Power Shifts in East Asia and Their Implications for Asia–Europe Relations
Power Shifts in East Asia and Their Implications for Asia–Europe Relations
Contributor(s): Karol Żakowski (Editor), Bartosz Kowalski (Editor)
Subject(s): Politics / Political Sciences, Politics, Economy, National Economy, Supranational / Global Economy, Economic policy
Published by: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Keywords: Western Pacific Rim of East Asia; East Asia; South China Sea; Taiwan; China; Vietnam; Korea; EU–Asian relations
Summary/Abstract: East Asia has attracted great interest not only due to its economic, demographic and cultural potential, but also thanks to its rapidly rising international position. While in the past it was Japan that could be considered as a forerunner of economic and societal changes on the Asian continent, at present it is China that holds a dominant position in terms of economic, political and military power. China’s rapid rise has led both to increase in tensions in East Asia and to intensification of the efforts to institutionalize multilateral dialogue in the region. This edited volume aims to analyze the changes in distribution of power in East Asia at the beginning of the 21st century as well as their implications for the development of relations between Asian and European countries. The multi-dimensional analysis of political, economic, and societal shifts in East Asia will contribute to better understanding of the complex factors influencing Asia-Europe relations.
Series: Uniwersytet Łódzki
- E-ISBN-13: 978-83-8142-288-8
- Print-ISBN-13: 978-83-8142-287-1
- Page Count: 230
- Publication Year: 2019
- Language: English
Tensions Along the Western Pacific Rim of East Asia: Obstacles or Opportunities?
Tensions Along the Western Pacific Rim of East Asia: Obstacles or Opportunities?
(Tensions Along the Western Pacific Rim of East Asia: Obstacles or Opportunities?)
- Author(s):David A. Jones, Hanzhen Liu
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Economic policy, Security and defense, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:13-38
- No. of Pages:26
- Keywords:Asia; China; India; Japan; Pax Americana; Pax Americana Secunda; Pax Serica; CEEC; UNCLOS
- Summary/Abstract:Tensions have erupted then lingered along the Western Pacific rim, widened across East Asia, expanded into South Asia. They range from the most threatening, the erratic and belligerent behavior of North Korea, to the mystifying posture of China across the East and South China Seas, to the transparent build-up of “flat top” warships by India and Japan, to a myriad of other indicators of conflict. Each of these problems is solvable, some more easily than others. Each requires cooperation among the nations along the Western Pacific, notably China, frequently absent. Each must involve the United States of America. These tensions, each individually and all collectively, may be viewed pessimistically as obstacles; they are better viewed optimistically as one grand opportunity. Emerging is an opportunity for the United States and China to join forces with their allies as partners leading the way toward global peace, a reinvigoration of what was known as the “Peace of 1945” or “Pax Americana” that can become at once a “Pax Serica” [“China Peace”] as well as what could become known as the “Pax Americana Secunda” [“Second American Peace”]. Allies in the region will have to join forces, they have little choice. This paper will address some internal Strengths and Weaknesses alongside some external Opportunities and Threats that befall each of the participants and all of them collectively. It will focus primarily on the opportunities that will burgeon if China and the United States can work together, as they began to do, seriatim, from the middle of 2017 before each country imposed tariffs on the other as a strategy.
South China Sea – A Multifaceted Conflict
South China Sea – A Multifaceted Conflict
(South China Sea – A Multifaceted Conflict)
- Author(s):Paweł Behrendt
- Language:English
- Subject(s):International relations/trade, Security and defense, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:39-50
- No. of Pages:12
- Keywords:South China Sea; international relations; China; Philippines; Vietnam; UNCLOS
- Summary/Abstract:Forming the maritime heart of SE Asia, the South China Sea has grown in recent years into one of the most important geopolitical areas in the world. The conflict over seemingly insignificant archipelagos has many aspects, and, like a lens, focuses the rivalry of modern powers. The territorial dispute over the Spratly and Paracel Islands is the primary level of conflict, with prestigious and economic meaning. Another aspect is the striving for control over the regional Sea Lanes of Communication. The point here is not only the transport of goods from east Asia to Europe and Africa, but also of oil and natural gas supply from the Persian Gulf. The next aspect is related to Sino-American relations and rivalry. An equally important facet is the internal politics of the PRC, which is one of the causes of an assertive foreign policy. The CPC has become hostage to its own nationalist rhetoric. There is also a broader international level of the dispute. Countries such as Australia, India and Japan have to a greater or lesser extent joined the conflict as an element of their China policy. The South China Sea unexpectedly found its place in Russian-Chinese relations, and interest in the situation in the region is also expressed by France and the United Kingdom. All these aspects form an image of a very complex and dynamic conflict of growing importance.
