The genocide of the Jews should occupy a central place in the memory of the nation’s twentieth -century experience of wars and foreign occupations. Although perceptions of the Holocaust have changed considerably since the 1990s, this has not yet happened. The history of the vanished Litvak world has evoked interest but has also presented Lithuanian society with controversies, some of which have resonated internationally. Lithuania’s Holocaust is situated within a difficult conversation on the history of Jewish -Lithuanian relations and is closely linked to the broader transformation of historical memory of the post -Soviet era. Embedded within this setting are a number of issues: the context of wartime memory; conflicting postwar narratives concerning the Shoah; the emerging national conversation about the Holocaust since the late 1980s in both the academic and public sphere.
More...
Jesienią bieżącego roku – dokładnie 5 września – mija dwadzieścia lat od wznowienia stosunków dyplomatycznych pomiędzy Litwą i Polską. Jest to dobra okazja nie tylko do wspólnych obchodów, lecz także do podsumowania tego okresu w najnowszej historii, zarówno w życiu każdego z państw, jak też w relacjach dwustronnych. Uważam jednak, że wielowiekowa historia litewsko -polskiej współpracy jest tak unikalna, że dla oceny aktualnego stanu relacji oraz nakreślenia wizji przyszłości należałoby przynajmniej pobieżnie przejrzeć stronice bardziej odległej przeszłości.
More...
The structure of the court of Grand Duke of Lithuania had been developing since the beginning of statehood, although during Witold/Vytautas rule (1392-1430) it took a new, institutional shape as the court of ruler. In the article, the history of its development is discussed, including its internal organization and separate elements. Under Witold, the European system of court positions (marshals, treasurer, etc.) was implemented. This system, since the High Middle Ages, had been a distinctive feature of the sovereign rule of king or duke. Besides people holding defined positions, the court consisted of courtiers (lot. curienses, rus. дворянин), noblemen of the neighboring countries. Institutional court became a precondition for double integration. Firstly, the implementation of European social, ruling and honor structure made Witold’s court an institution of a sovereign ruler and introduced it into the communication space of European monarchs. Secondly, the participation of local noblemen in the organization of the court added to the prestige of the service at the ruler’s court and at the same time importantly influenced internal integration of the country’s elite. The court of Grand Duke brought together different (often – conflicting) groups of nobility, helped them to perceive common interest or common good (res publica), promoted unified values and fashions. In this respect, noble milieu of Grand Duke Witold was important in the process of formation of the “political nation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania” and promoted European lifestyle among Lithuanian nobility. The institutionalized court created by Witold was inherited by his successors on the throne of grand duke. At the end of the article, the list of courtiers of Grand Duke (1392-1440) is presented.
More...
Democratic regimes are vulnerable if they are based on formal democratic procedures and institutions. Persistence and effective working of democracy needs civic support and will to accept its rules. Citizens are able to choose various means to influence political processes, although not all means and ways have equal value in terms of consolidation of the democratic regime. Analysis of the survey data on Lithuanian population leads to differentiation of four categories of citizens: the moderately trustful, the moderately distrustful, actively distrustful and passively distrustful. The categories demonstrate statistically significant differences in several respects: age, economic status, its evaluation before 1990, membership in NGOs, interpersonal trust, life trust, and evaluation of procedural justice in local government institutions.
More...
Historically the Lithuanian guerrilla war against the soviet occupation embraces the period from 1944 to 1953 and is divided into three stages: 1944-1946; 1946 -1948 and from 1949 onwards. The question of the leadership was important throughout the history of the guerrilla war. Not only the commanders of the guerrilla fighters, but also the organizations of the émigrés as well as the diplomatic corps thought of themselves as the representatives of Lithuania. However, it was the partisans who were actually fighting the occupants and who therefore were in the closest relationship with the political nation – the undoubted bearer of the sovereignty according to the contemporary worldview. Therefore, to the leadership of the guerrilla movement belonged not only the military, but also the political authority in the occupied Lithuania. If the guerrilla war is interpreted according to the concept of Carl Schmitt, its relation to the political nation becomes apparent. It takes little effort to see in “the defensive-autochthonous defender of home” the modern citizen par excelence – the one who is ready to take up arms in defense of his fatherland. However, this interconnection escaped the attention of Carl Schmitt himself. Therefore “The Theory of Partisan” was left independent of the Carl Schmitt’s concept of the sovereignty (“Sovereign is he who decides on the exception”). But if the guerrilla war is considered as itself the state of exception, it opens the way for the qualitatively new theory. The most visible and practical appearance of the European national sovereignty was the revised concept of citizenship. It became some kind of political kinship. The only known earlier model of such political community was the ancient republic of Rome. The Roman precedent of the guerrilla war was known as iustitium – the ancient concept of the state of exception, recently revised and reconsidered by Giorgio Agamben. Although it could acquire different military forms, politically it always meant the same phenomenon – the direct exercise of the governmental power (imperium) by the ordinary citizens. In turbulent times they were empowered to take any steps necessary for the salvation of the republic. The same practical enactment of the national sovereignty forms the essence of the modern guerrilla war. However, the partisan is not only the “autochthonous defender”, but also a political figure. In modern times (as opposed to the ancient Rome) he does not identify with the established political order. The historical analysis provides that the partisan of the 19th and the 20th centuries not only defended his homeland, but also sought the renewal of the political regime. Therefore, he embodied the creative as well as the conservative aspect of the sovereign power belonging to the political nation.
