Glasul Minorităţilor. La Voix des Minorités. Die Stimme der Minderheiten. 1934-11+12
please find in the » Introduction.pdf « a complete Table of Content for all annual issues of 1934
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please find in the » Introduction.pdf « a complete Table of Content for all annual issues of 1934
More...O (nie)możliwości reformy religijnej na przykładzie towiańczyków (perspektywa antropologiczna)
In the article, I discuss the concept of moral-religious renewal proposed by the Circle of Towiańskiites and the failure of the idea in practice. The main question in the article is: why did these passionate reformers of the official Church follow down the path of ecclesiastical mechanisms even faster than the Church itself? Is the implementation of the idea of moral-ethical and religious renewal necessarily doomed to the dialectic of orthodoxy, reform, and counter-reform? And is this practice always a dangerous existential experiment ending in violence? My answer is inspired by Victor Turner, who has described the phenomenon of communitas, as well as the work of Eugen Drewermann and Tomasz Polak’s analysis of unsuccessful attempts to reform the church system. At the same time, I try to add nuance to the understanding of the ideas of individual activists of the Circle of God’s Cause. For instance, Mickiewicz’s ideology appears as slightly different to that of Towiański’s. Mickiewicz, more than Towiański, calls for a return to metaphysical questions (Where do we come from? Who are we? Where are we going?) instead of focusing only on moral renewal and ethics. Therefore, his religious path cannot be boiled down to two stages: the word and the deed. The poet leans more towards freedom of silence (understood as an attitude). These ideas are present not only in "Liryki lozańskie" and in "Zdania i uwagi" but also in Mickiewicz’s letter to Towiański of 12 May 1847, a moving reckoning with the sins of Towianism.
More...Towianizm jako projekt literacki
The article focuses on the problem of Towiański’s attitude to poetry. The starting point is the convictions established in the literature on the subject of Master Andrzej’s negative approach to art and the deprecating attitude to the works of poets – adepts of his science. The text is an attempt to revise the common findings expressed by outstanding literary historians such as Konrad Górski or Alina Kowalczykowa.
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In the first part of the article, the author analyses Zygmunt Krasiński’s attitude to Towianism seen as a kind of religious doctrine, based primarily on the writer’s letters to various addressees. It is emphasised that at first Krasiński approached Towiański’s ideas open-mindedly and even found in them some important elements that were in line with his own philosophy of history. In later years, after the Spring of Nations, his attitude changed considerably as he began to consider Towianism one of the greatest threats to Polishness. The second part of the article contains a comprehensive reconstruction of Krasiński’s attitude towards Andrzej Towiański as a public figure. The writer devoted much attention to the phenomenon of magnetism which, as he suspected, was used by Towiański in the relations with his followers and other people around him. On the other hand, he maintained a distance from the suspicion that Master Andrzej was a Russian agent. Krasiński did not consider Towiański a prophet but a “mighty” (strong) personality and thought some of his religious ideas worth attention. Later, Krasiński significantly changed his attitude towards Towiański and after 1848 consistently described him as a personal enemy and an “agent of hell”.
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On 26 April, the U.S. initiated the Ukraine Contact Group, which will coordinate military equipment and weapons aid from at least 43 states to Ukraine. One of the group’s priorities will be to provide heavy artillery and ammunition, which are critical to Ukraine’s defence. With the focus of Russia’s operations on the east and south of Ukraine, the defenders are running out of artillery systems and munitions, which should be re-filled quickly. The role of artillery in Russia’s operational art and tactics also have implications for defence planning for the Eastern Flank of NATO.
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Israel’s stance on Russia’s latest aggression against Ukraine remains cautious. The Israeli government is providing political support to Ukraine, focusing on humanitarian aid and assistance for the Jewish population, but avoids directly condemning Russia. Israel’s neutral stance may allow it to play a mediating role but the effectiveness of these actions remains limited.
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In the face of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Slovakia has supported its neighbour diplomatically with humanitarian aid and military resources. The war in the country next door, particularly the inflow of refugees, is a logistical challenge for the Slovak authorities as well as politically because of ongoing internal disputes. However, it represents another political and social breakthrough in terms of defining Slovakia’s national security and the perception of Russia in the country.
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Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has had the knock-on effect of a sudden increase in oil prices on the world market and OPEC+ countries have not yet been willing to respond to increase supplies. In an effort to limit Russia’s budget revenues from the oil trade, Canada, the U.S. and, the United Kingdom have embargoed Russian crude. While the EU has not joined them, the effects of the rapid changes in the oil market, European consumers will see sharp increases in the prices of goods and services with the European economy potentially slipping into stagflation.