Power Shift in Taiwan and Its Implications on Cross-Strait Relations
Power Shift in Taiwan and Its Implications on Cross-Strait Relations
(Power Shift in Taiwan and Its Implications on Cross-Strait Relations)
- Author(s):Kamer Kasım
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Security and defense, Electoral systems, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:51-68
- No. of Pages:18
- Keywords:Taiwan; China; US; Tsai-Ing wen; Democratic Progressive Party; Cross-Strait
- Summary/Abstract:Tsai Ing-wen of the DPP won the presidential elections on 16th January 2016 and was sworn in as Taiwan’s President on 20 May 2016. The discussions about the future of cross-strait relations started with reference to the previous DPP administration’s policy of 2000–2008. The tense cross-strait relations of the DPP era were replaced with more harmonious ones with Ma Ying-jeou of KMT from 2008 to 2016. KMT acted on the basis of the 1992 consensus. The change of power with the election of Tsai Ing-wen raised questions about the basis and continuation of the cross-strait dialogue. Tsai-Ing-wen in her inauguration speech pledged to maintain the existing mechanisms for dialogue and communication across the Taiwan Strait. She also emphasized that Taiwan would conduct cross-strait affairs in accordance with the Republic of China Constitution, the Act Governing Relations between the People of Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area, and other relevant legislation. The important question with regards to cross-strait relations is: how does China evaluate Tsai Ing-wen’s intentions about cross-strait relations and conduct its policies? In this paper the cross-strait policy of the new administration in Taiwan will be analyzed through DPP’s foreign policy. Since cross-strait relations cannot be analyzed just as a relation between Taiwan and China due to Taiwan’s ties with the US, the paper will also evaluate the new US administrations’ Taiwan policy. The cross-strait relations and the US regional role also have international implications due to the South and East China Sea dispute, which creates major security concerns.
Transition Economy of Vietnam: A New Horizon of Opportunities
Transition Economy of Vietnam: A New Horizon of Opportunities
(Transition Economy of Vietnam: A New Horizon of Opportunities)
- Author(s):Mirosław Jurdeczka
- Language:English
- Subject(s):National Economy, Supranational / Global Economy, Economic policy
- Page Range:71-92
- No. of Pages:22
- Keywords:national innovation system; Vietnam; entrepreneurship; transition economy
- Summary/Abstract:The aim of this article is to present the possibilities for future development of Vietnam’s economy, as it currently represents the model of a transitional economy. In the first section of the chapter the history of economic reforms is presented, as well as the current economic situation. The second part of the article focuses on the National Innovation System as a catalyst for stimulating growth and cooperation enabling a more innovative type of economy. This chapter presents the theoretical role of government-based institutions in bridging between academia and business actors to create a more innovative environment. In the third part of this paper a number of selected threads to the general development of Vietnam’s economy are presented. The final findings highlight the utmost importance of government institutions in developing the right environment within the country for the development of an innovative economy, but also in creating vital connections at international level that are needed for technology and know-how transfer.
“Enemies of the People” in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea: The Political Meaning of Human Rights Violations Against Them
“Enemies of the People” in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea: The Political Meaning of Human Rights Violations Against Them
(“Enemies of the People” in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea: The Political Meaning of Human Rights Violations Against Them)
- Author(s):Eunwon Yi
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Security and defense, Sociology of Politics, Peace and Conflict Studies
- Page Range:93-115
- No. of Pages:23
- Keywords:North Korea; human rights; friend/enemy; politicization; popular sovereignty
- Summary/Abstract:Over the last several decades, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK)’s government has repeatedly produced a number of “enemies of the people.” This article contends that the “enemies” in the DPRK have been produced by political decisions in the name of popular sovereignty, based on post-colonialism and socialism. The principal goal of this article is to identify the political meaning of violations against the “enemies of the people” and to shed light on the problems of “politicized human rights.”