More...
The author considers the importance of NATO for Lithuanian internal affairs and the quality of Lithuanian statehood. The article covers the period from 1993 (when Lithuanian political elites decided to aspire to NATO) onwards, following the influence of the preparation for membership and participation in the Treaty upon political life in Lithuania. There are some key issues (for example the impeachment of president Rolandas Paksas) discussed. The author also pays considerable attention to the attitude of Lithuanian society towards the membership in NATO, towards “the Russian factor” and political discussions over Lithuania’s membership. The article is based on the assumption that delimitation between “internal” and “foreign” affairs in politics of states is no longer clear or sharp, so one can regard Lithuanian aspiration and membership in NATO as an element of internal political process.
More...
The article analyzes the place, change and variety of forms of manifestation of religion in the post -communist society of Lithuania. The three level – micro, mezzo and macro – of analytical perspective is invoked. Religious variety, legal conditions for freedom of religion and development of Church -State relations are discussed. Particular attention in the analysis is focused on religious minorities (new religions among them) and society’s attitudes towards these social groups. For this analysis the data of surveys (1990 -2005 European Value Survey, 2007 Research of Discrimination on the Ground of Religion and Beliefs, 2007 Inquest of Lithuanian Population about Religious Movements) is invoked. The author argues that main and influential agent in religious life of society of Lithuania is Roman Catholic Church. This argument is followed by other arguments that such status of Roman Catholic Church – maintained by society and supported by the State – affects the situation of other religious communities and society’s attitudes towards them, i.e. increases the possibilities for intolerance and discrimination of their believers.
More...
The article presents the history of the cult of the state patron from the royal dynasty, and the sources and prototypes of the worshipping tradition of the holy rulers. Furthermore, the article seeks to answer the question whether the circumstances that had shaped the cults of the holy rulers in the 10th -12th and 16th -17th centuries could cause immense differences in the hagiography as well as iconography of the rulers, and analyses the ways in which the cult of Saint Prince Casimir of the Early Modern Times is similar to related medieval holy rulers. Political development of Lithuania during the 14th century was very similar to the growth of pagan states during earlier centuries. The Hungarians was the last Central European nation to have converted to Christianity. From the point of view of acceptance of Christianity in Hungary, the cult of St. Stephen was developing under the circumstances similar to the Lithuanian worshipping tradition of St. Casimir. The Christian world received the news that with the help of St. Casimir Catholicism took roots in the state where the seed of the Evangel had only recently sprouted. Baroque hagiography of St. Casimir took over the virtues that had been highlighted throughout the Middle Ages. The images, rhetoric figures and symbols that had taken shape in the Middle Ages were again emphasized, reiterated and used in his worshipping tradition. The article seeks to reveal the way how the worshipping of Prince Casimir acquired the features typical of state patrons, and how his cult integrated into the tradition of devotion to European holy rulers. The history of the cult of state patrons has revealed that Christianity sought to bring together the piety of an ascetic with the victories of a brave warrior; the virtuousness with royal origins and duties. In the 12th century, mature tradition of worshipping of the holy rulers, post mortem events and references to biblical figures sought to disclose the following most significant provisions of the Catholic Church: 1) to inform that Catholicism gained a foothold in a young Christian state; 2) that a Christian ruler was the warrior of Christ and the mirror of virtues suitable for the preaching of the Church; 3) that a ruler was the defender of the Catholic religion and that those who followed his example would never stray from the path of righteousness and would be diligent persecutors of those “who still weltered in superstitions.” Specula principis were finished with the urgings to follow the kings of the Old Testament as well as the holy rulers canonised by the Catholic Church. Thus, the Danish were encouraged to follow St. Canute, the Germans – St. Henry, the Hungarians – St. Stephen, the Austrians – St. Leopold, the Czech – St. Václav, the French – St. Louis, and, from the 17th century, the Lithuanians and Poles were urged to follow the example of St. Casimir.
