Keywords: the veterans’ organisation; Home Army; Peasant Battalions; People’s Army; Gomułka's Thaw
The Lublin branch of ZBoWiD was established simultaneously with the veterans’ organisation ZBoWiD, in 1949. In the Stalinist period the activities of the Lublin branch boiled down to propaganda. Its functions were limited by members from PZPR (the Polish United Workers’ Party, PUWP), striving to eliminate the Society, as e.g. Grzegorz Wajskop. After 1956 the organisation accomplished a strong comeback, based upon former AK (Home Army) soldiers. The catalyst of the organisation’s renewal after 1956 was the spontaneous voivodeship (provincial) convention staged by WW2 partisans of the Lublin region on 11th November, 1956. As a result of elections held in individual local branches throughout the voivodeship, their managements were joined by mainly soldiers, former members of such underground organisations, as BCh (Peasant Battalions) and AK. They dominated the key positions in ZBoWiD, removing the representative of extreme leftist underground organisations (GL/AL,People’s Guard/People’s Army). At conventions numerously attended by partisans of the Lublin region, the Stalinist period (symbolised by Lavrentiy Beria) and the persecutions of those years were discussed, and harshly criticised by participants of the convention.AK/BCh soldiers maintained their influence in the Society until 1958. Subsequently to new elections to the Society’s authorities, strictly associated with the approaching 2nd Congress of ZBoWiD (in 1959), AK and BCh members were pushed out of the Society’s authorities, former GL/AL soldiers (now members of PZPR) being selected to replace them. AK/BCh member again suffered marginalization and discrimination from 1959 on, performing marginal, meaningless functions. The article presents how the events of one of the so-called Polish months impacted the functions and rebirth of the Society in the post-Stalinist period; it is also an attempt to outline the political position achieved by AK soldiers in ZBoWiD after 1956.
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Keywords: People’s Republic of Poland; Władysław Gomułka; pricing policy; resistance
The People’s Republic of Poland (PRL) never had a real market. In their longterm policies on prices, the communist authorities sacrificed the requirement of market balance, resorting instead to the principle of stable prices for basic products. But, the rules of economy cannot be ignored for a long time. Therefore, when the market balance collapsed, triggering market turmoil, the prices had to be risen. In 1963, after a harsh winter during which the authorities were incapable, i.a. of supplying citizens with enough coal, two rises of prices of products necessary for every household, were carried out. On 1st April, the prices of coal and fi rewood changed, as did the fees for electrical power, gas, central heating and water. Whereas on 15th September the retail prices were risen of dairy products (milk, cream, cheese, quark, ice cream, milk powder and milk beverages) and of distilled vinegar, vodkas, wines, rectified spirit, denatured alcohol, and matches. The prices had not been consulted neither with trade unions, nor communist party structures. The rises were explained by the need to counteract wastage and force savings upon society. In a situation when mass media were under the complete control of the ruling party, society could voice its opinion only by independent forms of expression. In the second quarter of 1963, a popular measure consisted in distributing satirical verses that mocked the higher prices of energy and the socialist system of work. Discontent was basically expressed by jokes and rumours ridiculing the rulers, disseminated in various circles, anonymous signs or some leaflets. Mockery and joke are the weapon of the weak, as the citizens of PRL felt so against the communist state in the early 1960s. Inhabitants of the Poznań voivodeship in their majority refrained from any serious protests. The people of Great Poland were prevented from reacting by the still vivid memories of the ruthlessness of the system, demonstrated i.a. during the pacification of Poznań in June 1956. Also, the 1960s marked the definite end of open resistance against the new system. After the time of “wrestling” with the new rulers in the 1940s and 1950s, people tried to arrange their lives somehow, in the consolidated communist reality; traditions rejected by the communists, were transferred to private circles of friends and families
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Keywords: social resistance;universal elections; Władysław Gomułka; political st
