in absolute terms, as a desirable ideal state for which one should strive. Consequently, it was politics that served as a means for the realization of the goal, which was the law, and not conversely. Moreover, the view that civil law should be in accord with divine law and natural law, was widely accepted. Consequently, creating new laws required an axiological justification. Among the goals of the constitutions passed by Parliament, the legislators enumerated, among others, the wellbeing of citizens, peace, good government, order, justice. At the same time, in the opinion of the gentry, it was the privileges which in many cases constituted a departure from the common law and served as a means of realization of one’s immediate political goals, this playing a highly negative role. This type of policy was curbed by the limitations imposed by the concept of common law perceived as superordinate over particular and individual rights, and at the same time understood as wise law that was in accord with the divine and natural law. In its relation to politics, common law was therefore perceived as a goal to which all group and individual rights used in the form of political instruments should be subordinated. The Polish common law which had been shaped during the first Jagiellon rulers, became the fundamental goal of the policy of the Polish state during the reign of the last representatives of this dynasty.
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The phrase suum cuique as an incarnation of “justice,” like many other Latin dicta, is deeply enrooted in the mental consciousness of mankind, and it lives its own life as a part of the so-called universal culture. Generally speaking, reference to Roman justice served and still serves as a justification of one’s own actions when such actions cannot defend themselves by their own formal correctness. It is, therefore, recourse to the eternal values, the understanding of which, however, is determined by one’s own experience or by experience of a particular epoch. This is proved by words of the authors mentioned in the title of the study, though separated from each other by several centuries and having different visions of the world, they considered the embodiment of this phenomenon in the phrase suum cuique as the most appropriate for their own narrative and judgmental description of the reality. Shakespeare, although he undoubtedly saw in Roman justice a guarantee of justification of certain actions, referred to this idea without a deeper analysis. Müller, one of the most important German dramatists of the second half of the 20th century, screaming through the voice of Tamora, who demands “Roman justice,” showed that a call for Roman fundamenta as well as for Roman iura et mores almost for the last time stands in the unsolved conflict with one’s own inhumane actions and inflation of all values that mankind has persistently considered as permanent.The article aims to analyse a cultural commentary on the use of the phrase suum cuique – a commentary understood as a way of bringing something that is analysed into the reality current for a commentator. In one dimension, this can be a dramatic comment rather than a simple description of a certain reality. Therefore, such a commentary should not be assigned only to a single commentator-narrator but to many who represent different eras.
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The article comprises a brief description of the functions of provost and councilor at the Law College of the Krakow University; it describes their competence scope, responsibilities and constitutional empowerment within the structure of the University and the Collegeand gives a list of the persons who had performed these functions in the individual semesters in the years 1628–1657. The fundamental source which had been consulted in the process of compiling this data was an account register of the Law College from the years 1628–1694 (Jagiellonian University Archives, manuscript no 49).
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The trade contacts between the Kingdom of England and the Polish Commonwealth in the 17th c. were very lively. The commodity which was in particularly high demand in Poland was the English cloth. It was the English Trading Company with its seat in Elbląg that had the privilege for its supply. Yet political problems had exerted a negative impact on a harmonious economic cooperation. During the so called “Prussian” war of 1626, Gdańsk had retained its allegiance to the Polish Commonwealth, whereas Elbląg surrendered to the Swedes. In retaliation, at a Parliamentary session of 1628, Gdańsk had been granted compensation for the losses caused by the war and subsequently, due to the empty state treasury, it was granted the right to charge stamp duty on the cloth that was obligatorily transported through the Gdańsk port. Finally, the Trading Company had been deprived of its seat in Elbląg. The efforts of the Company agents, who also enjoyed the status of royal envoys, aimed at establishing the company’s seat in Gdańsk and ultimately liquidating the Gdańsk duty stamp. An example of the activities undertaken by the Company was the diplomatic mission of Francis Gordon at the Polish Seym in 1637. His legation had been received and heard by the deputies of the Polish Diet on 18 February; Gordon had read the letter of king Charles I Stuart pointing to the dangers and losses which resulted from stamping English cloth by the Gdańsk port authorities. Yet Gordon’s mission did not achieve anything as the Seym’s session ended ineffectively and no resolutions were passed. The battle for the liquidation of the stamp continued. At a successive Seym session in 1638, a resolution concerning a temporary suspension of the Gdańsk privilege had been reached; it was even debated whether the privilege is at all in accord with the law of the Polish Commonwealth, if it constituted a restriction of the freedom of trade. Finally at a Seym session in 1647, it was decided that the stamp should not be withdrawn, but that other port cities should also have a right to use it.