More...
The article discusses the differences in the content of the collective memory of World War II between the Baltic states’ societies and the rest of Europe (particularly, Western Europe). The author argues that the Baltic countries (in many respects – also Poland) are located “in between”, having Russia and Germany as neighbours. Nowadays, he admits, it is not entirely true in terms of political divisions (all countries are on the borders of the EU), but it is nonetheless reflected in the collective memory of the societies under discussion. The article focuses mostly on Lithuania. The author’s main point is that the Baltic societies survived both totalitarianisms (Nazi and Soviet), while in the West only the national -socialist (fascist) totalitarianism was experienced. As a consequence, the author argues, Sovietism is regarded in the West as the “better” totalitarianism, or not considered totalitarian at all, while in the Baltic states the term “totalitarianism” has always meant the two: Soviet and Nazi, equally reprehensible. As an example of this gap, the author analyzes the case of a discussion between the Latvian minister of foreign affairs – Sandra Kalniete and a Holocaust survivor – Salomon Korn. In the article, integrating the “Baltic memory” into the European memory is postulated. The author argues that it is necessary to acknowledge the existence of two totalitarianisms, both of which equally “brought about genocide, violations of human rights and freedoms, war crimes and crimes against humanity”. In his view, nowadays the integration of European memory has become a political issue. He points out to Russia as the state keenly interested and actively seeking to preserve the image of Sovietism as less totalitarian in the minds of Europeans.
More...
The article discusses the impact of European Union membership on the economy, politics and policies of the new member states, in particular Lithuania. It first presents the forecasts and arguments regarding the impact of EU enlargement that were discussed before the enlargement in 2004 -2007. It draws on the work of European inte gration literature, stating that it was the approaching EU enlargement into the Central and Eastern Europe which caused the wave on theorizing the issue of enlargement which has been absent before. The main issue was to explain the reasons behind the EU decision to expand, as well as the conditions for the effective application of EU norms into the acceding countries. Most economic researchers predicted that the enlarge ment will contribute to the economic growth of acceding countries (although the transfer of regulatory norms in some cases could be considered to be suboptimal), and the EU as a whole. There was more uncertainty regarding the impact of the enlargement on the functioning of the EU and the compliance of the new members with the EU norms. The second section evaluates the experience so far, by discussing the studies which have been made on the impact of EU, and concludes that the enlargement has been a positive sum game for the economies of the new member states (as well as for the EU), increasing trade and investments flow and contributing to the catching up with the rest of the EU. Lithuania and other new member states have been among the fastest growing economies in Europe in the last decade. However, it can be argued that the impact of the EU membership is mediated by domestic policies of each member state, and that Lithuania has not attempted to strengthen the positive impulses coming from the EU accession, in particular by postponing the structural reforms in the country. Finally, the article assesses the main European policy priorities in Lithuania, in particular the reasons for some failures (such as the failure to join the eurozone in 2007) and achievements (accession into the Schengen zone, acknowledgement of the importance of integrating the Baltic states into the energy market of the EU). It can be argued that most European policy failures have been caused by the inconsistency and low credibil ity of some domestic policies. The article concludes by providing venues for future research of European policy after the enlargement, in particular the areas of the impact of enlargement on the functioning of the EU, the participation of the new member states in the policy process of the EU, as well as the ability to upload their domestic preferences on the EU agenda.
More...
In the sphere of construing regional identity, political science can accomplish less than philosophy. Common regional identity can never be derived from scientific cultural studies conducted in certain countries. A new cultural and philosophical meaning can never be devised on the basis of political science. It can only be the end result of philosophical imagination. Scientists can present facts which bear proof of merely cultural and political affinity. However, so far they have failed to propose any more significant concepts or images for the future of Central Europe. Mere knowledge of empirical facts cannot be treated as a philosophical discovery. Both politicians and scientists can be aware of and handle an abundance of facts, and yet a philosophical idea is needed to bind all these facts into one coherent whole. In construing the identity of Central Europe, there is no need whatsover to get involved in discussions about certain given objective facts, similar to objects studied by natural sciences. There are no natural characteristics, which could predetermine the perception of regional identity, irrespective of a moral awareness of its citizens. Morality is an independent motif of human conduct, which can exert influence on the perception of regional identity. Nevertheless, today it is one of the most unpopular subjects of geopolitical discussions. Geopoliticians claim that cultural and political identity of a region must be objectively predetermined, be it by geography, economy or military power. Political philosophers seem to be the only ones who can take a stand against such a naturalist perception of regional identity.