Forms of social resistance associated with universal elections in Poland in the period of “Little Stabilisation” – outline universal elections in the People’s Republic of Poland (PRL) were never free, therefore, they did not reflect the true social attitude towards the system and individual governments; they only reaffirmed the rulers’ political preferences in formal terms. They were a tool used to legitimise the system, perform a selection done by upper party authorities amongst the members of “upper bureaucratic class” and a peculiar survey to measure social support and the rulers’ ability to exert control over society. Social opposition to electoral incapacity was present with varying force throughout the period of PRL, even though historians were mentioning it sporadically and tritely, usually on margin of the descriptions of electoral campaigns that took place in times crucial for the nation, such as elections to the Legislative Parliament in 1947, or the first parliamentary elections after the October turning point of 1956. Resistance to elections was proportionate to the restrictions of voting freedom imposed by the authorities, and the applied repressions. In the first elections of the “Gomułka era” – in 1957 and 1958 – its relatively most frequent forms were open (speeches at electoral meetings, letters addressed to the authorities, voting behind curtain) and, in a small degree, nonetheless organised (attempts to put forward independent electoral lists, organise electoral campaigns for candidates placed on so-called non-mandate [low] positions on voting lists, crossing off individual candidates according to a common scheme). With the progress of system stabilization and atomisation of society that was unified for a short time after October 1957, acts of resistance related to elections gradually became increasingly anonymous and dispersed (crossing off concrete candidates and entire voting cards behind the curtain, taking away or destroying voting cards, adding notes on voting cards). Their geographic location mainly comprised the conservative rural areas of southern and eastern Poland, and large urban centres. The force of opposition against elections diminished as the mobilisation measures intensified, after 1956 one of the primary tools of defending the system that was undermined by the changes of October 1956. The increasing passivity and indifference (also as a result of deteriorating living standards) since the early 1960s were leading to increasingly frequent replacing of resistance by adjustment, that consisted in treating the vote as a meaningless ritual; consequently it evolved into one of the most evident examples of collective mimesis.
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Keywords: Polish Writers’ Association; ideology; revisionism; intelligentsia; the letter of 34;
The Basic Party Cell (POP) at the Warsaw Branch, was the Polish United Workers’ Party’s (PZPR’s) strongest party unit in the Polish Writers’ Association (ZLP). In Stalinist years, it was used to control and indoctrinate the community of writers. After the political “thaw” it was affected by very strong reformist tendencies, called “revisionist” by communist authorities. That was the difference between it and other PZPR’s cells in ZLP’s branches. Also, POP OW ZLP due to its numerosity and connections of some its members with the party leadership, exerted real influence on ZLP’s activities and on the relations between writers and the communist party. Nonetheless, internal divisions in the organisation were very deep. In addition to “revisionists”, the POP was also composed of a group of writers completely subordinated to the party’s instructions. Within the POP OW ZLP a discussion was held on the scope of writers’ duties, resulting from the fact of membership in PZPR. Should restrictions of free expression be accepted? Can writers-party members participate in creating the cultural policy, or should they only implement its guidelines? Are there perhaps any false intermediaries in the relations between POP, and the party leadership? The authorities’ actions towards communities of creators – mainly imposing restrictions of freedom of speech – promptly triggered protests, also of a part of the members of POP OW ZLP. In the 14 years of Gomułka’s rule, the highest emotions were provoked by the liquidation of the monthly „Europa” and founding of the Warsaw weekly „Kultura”, the dispute over the letter of 34 and the counterletter of POP OW ZLP, the expelling of Leszek Kołakowski from PZPR, and the March campaign. In this period, some writers-party members, ignoring the risk of disfavour – left the party’s ranks; while others remained in the organisation for a long time, forming an informal opposition (“dissent within the party”), yet others remained members only in formal terms, the group of orthodox communists rapidly diminishing. In the late 1960s, when the anti-intelligentsia phobia among the party’s leadership became evident for everybody, It was hard to find any big names among the members of POP OW ZLP. The organisation became uniform in terms of ideology, but devoid of authority and despite the opposition’s resignation from struggle, it proved incapable of leading the community of writers. The fortunes of POP OW ZLP seem to be a good example of ideological reconsiderations and changing attitudes within the communist party’s intelligentsia towards the policies of Gomułka