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This study focused on the domain, gender and age differences in the creative behavior of children. The questions on creativity model building were raised because of the significant implications of creativity for education and curricular development, as well as the improvement of creative teaching and teaching to develop creativity in children at the primary school level. The study participants were children aged 8–15, as well as prospective primary school teachers. The results showed the identifiable domain structure of children's creative behavior, gender-specific changes in the domain averages with age, and the close relationships of task commitment and knowledge acquisition with creativity. The findings of this study are discussed in relation to the definition and measurement of creativity construct and in the context of education.
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The aim of this study was to examine unique contributions of different dimensions of students’ temperament (self-control, positive affectivity and negative affectivity), students’ emotional regulation, students’ adjustment problems (the presence of internalizing and externalizing symptoms), and students’ perception of parental behavior of their mothers and fathers (parental dimensions of emotionality, acceptance and rejection) in explaining their school success. The sample consisted of 553 students (275 girls and 278 boys) mean age of 13 years. By using hierarchical regression analysis, the results obtained in the subsample of boys revealed a significant and unique contribution of students’ temperament, emotional regulation and parental behavior in explaining the variability of school success. Boys who are more prone to anger but are less fearful, who regulate their emotions effectively, and who perceive to be accepted by their mothers and fathers, have higher levels of school success. On the subsample of girls, only emotional regulation has a significant and positive contribution in the explanation of their school success; girls who regulate their emotions effectively have higher grades.
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Self-perceived employability denotes how individuals view their possibilities of attaining sustainable employment in relation with their qualifications. Thus, employability perceptions hold invaluable importance when one is presented with job insecurity and also help form coping strategies. The aim of this study was to examine the relationship between self-perceived employability, objective employability and personality dispositions. We used a convenience sample of students (N=230) from nine different faculty studies at the University of Zagreb. Objective employability was defined by "Recommendations for education enrollment and scholarship policy" (HZZ, 2013). Students participated via on-line survey by giving responses on self-perceived employability and personality disposition scales (core self-evaluations, locus of control, positive and negative affect). The analysis demonstrated that objective employability had the biggest account for variance explanation of self-perceived employability. Despite significant correlations displayed between all personality dispositions (except for locus of control) and self-perceived employability, only the core self-evaluations disposition accounted for the significant unique contribution to self- -perceived employability variance, besides objective employability.
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Faking behavior on personality questionnaires can be defined as a respondent’s tendency to consciously give incorrect answers in order to increase chances for obtaining their goal, e.g. getting the job. Given the fact that it is a behavior which is neither easily detected nor measured, from both theoretical and practical perspectives, it is important to identify the factors which determine whether applicants will fake their responses, and to what extent. In attempts to answer this question, in the last decade several groups of authors have systemized possible factors and suggested the models which specify key determinants of faking behavior and their mutual relationships. Since the models have been developed in a short period of time, they mostly do not refer to each other. Consequently, various authors often use different labels for the same determinants, as well as the same labels for different determinants, while in scarce empirical studies they measure the same constructs variously. Hence, the goal of this overview is to systematically present and critically review all relevant models of faking. The overview is concluded by emphasizing the similarities and differences between the models, which can serve as the basis for future research on faking determinants in a selection context.
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Carolyn M. Callahan i Holly L. Hertberg-Davis (Ur.), FUNDAMENTALS OF GIFTED EDUCATION Considering Multiple Perspectives Routledge, New York, 2013., 476 str. Ellen Winner, Thalia R. Goldstein i Stéphan Vincent-Lancrin, ART FOR ART'S SAKE? The Impact of Arts Education Educational Research and Innovation, OECD Publishing, Pariz, 2013., 266 str. Rašeljka Krnić i Benjamin Perasović, SOCIOLOGIJA I PARTY SCENA Zagreb, Naklada Ljevak, 2013., 399 str. Anita Dremel (Ur.), ŠTO ŽENA UMIJE Zagorka, rad, rod, kulturna proizvodnja i potrošnja i vizualne reprodukcije književnosti Centar za ženske studije, Zagreb, 2014., 240 str. Zdravka Jelaska Marijan i Zlatko Matijević (Ur.), PRAVAŠTVO U HRVATSKOME POLITIČKOM I KULTURNOM ŽIVOTU U SUČELJU DVAJU STOLJEĆA Hrvatski institut za povijest, Zagreb, 2013., 599 str.