More...
The article deals with the fundamentals of Lithuanian foreign policy. It is an attempt to evaluate its foundations, principles, advantages and shortcomings. Author’s point of departure is a non -official paper “Lithuania’s Foreign Policy Concept” prepared by the Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1994. Strategic goals of the Lithuanian foreign policy laid down in that document were the basis of the Lithuanian foreign policy making until the country joined the EU and NATO in 2004. Having supposedly attained those goals Lithuania adopted and proceeded to implement hastily the so -called “new Lithuanian foreign policy” conducted in 2004 -2009. Yet the author has serious doubts that the strategic goals of the Lithuanian foreign policy as defined in 1994 were fully achieved in 2004. The goals were three: (1) NATO, (2) EU, (3) good relations with neighbours. Yet Lithuania still is not a full -fledged member of either the EU or NATO. It is a mere newcomer. And its relations with Russia in 2004 -2009 got even worse than they were in the late nineties. The article proceeds to exploring a rather strenuous question: are the tensions between the two countries caused solely by the Russian misbehaviour as Lithuanian politicians mostly claim or is the Lithuanian foreign policy also to blame. The relations with Russia are examined in the context of Lithuania’s relations with the US and the EU. The crucial idea of the “new Lithuanian foreign policy”, that of the center or leader of an unnamed and undefined region, presumably of the Eastern Europe or at least a part of it, is put under scrutiny. The author claims that (1) for a small country such a role is utterly unrealistic, (2) attempts to play that role have nothing to do with national interests the foreign policy should serve, (3) playing the chosen role complicates relations both with other EU countries and with Russia. The author makes the conclusion that the foundation of the Lithuanian foreign policy must be its Western, not Eastern policy. At the very end of the article an attempt is made to examine and evaluate the changes Lithuanian foreign policy suffered in 2009 -2010.
More...
There are several analytical instruments to think about the construction of national collective identities in Central East Europe, including Lithuania. Possibly the most applicable for this article are the following: the construction of regions that nations prescribes themselves in order to distance from unfavourable states or regions (mostly assumed as danger), the role of the “Other” in national collective identity, ethnolinguistic versus political construction of nation, cultural trauma and triumph, postcolonial identity problems, civilizational versus integrational European identity. Highlighted by these theoretical guides, the article reveals how Lithuanian collective identity had been constructed in different historical periods.
More...
The article deals with human rights process issues in Lithuania as the post-communist country. Human rights, as the subfield of political science studies are not elaborated in Lithuania. This essay explores the two influential factors of human rights process and their impact on such actors of this process as government officials, society and NGO’s. Activity of this actors are contradictory, inconsistent and their interrelations are, sometimes, conflicting. Government official’s human rights policy are influenced more by institutional factor. Society evaluate human rights idea and policy from the cultural perspective. NGO’s have potential to conciliate influence of both factors, but their activity is not yet fully developed.
More...
Soviet model of narrative on history of Lithuania was shaped during the first decade of the Soviet rule in Lithuania. Later on, elements of pre -soviet, nationalist historiography had been gradually integrated into this model; primarily those which had strong anti -occidental, anti -Christian (anti -Catholic) or anti -Polish connotations. As a result, during the soviet period historical narrative, originated from the turn of 19th and 20th century and built on the paradigm of ethnic nationalism, was consolidated in the historical imagination of the Lithuanian society. Under totalitarian control over public discourse this historical narrative became not only predominant, but also in some way purified, as no alternatives (particularly those accepting Christianity or Western culture) were allowed. Communist regime always tried to use ethnonationalistic symbols for its own legitimization. This tendency was strongest during the late 1980s crisis of the regime. Some Lithuanian Communists were advanced on this path, what made much easier their later integration into political elite of already democratic state after 1990. The soviet regime in Lithuania was much less successful in promoting its vision of Lithuanian history of the 20th century, although from mid 1950s onwards the communists tried to demonstrate the existence of authentic, communist tradition in the country. At the end of 1980s this “tradition” failed to answer new challenges in historical discourse: it could be to some degree reconciled with the condemnation of Stalinist crimes, but it gave no answer to the question of present and historical Lithuanian statehood. Changes on the symbolic map of capital – Vilnius give good insight in the main tendencies of soviet politics of memory. The city was desacralized: secularized cathedral became rather “the temple of arts”, while Vilnius University was deprived of great part of its authentic (mainly Jesuit) history. In official view (expressed in guide and scholarly publications, celebrations of anniversaries etc.) the Gate of Dawn, with the representation of the Virgin Mary in it, was no longer the main symbol of the city. For communist authorities it was rather a tower on the hill – a remnant of pagan grand duke of Lithuania Giediminas’ Castle.