The Caste System in Contemporary Indian Democracy
The Caste System in Contemporary Indian Democracy
(The Caste System in Contemporary Indian Democracy)
- Author(s):Natalia Zajączkowska
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Electoral systems
- Page Range:117-130
- No. of Pages:14
- Keywords:Caste system; India; Democracy
- Summary/Abstract:It is widely acknowledged that Indian society is still significantly plagued, not only by jāti itself, but also omnipresent caste-ridden politics. The aim of this essay is to analyze this social structure in terms of contemporary Indian democracy and explore how it is perceived and evaluated inside of India. I address questions of whether the word democracy is suitable for a country whose society is hierarchically organized, in which the egalitarian tradition remains very limited. This article contributes to the understanding of the coexistence of these seemingly contradicting concepts – Indian caste and democracy. In this article, I elaborate highly influential Dumont’s theory of caste along with two different research studies of Indian scholars. My interpretation is also based on two months of field research during my voluntary work in north-western India in 2016/2017.
The Man with a Dream and a Plan: Xi Jinping, the “Chinese Dream” and the Belt and Road Initiative
The Man with a Dream and a Plan: Xi Jinping, the “Chinese Dream” and the Belt and Road Initiative
(The Man with a Dream and a Plan: Xi Jinping, the “Chinese Dream” and the Belt and Road Initiative)
- Author(s):Marsela Musabelliu
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Supranational / Global Economy, Economic policy
- Page Range:133-144
- No. of Pages:12
- Keywords:Chinese Dream; Xi Jinping; reforms; Belt and Road Initiative
- Summary/Abstract:The purpose of this paper is to seek the organizing principle of China’s Belt and Road Initiative in terms of the People’s Republic of China’s overall foreign policy objectives, and, in order to do this, an understanding of the leadership of the Middle Kingdom becomes imperative. There are five generations of Chinese leaders since the proclamation of the PRC and obviously each of them has had distinct attitudes when it comes to foreign policy and the decision making process, since their actions have been the outcome of specific historical, social and geopolitical conditions. Notwithstanding, we see a continuity of grand strategies and application of the same principles of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, inherited from one establishment by the other. The current leader Xi Jinping, soon after getting to be General Secretary of the Communist Party in late 2012, expressed what might turn into the hallmark of his administration: “The Chinese Dream – the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.” Some months later the New Silk Road Strategy was proclaimed; the proposed revival of a great trade route which, two thousand years ago, bridged Eastern and Western cultures across the Eurasian continent, becomes in the 21st century the fulcrum of the Belt and Road Initiative and the blueprint of the actual Chinese foreign policy.
China–EU Energy Security Cooperation: The Case for Renewables
China–EU Energy Security Cooperation: The Case for Renewables
(China–EU Energy Security Cooperation: The Case for Renewables)
- Author(s):Jeremy Garlick
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Energy and Environmental Studies, Economic policy
- Page Range:145-158
- No. of Pages:14
- Keywords:energy security; China–EU relations; Belt and Road Initiative; Juncker Plan; renewable energy; fossil fuels; nuclear energy
- Summary/Abstract:The idea of China and the European Union cooperating on energy security is one which may not seem logical or likely at first glance. The two actors are geographically distant from one another and their energy supply needs and routes do not intersect for the most part. Yet careful study of the possibilities reveals that there is not only the potential, but also the need for cooperation on energy security. This is particularly the case in the field of renewables, where there is an opportunity to achieve win-win synergies which can produce enhanced outcomes in terms of local and global energy production and consumption.
Multilateral Development Banks as Instruments of EU–Asian Relations
Multilateral Development Banks as Instruments of EU–Asian Relations
(Multilateral Development Banks as Instruments of EU–Asian Relations)
- Author(s):Mateusz Smolaga
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Economic policy, Financial Markets
- Page Range:159-186
- No. of Pages:28
- Keywords:Multilateral development banks; Asian Development Bank – ADB; Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank – AIIB; European Bank for Reconstruction and Development – EBRD; Asia; financial cooperation
- Summary/Abstract:In January 2016, the People’s Republic of China became the 65th member country of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development: a multinational financial institution created by the European Union and the European Investment Bank “to promote entrepreneurship and change lives” across the Mediterranean region, Southern, Central and Eastern Europe, the Caucasus and Central Asia. Perhaps Chinese involvement in this European institution could be considered a surprising development, until we realize both the Asian Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, which are generally seen as the major players, are constituted of over a dozen EU members. This complexity of relations is also evident throughout the rest of the multilateral development banks active in Asia. The aim of the article is to test the hypothesis that the cooperation between multilateral development banks not only provides the opportunity for the funding of various investment projects crucial to the world economy, but can also facilitate the achievement of the individual political goals of their members. The text offers a brief comparative analysis of the multilateral development banks that operate and interact in Asia, presenting the common ground for their financial cooperation, while attempting to identify ways of avoiding serious conflicts of interest. The real test of this hypothesis must take into account the political context in which these interactions take place.