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Keywords: scientific exchange; emigration; East-West contacts
The political transformations of 1956 significantly increased the options of scientific trips to the West, and stimulated the exchange of personnel between national scientific institutions and their Western counterparts. However, on consenting to the development of scientific co-operation with foreign entities, the communist authorities were fearful of opening to scientists a new path of emigration from PRL (the People’s Republic of Poland). Therefore, they were intent on controlling scientific exchange as strictly as possible, sending abroad mainly the politically trustworthy researchers. Both tasks turned out to be unachievable, but despite that, emigration to Western countries associated with scientific journeys (grants or scholarships) was marginal in the period of PRL. Furthermore, statistics suggest that most of Polish scientists traveling abroad, did not treat their stays as an opportunity to flee communist Poland. The article states statistical data confirming these conclusions. The decision to emigrate was always individual, nonetheless it used to be taken in a concrete social/political context. Conditions in the PRL apparently favoured decisions to stay abroad. Therefore, the small number of “defections” of scientists during their stays in western countries, is yet more surprising. It may be partly explained by the fact that scientists willing to emigrate had other ways to accomplish their aim, such as tourist travels, as well as the legal emigration procedure.
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Keywords: workers' protests; rise of prices; Security Service (Służba Bezpieczeństwa); Gdańsk
The catalyst of the June rebellion of 1976 was the dramatic rise of food prices, announced by the Prime Minister Piotr Jaroszewicz. The protest in Gdańsk differed substantially from the well-known protests in Radom, Ursus and Płock. Local workers remembered the massacre of December 1970 only too well. Fearful of provocation by the Security Service (Służba Bezpieczeństwa, SB) they chose to refrain from marching to city, beginning a sit-down strike instead; it was joined by 10,000 employees of the Lenin Shipyard, as well as a part of the personnel of ZREMB, BUDIMOR, and the Repair Plant of the Voivodeship Union of Dairy Co-operatives in Pruszcz Gdański. The Gdańsk strike was among the lar gest countrywide. Then why has the Gdańsk strike been forgotten? It’s no exaggeration to assert that in the Tri-City (Gdańsk/Sopot/Gdynia) the 1970s was a decade marked by the deep shadow of the December massacre. Very possibly the 1970 and 1980 events have erased the much less pronounced memory of the June protest. Neither did that June fi t the heroic mythology of “Polish months” of 1970 and 1980, when workers’ demands exceeded the anecdotic “sausage”. Whereas in 1976, striking employees did not even formulate their own demands. They only protested against the rise of prices. The strike was too brief to reach beyond strictly economic issues. Therefore, there was nothing particular to be proud of years later. Neither did any spectacular government replacings occur in the aftermath of June. The disgraced Jaroszewicz remained in position of primer minister. Why? Maybe inside the Party there was no organised faction that could use the social unrest to carry out another reshuffle among the Party’s bigwigs. Paradoxically, the image of the Coast “silent” in 1976, was permanetly recorded by Andrzej Wajda’s fi lm The Man of Iron, which was inconvenient for Communist authorities. It was screened in the summer of 1981. In one of the scenes, Ms Hulewiczowa recalls that Maciej Tomczyk – the main protagonist – on becoming aware that “there have been workers’ protests in Radom and Ursus”, decided to organise a solidarity strike in the Gdańsk Shipyard: “And then something arose him. He wanted to make some protest at the shipyard, but people had too fresh memories of their own December, so they stayed idle”. That scene is very moving, but completely untrue.
