Book Review Post-Communism and Post-Democracy
Book Review Post-Communism and Post-Democracy
Post Democracy by Colin Crouch, 2004, London: Polity Press.
More...Post Democracy by Colin Crouch, 2004, London: Polity Press.
More...Keywords: constitutional conflicts; democratisation; transition; systems theory; Central and Eastern Europe
Post-autocratic transitions are often followed by constitutional conflicts between state powers. With respect to the question of rule of law in young democracies, clashes between the executive and legislative branches, on the one hand, and the judiciary and constitutional courts, on the other, as well as those between ordinary and constitutional courts are particularly virulent. All these conflicts have massively affected the key distinction between politics and law that had been mainly violated in the previous autocratic regimes. Based on Niklas Luhmann’s theory, this article presents a systems-theoretical approach in order to explain the occurrence of these constitutional conflicts. The central argument reads as follows: constitutional conflicts between politics and law will occur under two circumstances — if a constitutional order allows the decision of legal questions based on political criteria or vice versa, and if a constitutional order allows the judiciary or the constitutional court to decide political questions based on political criteria. This argument is further substantiated by means of two exploratory case studies with a special emphasis on post-socialist transitions in Central and Eastern Europe. The main results are eight detailed hypotheses on the question of when, in constitutional orders, and under what circumstances are constitutional conflicts to be expected.
More...Keywords: integration; second generation; Estonian-Russians; linear assimilation theory
This article examines the relationship between structural, cultural, social and identificational integration dimensions among second generation Russians in Estonia on the basis of TIES data. The relationship between structural integration and other dimensions is established through cluster analysis, which involves the analysis of the diff erence between means across clusters. In addition, a bivariate correlation analysis is used to determine the relationship between cultural, social, and identificational dimensions. The results raise questions regarding the pertinence of linear assimilation theory in the Estonian case. While the cluster analysis reveals a positive relationship between structural and cultural integration, higher levels of social and identificational integration are not correlated with higher levels of structural and cultural integration. Second generation Russians retain a strong ethnic identity and socialise primarily with other Russians. A bivariate correlation analysis reveals that there is a relationship between cultural, social and identity-related dimensions. Feelings of belonging to Estonia and distance from both Russia and Russians in Russia are stronger among those with good Estonian language proficiency. Respondents with strong Estonian language skills also tend to be more socially integrated and to have more Estonian friends.
More...Keywords: deprivation; Eastern Europe; social class; life course
This paper employs the factor analysis technique and data from the UNDP/UNICEF Social Inclusion Survey to construct a material deprivation index for fi ve transitional societies in the Balkans (FYR Macedonia and Serbia), Eastern Europe (Moldova and Ukraine) and Central Asia (Kazakhstan). The distribution of deprivation between these societies can be largely explained by their level of economic development, but within-county variance is not limited to monetary dimension. Controlling for settlement type, human capital and employment status in multivariate settings, the paper tests the hypothesis of the continuous importance of occupational social class and the emerging role of diff erent life phases in individuals’ welfare outcomes. The results reveal that all specifi ed social classes and most of the defi ned life phases have diverse and statistically signifi cant eff ects on the constructed deprivation index and the likelihood of being under 70 per cent of the median deprivation threshold. Belonging to non-skilled manual, farmers and skilled manual social class as well as being a child or lone parent were revealed to have the highest risk of material deprivation. These fi ndings are in line with the conclusions made for the Western welfare democracies on the complementary nature of social class and life course dimensions in explaining social hardship.
More...Keywords: personal destinies; adaptation; post-socialist structural changes; secondary sector
This paper deals with the question of when and how lifestyle and its components are important in social stratification. There is considerable consensus among scholars about the structure of the society being a consequence of hierarchical dimensions like occupation, income, or wealth. Some thirty years ago, largely based on Bourdieu’s “Distinction”, a new paradigm emerged highlighting the lifestyle components and the value-oriented cultural and material consumption in stratifi cation. The idea refl ects the empirical fi nding that inequality between social classes has largely decreased, giving priority to horizontal lifestyle differentiation instead of vertical inequality dimensions. From a theoretical viewpoint, a challenge in the approach is finding out to what extent lifestyle typology is of a non-vertical character in reality. This social determination of lifestyle is investigated for Hungary when comparing an occupation-based typology with a consumption-based one. On the one hand, results reveal that the effects of structural components on social status are stronger than those of lifestyle. On the other hand, lifestyle turns out to be less independent of social position and the top and bottom levels of the lifestyle typology are particularly predictable by structural measures.