More...
The media is one of the most important sources of political information, as well as one of the main actors shaping and supporting public discourse in a democratic society. From the normative perspective, the most fundamental democratic value of the media is to facilitate the development of independent and open viewpoint in society by providing citizens with information on the issues of public concern, and controlling those who are in power to make the decisions of public importance. Corruption scandals, misuse of power, mixing of public and private interests and other negative news encourage public disappointment with the authorities and citizens’ detachment from the political life. At the same time, this leads to public distrust in media and information they contain. The article addresses the role of the media in shaping public opinion on political elite and institutions on the local and national level. Based on the quantitative and qualitative data, it discusses the relationship between public awareness and political participation.
More...
The contemporary public administration system in Lithuania was created and developed from scratch after the collapse of the communist administrative system. The EU made an especially big impact during the accession process and later. But Lithuania experimented and merged American, Canadian or Hong Kong models with the European standards in its own system of public administration. One of the most peculiar features of public administration in Lithuania is its clearly legalistic dominance. The legalistic culture and legalistic administrative tradition have their ties to the Soviet legacy as well as to the EU, conditionally. The legalistic vector of Lithuanian public administration has its positive and negative sides. On the positive side there is the assurance (at least at a procedural level) of the supremacy of law. However as this is a traditional model of public administration, it brings with it a lack of economic or managerial efficiency. But Lithuanian-specific, traditional model of public administration means also legal formalism, which is an impediment for flexible and open government, and for more trust in society for state institutions. Civil service reform gained momentum in Lithuania during the EU accession process. Professionalism and depoliticization were the main aspects of the reform, which created a civil service system based on classical Weberian principles. But civil service also developed the characteristic of being a rather closed social group, and in general is distrusted in society as a “bureaucracy”. Management of civil service human resources is in fact very centralized. Lithuania is the only country within Central and Eastern Europe that has a socalled integrated civil service, where the management of human resources in central and local government is based on uniform and rather detailed legal regulations by the parliament and the government.
More...
The article gives an overview of the relationships between Sąjūdis – the movement for emancipation of Lithuania from the Soviet Union – and Polish minority in Lithuania during the crucial years of 1989 -1990. The author discusses the differences between Lithuanian leaders in attitude toward Polish minority in Lithuania and its activists. The article also presents the complex situation in the Vilnius region (where the Polish minority lives), where some local representatives of Polish minority collaborated with communist authorities in Moscow to prevent independence of Lithuania. The context of the claim to establish Polish autonomy in Vilnius is also discussed. The article reconstructs mainly the disputes and attitudes differences between Sąjūdis leaders and Polish representatives (those who supported the independence of Lithuania). Author considers also the factor of political changes in Poland itself, where first democratic government after World War II was formed and Polish politicians were seeking to support Lithuanian independence and secure the rights of Polish minority in Lithuania at once.
More...Keywords: ecological city; urbanisation; green spaces; Bahlui river valley
An ecological city represents a geographical and social-historic category which has various shapes depending on the different terrestrial regions. It is also called “the town of the future”, being considered by a vast majority of people as an utopia, because of the major criteria which gives it the appellative of “ecological” – the lack of pollution. Nowadays, it is impossible to have zero pollution in a city, but the main purpose is to diminish as much as possible all type of pollution and the natural degradation and disequilibria. The purpose of the paper is to identify and explain those solutions which can promote Iasi as an ecological city. Therefore, we decided upon some main objectives: 1. identify the characteristics of an ecological city; 2. observe and explain the spatial and functional evolution of the city of Iasi; 3. analyze the possibilities for Iasi to become an ecological city; 4. suggest the solutions for Iasi to become an ideal city from an environmental perspective.
More...