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Keywords: Cold War; CIA; Free Europe Committee; psychological war; secret book distribution project; emigration
Because of its size, importance and openness after 1956, Poland was from the start the most significant East European target country of the Free Europe Committee’s book program. Accordingly, Polish visitors to the West were the first to benefit from a new book distribution method in addition to mailings. In the first three-quarters of 1957, an unprecedented number (some 55,000) persons from the satellite countries visited the West, the vast majority of whom were Poles. This provided an opportunity to deliver directly to the recipients selected literature, including politically significant books and periodicals, without the hindrance of postal censorship. On the other hand, only those granted exit visas to leavePoland could receive books in this fashion. At the end of that year, Free Europe Press (FEP) initiated a permanent system for the purpose of distributing by hand books of political impact to Polish intelligentsia travelling to Western Europe. Stockpiles of no more than 100 books supplied from a central stockpile in Munich were to be maintained in London and Paris, the two centers that attracted the greatest number of important visitors from Poland. Three types of literature were envisaged: books requested by the visitor specifically, books selected by two Polish FEP editors in New York and Munich, and books published in Polish for this purpose under FEP sponsorship. The project would operate as a branch of the mailing project through a network of Polish cultural institutions, libraries, bookshops,publishing houses, clubs and cultural associations. Among them were the Sikorski Institute in New York, the Kosciuszko Foundation, the Polish Library in London and Paris, the Polish Youth Center in Paris, and the Polish YMCA in Geneva. Their number eventually reached 30 in London and 11 in Paris and the two cities became the main publishing centers of Polish books outside Poland. The initial Polish project ran from 1958 till the summer of 1959 under the aegis of the East Europe Institute under Sam Walker and John Kirk in order to avoid any identification with the Free Eutope Committee. Through a network of distribution points in London, Paris, Rome, Stockholm, Brussels and Munich, it distributed over 1,000 books per month to East Europeans travelling in the West. After returning home, some recipients continued to request books to be sent to them by mail. This program was followed by a special book distribution project targeting the East European and Soviet delegation members attending the communist-organized 7th World Youth Festival held in Vienna from July 26 till August 4, 1959.
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Keywords: Communist system; education; ideology; indoctrination; collaboration; resistance
The author undertook to analyse the attitudes of teachers of the Lublin region in the period less addressed by historians of education, that is, after 1956. The importance of teachers and their attitudes for the communist authorities is evidenced by the fact that both the party apparatus and security organs, had special structures competent for the representatives of the teaching profession, exerting influence on their views and attitudes. Teachers were among the social groups most eagerly encouraged to join PZPR’s (Polish United Workers’ Party’s) ranks, because of the fact that despite the political transformations of 1956, until the collapse of the socialist system in Poland they were meant to directly exercise PZPR’s ideological plans towards education and the young. Indoctrination and pressure by education administrative bodies, the party apparatus, and SB (Security Service) resulted in the emergence and consolidation of two types of teachers’ attitudes towards the authorities and the political system. The first consisted in acceptance and participation in the system, expressed by membership in PZPR, confidential and open collaboration with SB, and active participation in political/ideological indoctrination of the young. The second attitude boiled down to the desire to arrange their lives in the actual conditions, to avoid exposing oneself to conflict with the ruling authority, to care for one’s own interests. Only some individuals functioned apart from these attitudes, demonstrating unacceptance of the authorities and the political system
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Keywords: Trade unions; Solidarity (Solidarność); Polish United Workers’ Party; economic crisis; political conflict