More...FLECK ZOLTÁN: JOGÁLLAM ÉS IGAZSÁGSZOLGÁLTATÁS A VÁLTOZÓ VILÁGBAN (2008, PALLAS PÁHOLY–GONDOLAT KIADÓ, BUDAPEST. 260. OLDAL)
More...The article seeks to identify the causes of the Hungarian crisis phenomena that emerged in the past couple of years. Theoretically, fi rst it asks whether the conceptual framework of democratic elitism can be applied, and then it attempts to outline the concept of simulated democracy. The article argues that in a simulated democracy both the elite and large groups within society only imitate that they accept the rules of the game. Moreover, there is no elite consensus about these rules and instead of substantive representation and responsibility symbolic representation does dominate the linkage between political elite and society. Both democratic stability and the performance of the regime will be seriously undermined because the elite encourage populist tendencies, transformative elements dominate, politics is personalized, everyday life and professional issues are over-politicized. In addition, the legitimacy of the opponents tends to be questioned, different and opposing messages are sent to the public and to the elite, public monies are spent in a nontransparent way, and tax-evasion, norm-breaching and over-bidding prevail.
More...This study analyses the democratic period following the Second World War from the perspective of the Hungarian political elite. This period is characterised by a complete change of elite regarding both personal composition and the social and political background of the deputies. This study is searching for the causes of this radical change, based on statistical analysis of secondary quantitative data. The source of these data is the Hungarian Parliamentary Database prepared in the framework of an OTKA research programme and the Cube database created within the EURELIT project. This study firstly scrutinises the changes in the Hungarian political elite: persons, parties and characteristics. The aim is to present the extent and nature of the change by comparing the parameters of these legislatures with previous parliaments. Afterwards the peculiarities of the change and the characteristics of the deputies have to be compared to their West European counterparts. On the one hand, the analysis focuses on the similarities and differences in the extent of change. On the other, it studies whether as a result of the changes in the composition of the parliamentary elite Hungary is adapting to the Western model of parliamentary elite composition.
More...This study aims to present the major events, procedures and negotiations of the In tergovernmental Conferences (IGC’s) of the EU from 2003 to 2007, which had the mandate to constitute a new Treaty making the EU more effi cient and hopefully democratic also with 27 or more members. The IGC’s had different types of methods and various detailed mandates, but the result somehow was the same: after long years of negotiations and a hardly found consensus at the high political level, the citizens three times (France, and the Netherlands in 2005, Ireland in 2008) stopped the ratifi cation process of the new Treaty with a ”no” referendum. So, can we raise again the old question, namely is the EU still an elite project with sharp interests, which is working against a real and credible compromise, despite every effort (new methods of negotiations with questionnaires, official documents put on the European Union website, open the doors to the public, etc.) put to the windows?
More...The political transformations in 1989–91 put an end to the state socialist regimes’ monopolistic control over the media. Despite the formal declaration of media freedom, the creation of democratic legal and institutional frameworks, and the privatization of the majority of press and media outlets, however, media freedom was repeatedly challenged in the post-transformation period by both political and business elites. This paper attempts to explore the status and trends of democratic performance of the news media with a focus on political and commercial pressures in East Central Europe in the period 1989-2008. It offers an overview of the role of the media in democratic consolidation, explains the most salient media policy issues and trends, and puts forward a series of media policy proposals that aim at enhancing the consolidation of media freedom in the countries of East Central Europe.