Can Asymmetric Relationships Work Together? A Quantitative Approach of “16+1” Cooperation Mechanism
Can Asymmetric Relationships Work Together? A Quantitative Approach of “16+1” Cooperation Mechanism
(Can Asymmetric Relationships Work Together? A Quantitative Approach of “16+1” Cooperation Mechanism)
- Author(s):Hongfei Gu
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Supranational / Global Economy, Economic policy
- Page Range:187-212
- No. of Pages:26
- Keywords:asymmetric relationship; international cooperation; China-CEE relations
- Summary/Abstract:Is there a possibility that there will be cooperation between two sides with a big gap? If so, could this cooperation be sustainable development? This question has always been a hot issue in international cooperation research. The “16+1” framework is a relatively new cooperation format initiated by China with 16 CEE countries in 2012. Since its formation, the “16+1” has made some progress in strengthening dialogue and cooperation between China and CEE countries. The heads of state of the member countries meet annually and each meeting results in a list of agreements. During the 5th and most recent summit, held in Riga, Chinese premier Li Keqiang formally launched a 10 billion euro investment fund to finance infrastructure and production capacity projects (“The Riga Guidelines for Cooperation between China and Central and Eastern European Countries,” n.d.). While the above initiatives have been made so far, it is not difficult to trace that in China and the CEE countries, the significant differences in the countries among the CEE made for a complexity of interaction. First of all, the CEE countries are not only a strictly strategic entity, but not a political or economic entity, and the two sides are now facing the problem of “one to sixteen.” Moreover, for the relationship between China and the EU, China cannot be a member state or even a power to arrange the sixteen countries as a political group. Secondly, despite the continuous warming of economic and trade cooperation between the two sides, such as the Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary, Serbia and other countries with China, in terms of bilateral trade, there are still huge differences for both exports and imports, and bilateral ties show an asymmetric pattern from the political and economic perspectives. Thirdly, while the CEE countries are developing economic and trade relations with China, there are big differences regarding foreign policy toward China among the CEE countries: sixteen states are not consistent with their foreign policies toward China, and at the same time, there is still a disagreement between the two sides on political, economic, and human rights; Tibet and Taiwan issues; the arms embargo and other relevant issues. Therefore, the development of China’s relations with CEE countries is now facing opportunities and challenges simultaneously. The asymmetry of bilateral cooperation requires China to optimize its policies on CEE countries for further development. This paper will analyze the CEE countries’ foreign policy toward China via a 15 language1 database among all CEE countries since the two sides established diplomatic ties. Using big data, the development of small countries’ foreign policies will be analyzed while confronting big powers through game theory, then it will be tested if it is possible for such asymmetric relationships to work.
Values or Interests? Japan’s Relations with European Countries under the Abe Administration
Values or Interests? Japan’s Relations with European Countries under the Abe Administration
(Values or Interests? Japan’s Relations with European Countries under the Abe Administration)
- Author(s):Karol Żakowski
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Supranational / Global Economy, Public Administration
- Page Range:213-229
- No. of Pages:17
- Keywords:Japan-EU relations; Abe administration; foreign policy of Japan
- Summary/Abstract:Both during his first (2006–2007) and second administrations (since 2012) Prime Minister Abe Shinzō emphasized the gravity of value-oriented diplomacy based on promotion of democracy, free-market economy, human rights, and rule of law. At the same time, however, his foreign policy has been very pragmatic and focused on hard-power-like measures, such as an increase in the deterrence capacity of the Self-Defense Forces. On the one hand, the Japanese government declared its attachment to universal values on the international scene, but on the other hand there were doubts whether it lived up to those values on domestic ground. For that reason, Tokyo has been accused by neighboring countries of treating value-oriented diplomacy as an empty slogan in order to realize national interests. The aim of this paper is to evaluate the role of this dichotomy in relations with Europe. It is examined to what extent Abe declared his adherence to the universal values, and to what extent he really promoted them in Europe. Special emphasis is placed on the discrepancy between Tokyo’s narrative on values in relations with the European Union (EU) on the one side and with Moscow and other undemocratic regimes in Europe on the other.