Since the very creation of “Solidarity”, the problem of mutual relations in enterprises between free trade unions and communist party structures, became highly important. From the first months of Solidarity’s activities, the situation at workplace was characterised by an aggravating conflict between the trade union supported by workers and the unaccepted communist party, generally for the economic and social crisis. The foundation of free trade unions and Solidarity’s dynamic activity in enterprises emphasised the scale of social disapproval of PZPR’s policies, demonstrating how feeble were the social foundations of communist rule, and the extent of the helplessness of PZPR’s basic structures in face of a social subject that was not subordinated to the ruling party. The conflict was especially deep in the enterprises of Katowice voivodeship, that were strategically important for the economy of PRL (People’s Republic of Poland). Relations between the communist party and the trade union suffered additionally in Silesian coal mines, as a consequence of the government’s resolution no. 199/81 – adopted against Solidarity’s will – imposing production in coal mines on free Saturdays. In autumn 1981, the process of leaving the Katowice communist party organization by its members continued, both by ordinary members of PZPR, and employed representatives of the party apparatus as well. Communist party’s units in plants, in many mines, mills and factories of the Katowice voivodeship practically lost their operating capacity, and their influence on workers was a complete fiction. The hierarchic structure of jurisdiction of the voivodeship executive over the ordinarymass of members, that had been developed for years, ceased to function in late autumn 1981. A few attempts, undertaken by the 1st secretary of the Voivodeship Committee (KW) of PZPR in Katowice, Andrzej Żabiński, to stimulate the activity of party members in Silesian plants, ended in complete failure. “Solidarity” added dynamics to social processes, by increasingly extending its influence over the operations of enterprises. In October 1981, the first demands were put forward to eliminate communist party structures from workplaces, and to deprive party secretaries of their job contracts. These tendencies intensified with particular force in the next weeks. In November and early December such demands were already voiced by many mines and mills of the Katowice voivodeship, sometimes in form of ultimatum. Similar processes took place in enterprises throughout the country. The demands to remove the communist party from enterprises were usually justified by the party’s political nature inconsistent with the economic purpose of enterprises, and the destructive impact of basic party cells and committees both on the personnel of enterprises, and their economic activities. The introduction of martial law and suspension of Solidarity’s activities stopped the developments that were dangerous for the communist party.
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Keywords: counterintelligence; Border Defence Troops (WOP); escapees; preventative measures;
The exceptionally turbulent years 1980–1983 made many people decide to flee Poland. One of the main obstacles in their way were the counter-intelligence structures of WOP (Border Defence Troops). Among them, the 2nd Department of the Kashubian WOP Brigade in Gdańsk. The Department applied a very extensive range of methods to protect the stateborder. Special emphasis was put on preventive actions. Apart from border controls, i.a. operational activities were applied against persons suspected of intending to flee the country. Functionaries of the 2nd Department subjected them to surveillance, exercised, among other, by the border units’ network of secret agents. It also included actions aimed at reducing to the minimum the potential escapee’s contacts with the border zone, what could seriously complicate the lives of persons professionally dependent on that area, cutter fishermen for example. The work of the functionaries of the 2nd Department of the Gdańsk Brigade of WOP extended beyond purely preventive issues. Provided with competence proper for investigative services, they also handled cases of escapes as such, both accomplished and prevented. Suspects and witnesses were subjected to multiple interrogations lasting many hours, often combined with confrontations. If necessary,also home searches and on-site inspections were carried out. Investigations were very meticulous, applying not only to escapees. The 2nd Department officers’ scrutiny also extended to persons that could be suspected of offering whatever form of assistance, factual or alleged, at illegal border crossing. Repressive measures were often applied against them, without proving guilt beforehand. The actions undertaken by the 2nd Department towards the escapees, did not change after the formal end of martial law in July 1983. The character of service did not allow for any modifications of applied methods, that remained in continuous use until 1989.