More...From the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe to the Treaty of Lisbon, with Special Regard to the Common Foreign and Security Policy (2001–2008) The European constitutional process began with the European Convention – sometimes known as the Convention on the Future of Europe – on 27 February 2002. This article examines the headlines of some projects of the Constitution for Europe, the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe (TCE) and the Lisbon Treaty. The TCE was signed in Rome by representatives of the Member States on 29 October 2004, and was in the process of ratifi cation by the Member States when, in 2005, French (29 May) and Dutch (1 June) voters rejected the treaty in referenda. The Treaty of Lisbon established a more fl exible European Union than the Nice Treaty. The stated aim of the treaty is “to complete the process started by the Treaty of Amsterdam and by the Treaty of Nice with a view to enhancing the effi ciency and democratic legitimacy of the Union and to improve the coherence of its action”. Prominent changes introduced with the Treaty of Lisbon include more qualifi ed majority voting in the EU Council, increased involvement of the European Parliament in the legislative process through extended co-decision with the EU Council, eliminating the pillar system and the creation of a President of the EU and a High Representative for Foreign Affairs. The referendum on the Treaty of Lisbon held on 12 June 2008 was defeated by the Irish electorate and threatens the EU’s future.
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Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some “minimum” of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the “order” which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.
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The article surveys questions related to the situation of the communist elites of allied Soviet republics during and after the collapse of the USSR. The author analizes the questions whether qualitative and quantitative changes happened in the highest layers of the power or the alterations were nominal. What actions had the major significance for the maintenance of the Soviet nomenclature power during the Soviet system’s fundamental breakdown – the character and strength of the local nomenclature’s social networks, their flexibility and adequacy when reacting to the sudden changes of the sociopolitical situation in the metropoly of the Soviet empire and in the national borderlands, the authority and personal charisma of local political leaders, the character of relationships between them and the political-administrative establishment of the centre, and with the emerging alternative local forces or more general geopolitical circumstances? The role of social groups involved into the processes of the perestroika, democratization in the change or maintenance of the communist elites are also discussed in the article. With reference to the biograms of the “last” first secretaries of the CP of allied republics, their generative, professional, and political experience is analyzed, and the given information allows to label them as “ideological” or “technocracy” wing of the party’s high nomenclature. The article shows the number of the „lasts“ first secretaries of the CP who managed not only to keep their positions and real influence in the post-Soviet transitional period, but also managed to become high officials, leaders and even presidents of new independent countries. On the basis of the Baltic countries transiting to the liberal democracy, the group of states ruled by so-called “competitive authoritarianism” and the authoritarian Central Asian republics, the article analyzes how and why national elites managed not only to adapt to the ongoing sociopolitical changes, but also had been able to control and direct them to the profitable direction. According to the latest studies of transitology and historiography of this topic, the author seeks to explain why the real scale of changes of the highest power elites of the former Soviet republics was relatively low.
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Lithuanian authors have challenges to study Russia’s politics of history. The analysis is complicated because of a few factors. Diplomatic disputes and informative wars between Lithuania and Russia concerning historical questions have encouraged researches by historians but not by political scientists. In Lithuania, the questions of who and how is forming the history politics of Russia, what is its content and the function it accomplishes, remain unexamined. The analysis is further complicated by disagreement among Russian political scientists, historians, journalists, and politicians over the existence of such politics. The present analysis demonstrates that post-soviet Russia perceives the importance of historical memory, i.e. it understands that historical memory and its forms depend on the states’ politics. Russia’s political history genesis testifies that trends of such politics depend on the geopolitical orientation of its government. The end of the Cold War did not manage to conceal the fundamental differences between Europe and Russia. The wave of liberalism and democracy, which spread over Central and Eastern Europe as well as Russian Federation, has caused tension in Russia ruled by B. Yeltsin. Yeltsin’s Russia was not able to tackle this problem by using measures of history politics in order to lessen the distance between Russia and the West. V. Putin undertook to find the solution to this situation, and he did. By using changes of international politics, he builds the image of Russia as a great power. Politics of history are subordinated to build this image; also, it is used as an instrument in domestic politics. The history politics of Russia has taken the shape of a manipulative form and serves the interests of V. Putins’s power.