More...Sport, hatalom és állambiztonság a korai Kádár-korszakban
On 2 November 1961, the vice president of Ferencváros Sports Club (FTC) and party secretary of the society, Károly Weidemann was arrested on suspicion of subversion of the democratic state order and other crimes. We will use the process to present how the political police treated FTC, which had been a symbol of opposition both for the fans (the “people”) and the authorities (the “power”) since the end of the 1940s. Though after 1956, the club could retain both the name and the club colors restored during the revolution, and it did not have to give up its best players either, the state authorities continued to regard Ferencváros as the meeting place of “reactionary” and “fascist” elements. The secret police suspected hostile political intent behind any expression of “fradista” identity, and regarded the scandals accompanying the matches as premeditated actions organized and secretly controlled by the enemy forces clustered around the sports society. It was in the beginning of 1961, at the latest, when the secret police turned its attention to the person of Weidemann, after receiving intelligence of his presumptive “fascist” past and subversive statements. On the basis of these, they thought Weidemann must have played the role of organizer and leader. Moreover, his person could explain why the secret police had failed before to identify the man actually responsible for the disturbances, as Weidemann could use his position in the club leadership and in the party to cover up his doings. An open investigation was launched with the consent of the top party leadership, but it failed to yield the expected results. As they considered the disturbances premeditated provocations, the investigators were looking for organized groups among the fans, but they lost traces of the FTC supporters sitting together on the stand as soon as they left the stadium. The only organized group was the Circle of Fans, but Weidemann was on openly bad terms with them. The investigation was a total failure: not even did they manage to document the manifestations of subversive political intent by the fans of Ferencváros. Though the party leadership of the capital declared the “FTC problem” resolved in the April of 1962, this failure must have played a part in why FTC continued to remain in the focus of political police activity targeting sports and especially football even in the following years.
More...Kapitalista olimpia helyett Barátság Játékok
With the goal of promoting peace, the modern Olympic movement was born on the eve of the 20th century, burdened with political and ideological tensions, therefore international conflicts have always had an effect on the summer Olympics. After World War II, despite the fact that the world had become bipolar, sports could continue to surmount the political, social and ideological differences between countries for some time. But in the 1980s, the conflict between the Soviet Union and the USA became so intense that the Olympic Games became the theatre of waging international conflicts with political leaders resorting to the means of boycott. The group of participants was not complete either at the 1980 summer Olympics in Moscow, or in Los Angeles in 1984. In compensation, the athletes of the Socialist countries boycotting the 1984 Summer Olympics could participate in the A-category Friendship Games in the summer of 1984. Staying away from the Olympic Games, however, deeply wounded everybody, and the “surrogate Olympics” provided opportunity for abuse. Even though the Olympics became victim of power politics in the 1980s, it managed to rise renewed from its ashes as the leaders of the biggest powers of the world realized that they need to resolve their political conflicts elsewhere. In 1989-1990, the transformation of world order and the series of regime changes provided a new framework and new possibilities for managing international sport relations.
More...A Csodacsatár két változatáról
The 1950s was a remarkable period in the history of Hungarian football, not just because of the spectacular results, but we can surely state that the Golden Team (Aranycsapat) was an image-building means in the propaganda arsenal of national communism, which played a prominent role in the system-level symbiosis of sports and politics. The way the team's fame was changing and was being shaped grew far beyond the significance of the events of sports history: the riots on the streets of Budapest after the 1954 world cup final as well as the rewriting and deletion of the memory of those players who stayed abroad after the crushing of the 1956 revolution equally belong to the interpretive context of Márton Keleti's movie A Csodacsatár (The marvellous striker), which was originally filmed in the summer of 1956, then partially re-filmed with new actors in 1957. In my paper, I mainly look for answers to the question: what strategies of politics of memory can be detected in the storyline of the movie as well as in the characterization and the modal formation of the genre of satire? Both versions of the movie can be interrogated using such interpretive interests since it thematizes fame itself, as it is being formed in mass media, in such a way that in its historical references it recalls the political agents and practices of both the interwar period and the Rákosi regime.