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Keywords: political opposition; communist regime; Federation of Fighting Youth; underground press
The founding of the Federation of Fighting Youth (FMW) in Warsaw in June 1984, was triggered by stagnating activity of the political opposition against communist rule that was felt by young people, and their unfamiliarity with the underground opposition structures, composed of their peers. The Federation professed pro-independence and anticommunist ideas. Regaining independence was the imperative for its members, as was fighting against communism and promoting these concepts in opposition circles, especially of the youth. Such plans were to be carried out by closely collaborating with the “Solidarity” trade union. The organisation did not promote any ideology, it did not work out its own politicalprogramme. Its main formula was based on openness to different political, economic and social views of its members. The most important task of the Federation consisted in mobilising the young to battle communism throughout the country. To achieve that purpose, the organisation attempted to contact as many persons from broad opposition as it could. FMW did not take long to gain many followers and active members. It grew to the status of a supraregional, all-Polish structure. It was Poland’s largest youth opposition organisation in the post-1945 period, well known both for its so-called direct actions, as activities in clandestine publishing. The Warsaw structures of FMW edited the Federation’s leading publication, called „Nasze Wiadomości” (“Our News”). Many of its members were simultaneously active in other opposition groups in the capital, such as the Resistance Groups „Solidarni”. The Federation, weakened by internal dissent and facing the problemof specifying its role in the new political/social situation in the post-1989 years, definitely disintegrated in the early 1990s.
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Keywords: Police force; Civic Militia (Milicja Obywatelska, MO); security apparatus; political repressions
In 1939, the Police force of the Second Republic of Poland ceased to exist. No political option, be it associated with the legal Government-in-Exile, be it Soviet-backed, anticipated reactivating the security organs in a reborn Poland in their pre-war form. For those who survived World War Two (less than 50% of the police force personnel of the Second Republic), difficult times arrived. Pre-war functionaries were subjected to a special “rehabilitation procedure” to verify their past in the pre-war period and the Occupation, at which successive instructions in this regard, issued in further years, were increasingly restrictive, affecting not only policemen, but their families as well. An issue apart is the story of a group of about 800–1000 policemen who were hired by the newly established Civic Militia (Milicja Obywatelska, MO). Their situation, at least in the early period, was better than that of their colleagues. The communist authorities were forced by reality to use their skills and experience, as they did not have professionals at disposal. Many former policemen were removed from the MO in two waves, in 1946 and 1947. Only a few – with particular qualifications – remained until 1949 (when they were definitely dismissed from theMO). Policemen who concealed their past and joined the UB (Security Bureau),were exceptions. Simultaneously from the very beginning, security organs carried out operations against the representatives of pre-war law enforcement services. The Ministry ofPublic Security issued special instructions on repressive activities against former policemen. Many were imprisoned, then sentenced to death or long prison terms. Especially harsh treatment was reserved for functionaries actively involved in undeground pro-independence activities during the Occupation, people like e.g. Bolesław Kontrym “Żmudzin”, whose pre-war police service was “priced” at 10 years of prison; his wartime activity was qualified as deserving the death penalty. The changes of 1956 weakened the repression, nevertheless the group in question remained under scrutiny by SB (Security Service) actually until the veryend of the People’s Republic of Poland. Also, the families of policemen were among the most discriminated social groups, as the mere fact of being a member of the family of a pre-war policeman was compromising throughout the period of communist rule in Poland.
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Keywords: parliamentary election; voting behavior; political preferences
Longtime stability of the voting behavior is a phenomenon often observed and its importance is appreciated by researchers. Election results show that since 1989 Poland has been divided by cultural and civilization gap: the north-western part expresses its commitment to the liberal and left values, while the south-eastern part remains strongly traditional and Catholic. The direct background of the nowadays voting divisions goes back to the period of 1940–1947 characterized by dramatic events of war and the considerable change of borders. Significantly, in the beginning of XXI century voters living in the great towns changed their voting behavior and instead of supporting the political camp being still very popular in the anticommunist south-east, began to prefer the moderate political parties that also use to dominate in the north-west Poland.