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Wilson Andrew, Belarus: The Last European Dictatorship, Yale University Press, 2011, 256 p. / Bennett Brian, The Last Dictatorship in Europe. Belarus under Lukashenko, Columbia University Press, 2011, 256 p.
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The paper examines the phenomenon of politics as a distinctive domain of practical experience, particularly focusing on the analysis of political space and political time. Along with this, other political aspects are taken into account, such as desire and lack, interest, action, deliberation, judgment, fragility, and freedom. Political phenomenology is contrasted with the notion of politics expounded in Plato’s “Republic”, which centres around the famous Analogy of the Cave. According to the Analogy, the fundamental precondition of political knowledge is a deliberate delocalization – a philosopher’s dissociation from all time-bound factors and the existing political reality which is conceived as a prison of unstable, unreliable “shadows”. The paper suggests that the application of platonic Forms to political life is inadequate, because politics is an essentially temporal, fragile realm. Politics is “nourished” by the past and historical precedents, and also by future, through political aims and visions. Therefore, historical prudence, practical experience and intuition are considered of more relevance for a political subject than theoretical definitions and abstractions. It is argued that the phenomenon of politics has its own specific structure of functioning: it has no need to “borrow” any immutable principles from metaphysicians. Metaphysics does not possess an exclusive access to political knowledge. Objections to Platonism are based on the insights of Aristotle, Hannah Arendt, Michael Oakeshott and some other important political thinkers. Aristotle valuably distinguishes between theory and practice, situating politics in the realm of the latter and thus restoring dignity to the “cave-dweller” and his common sense. Arendt skillfully elaborates on the aspects of fragility of a political action, as well as on conceptualizing the experience of freedom as essential to political life. Furthermore, the paper draws heavily on Arendt’s distinction between rational truth and politics. It is argued that the two are mutually incompatible or even in conflict, because politics allows only for opinions and persuasion, whereas the unchangeable rational truth is conceived as coercive in nature. On his part, Oakeshott provides arguments for the importance of prudence and historical understanding, while also criticizing Plato’s “demonstrative” science of politics. These and a few other lines of reasoning are invoked to account for an inappropriateness of using the Cave Analogy for the understanding of politics.
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Colin Palfrey, Paul Thomas, Ceri Phillips, Evaluation for the Real World. The Impact of Evidence in Policy Making, The Policy Press: University of Bristol, 2012, 248 p.
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The article aims at analyzing the dimension of history in the neo-scholastic conception of the European integration. The research focuses on R. Schuman’s vision of the European integration. He was among the politicians who created the first European communities. His political thought was deeply influenced by the philosophy of the famous French philosopher J. Maritain and the pope Pius XII who both cherished the historical ideal of the European integration, based on the Christian philosophy of history. The main incentive for undertaking this kind of research was the wish to find an alternative intellectual and theoretical position that would not be based on the historicist principles of modernity and enlightenment. Eventually, such position could enhance the poor reflectivity of today`s European integration theory. The analysis of the neo-scholastic European unification idea revealed that all three authors grounded their understanding of history in onto-existential epistemology of Thomism. Its main claim is twofold. First, every historical moment is perceived as a reference to the underlying reality that is not dependent upon historical flow and endows it with spiritual meaning. Second, at the very moment of perceiving the temporal circumstances and grasping their underlying transcendental reality, the moral requirements for the concrete historical moment are discovered. J. Maritain, Pius XII, and R. Schuman withdrew their ideas of European unification and Christian heritage of Europe from this Thomistic conception of history and the onto-existential epistemology. It is sustained that the results of the undertaken analysis can open qualitatively new theoretical perspectives in the European integration theory and thus help to create a more meaningful Europe. First of all, such a non-historicist position of looking at the process of European integration can provide one condition that is necessary for every true scientific enquiry: it can help to create a theoretical distance among the knowing subject and the known reality. Second, the Christian conception of a human person, which was held by J. Maritain, Pius XII, and R. Schuman, is able at least to stimulate the raising of the most fundamental questions about the true nature and goals of European unification. Third, the analysis has demonstrated that the issue of the Christian heritage of Europe is important and cannot be ignored, because it is a historical fact and not only a lofty idea.
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