More...Farkas Mihály és a Budapesti Honvéd labdarúgó csapata
With the establishment of the Stalinist system, nationalization commenced even in sports in Hungary. After various restructuring efforts, the single-party state created an extremely centralized top organization to oversee sports (OTSB), which was directly controlled by the party, more specifically by the Sports Department of the Administrative Office of the Hungarian Working People's Party (MDP). This department was led by Mihály Farkas, one of the most powerful politicians of the system, who, as minister of defence, championed the idea of creating a sports club for the army. Established in December 1949 in Kispest and officially founded in February 1950, Budapest Honvéd was one of the most distinguished sport clubs of the Rákosi era up until its fall in the autumn of 1956. This is especially true of the football division where such soccer geniuses as Ferenc Puskás and József Bozsik were playing, and where key players of the Hungarian national side, the Mighty Magyars, including Sándor Kocsis, Gyula Grosics and Zoltán Czibor, ended up through “controlled” transfers. However, due to the circumstances, the players could not become professional footballers: officially, all of them were officers of the Hungarian People's Army, who supplemented their salary with modest bonuses and smuggling, which was tacitly overlooked by the Farkas-led sports leadership. Between 1950 and 1956, the “Great Honvéd” won one championship after the other and remained Hungary's most successful football club even after Mihály Farkas was deprived of some of his powers in the summer of 1953. After losing his seat of defence minister, Farkas was not in a position any more to influence the life of the sports society with the usual favours, and the team harmony, between the players accustomed to rewards started to break down. In the summer of 1956, the MDP party leadership named Farkas “the primary person responsible” for the unlawful Stalinist acts, and had him arrested in autumn. In the same autumn, after the fall of the revolution and war of independence, several Honvéd footballers and leaders, then on a tour abroad, decided not to return home. This way, in paradox way simultaneously, yet independently from each other, ended the career of one of the most prominent leaders of the Stalinist era and fell into pieces the greatest and most successful football team of the 1950s.
More...Czibor Zoltán és a belügy
After the communist takeover, those in power quickly realized the risks and the possibilities inherent in Hungarian sports life. Parallel with the establishment of the dictatorship, the top leadership of the party signed several party resolutions, which led to the complete reorganization of the institutional framework of Hungarian sports life. With only slight alterations, the results of this essentially survived until the change of regime, despite the fact that the Kádár regime later split with the Stalinist traditions of the Rákosi era. In my paper, I describe the relationship between the communist power and football through the analysis of an actual state security operation, which–apart from getting us closer to understanding the operational mechanism of the political police of the era– provides interesting additions to the biography of one of the greatest geniuses of Hungarian football history, Zoltán Czibor. The Olympic gold medalist, world cup silver medalist left winger's first encounter and cooperation with the State Protection Authority (ÁVH) is a typical example of the communist internal affairs authorities' incompetent and ill-advised decisions, which, to use soccer terminology, “went offside”. In practice, Czibor's network activity failed to– and as we will see, it simply could not– yield the expected results, and the action plan the secret police developed after the crushing of the revolution and Czibor's emigration was doomed to failure from the start. Even though, during the dictatorship, the communist secret police failed to construct the psychological profile of the ideal informer, the scanty archival sources we have on Czibor, and which sometimes need to be treated critically, clearly prove that the footballer was very much unfit for working in the network of informers.
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After the 1848/49 revolution and war of independence, a peculiar element in Austrian politics aiming at abolishing the results of the revolution was the appointment politically loyal bishops. In our paper, we discuss the political aspects of the appointment of these bishops and mostly the proposals and arguments that came up at the meetings of the council of ministers. We will also review the group of candidates, taking into account the results of recent literature, as well as the apparent changes in the appointment process. In 1848, the ultimatum-like proposal of the Batthyány government resulted in the appointment of new bishops, among whom there were conservative (e.g. János Hám) and liberal (e.g. Mihály Horváth) prelates alike. The minister of home affairs, Alexander Bach, who was also responsible for church politics between 1849 and 1850, considered it a matter of principle to annul the appointments that had taken place during the 1848 revolution. Until 1850, Bach's influence on appointments was decisive, and he primarily made political decisions. János Scitovszky archbishop of Esztergom also had considerable influence, and a couple of his reliable colleagues were granted an episcopal office. Bach regularly consulted Anton Geringer, and occasionally asked the opinion of Josip Jellačić as well. The way the appointment of bishops was managed was radically different from what was to come from 1851. From that year, standard competitions were announced, while the influence of Leo Thun, minister of education became decisive over the appointments.
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