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Keywords: World War Two; remembrance; post-Soviet Union countries; Ukraine; nationalism;
In post-Soviet Ukraine one can observe the coexistence, competition and interplay of various images and memories of World War II. The modified Soviet scheme remains the most influential despite the problems with adaption of the notion of the victorious country with the notion of Ukraine as the victim of two totalitarianisms. And this scheme has to interact with the memories of nationalistic underground in East Galicia and Volhynia as well specific memories of the Crimean Tatars and the Jews. Ukraine`s salvatory pluralism of memory functions not as a space for dialogue but rather as a number of closed and mutually exclusive narratives. In their struggle both post-Soviet and nationalistic narratives tend to avoid the questions of their own responsibility: for pogroms, deportations or mass killings. The lack of the social and political consensus over the image of World War II, on the one hand, complicates the formation of the all-Ukrainian vision of the past, but, on the other hand, prevents from the one-sided instrumentalization of such vision.
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Keywords: Human recourses; banking sector; training
The purpose of this paper is to investigate the conditions of the work force in financial institutions, i.e. banks in the country. The focus of attention is focused on the training of employees as a key factor in achieving the high performance and employee development, and thus higher wages. This means that certain banks are supporting the payment of short-term bonuses and premiums, and the others, valuing proportional growth in wages over time, based on a fair evaluation of the development of each bank employee.
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Keywords: e-learning; Moodle; foreign languages; education
The study should promote general and transferable skills in accordance with the priorities of university education. It means to teach students how to learn and at the same time prepare them for the implementation of their future careers. Currently, the trend is that graduates are skilled in their abilities and capabilities not only within a single profession, but the possibility is emphasized to equip and support them with more skills within the educational process. Diverse concepts often promote social constructivism within the framework of providing multiple advanced courses and so they take into account the changes that can be observed in the world of large international companies. They place emphasis in particular on superior professional qualifications and good language skills during their entry into a professional career. They support both individual and corporate objectives, as well as soft skills.
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Keywords: Spreča; BioDiversity Pro 2.0; zoobenhtos; ichthypopulation; water quality
Nowadays, we have many specific programs (software packages) which are used for statistic analysis of water quality in aquatic ecosystems. Selected parameters used in this paper are physicochemical and biological, and are valorized on the example of the river Spreča analysis. Researches have show that there is a correlation between the physicochemical value and biological indicators related to the assessment of the water quality of river Spreča. The composition of the zoobenthos community of river Spreča shows β-mesosaprobic character in the upper course of the river, while, according to the researches, the lower part of the watercourse shows polysaproby character. Similarity of ichthyopopulation on localities of research is tested by the Bray – Curtis similarity cluster analyses, which have shown that the greatest degree of similarity is visible in localities 1. and 3. In a special group are separated samples from the site 4. and 5. with a degree of similarity of 93,86%. Shanon- Waever's diversity index was calculated for all 6 sites researches.
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Keywords: Total Quality Management (TQM); Quality improvement; flowchart; Pareto diagram; Ishikawa approach; checklist
This study is to show a full diagnostic to some of the business processes in the company for airport services in Macedonia was made. The methodology of TQM (Total Quality Management) system was applied in the company, especially in the sector for de-icing and protection against frost on aircrafts. With the implementation of this system, an optimal solution was found for uninterrupted operation in the airport traffic. In this way there was a change in the company paradigm – do not work hard but smart, with a constant improvement of processes, while taking into account the needs and desires of customers and profit. This research shows that other methods and techniques were applied such as Pareto Diagram, Ishikawa approach, Checklist, Map of trends, all in order to identify problems and find an optimal solution.
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Keywords: flipped classroom; programming robotics; effectives of learning; flipped learning paradigm
The focus of the research study was to investigate and find out the benefits of the flipped learning pedagogy on the student learning in teaching programming Robotics classes. Also, the assessment of whether it has any advantages over the traditional teaching methods in computer sciences. Assessment of learners on their attitudes, motivation, and effectiveness when using flipped classroom compared with traditional classroom has been realized. The research questions investigated are: “What kind of problems can we face when we have robotics classes in the traditional methods?”, “If we applied flipped learning method, can we solve these problems?”. In order to analyze all this, a case study experiment was realized and insights as well as recommendations are presented.
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