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Military operations in Ukraine continued in four directions - two in the south of the country, one in the east, and one in the north. In all these regions, especially in encircled cities, such as Mariupol and Kharkiv, the humanitarian situation is deteriorating. Despite suffering significant losses, Russia still has the ability to support its fighting units, although it still has difficulties, especially with logistics.
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Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has caused Sweden to further tighten its relations with the U.S. and deepen cooperation with NATO. It is in tandem with Finland, with which it closely coordinates next steps to strengthen defence in the Nordic-Baltic region. In Sweden, however, the political debate on membership in the Alliance is less advanced.
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The Bulgarian authorities - despite the strong pro-Russia sentiments of part of the society and some political groups - condemned the Russian invasion of Ukraine. They also have accepted war refugees. However, given its energy dependence on Russia, Bulgaria is avoiding demands for a radical tightening of sanctions, especially on Russian gas and oil. At the same time, because of its traditional policy of balancing between Russia and Turkey, it is reluctant to strengthen NATO’s presence on its territory.
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From the beginning of the invasion, Russia has been trying to deter Western countries from supporting Ukraine. It did not threaten an immediate nuclear attack, but has been signalling that further escalation might lead to it. This was met with a measured response from NATO nuclear-armed countries and has not prevented arms deliveries to Ukraine nor the imposition of sanctions on Russia. The fear of nuclear war with Russia, however, did influence the NATO decision to exclude direct involvement in the conflict and resistance of some allies to actions that, in their opinion, could be interpreted by Russia as joining the hostilities.
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Despite the relative progress of its offensive in southern Ukraine, Russia is far from achieving the main political goal of regime change or capitulation of the government in Ukraine. Russia might now adapt its forces’ tactics and capabilities for siege and urban warfare in the main cities and capital of Ukraine. Elements of this adaptation might be a much bigger role for cluster munitions and thermobaric weapons, which are especially dangerous for both the defenders and civilians of Ukraine.
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The approach of individual members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to the Russian aggression varies and is reflected in the indecisiveness of the entire organisation. In the context of ASEAN’s underlying principles, including sovereignty and territorial integrity, such a stance could damage its reputation as a defender of the rules-based international order. The conflict in Ukraine may also affect ASEAN countries, for example, through turbulence in the world economy.
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The shelling and bombing of Ukrainian cities threaten the cultural heritage of Ukraine, including the most important sites inscribed on the UNESCO list. International law provides for the protection of cultural property, and the provisions of the relevant conventions are applicable during this war. Given the scale of the Russian attacks, the international community should join Ukraine’s efforts to preserve endangered assets.
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Lithuania actively supports Ukraine in the political and military dimensions. It argues that the NATO partners should provide the besieged country with all available means. Moreover, it perceives the Russian aggression as a threat to its own security and that of the other Baltic States. That is why it is striving to strengthen NATO’s Eastern Flank, which was the subject of talks on 7 March between the Lithuanian government and U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken in Vilnius.
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During his trip to Europe on 6-11 March, which included a visit to Warsaw, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau tightened cooperation with NATO allies (Germany, Latvia, and the UK) on support for Ukraine. Following Russia’s attack, Trudeau announced subsequent shipments of military equipment for Ukraine, including lethal weapons. The goal of his trip also was to coordinate economic sanctions and humanitarian aid for refugees. Closer cooperation with Poland on issues of delivering humanitarian help and evacuating Ukrainian refugees from Poland and Central European countries to Canada will be crucial.
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Even before the invasion of Ukraine, Belarus and Russia were cooperating closely militarily and politically. Although the Belarusian army has not taken part in the fighting, Russia is using Belarus as a base to conduct hostilities in Ukraine. Maintaining such cooperation with Russia will mean further political and economic losses for Belarus.
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Ukrainian authorities have been appealing to the international community and NATO to introduce a no-fly zone (NFZ) over Ukraine. NATO is not willing to do that because of the risk of direct conflict with Russia and the threat of a nuclear escalation. However, the allies can support Ukraine in a way that seriously limits the effectiveness of Russian air attacks.
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After the start of Russia’s attack on Ukraine, the German government began work on diversifying supplies of energy resources and becoming independent from Russia, which will, however, be a long-term process. In the area of security, Germany is emphasising solidarity with its NATO allies and has announced a decision to significantly increase its defence spending. The war in Ukraine has politically strengthened Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who gained in public opinion polls after announcing a change in direction of German policy.
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