MEĐUNARODNA NAUČNA KONFERENCIJA: 75. GODIŠNJICA PRVOG ZASJEDANJA ZAVNOBIH-A - POVIJESNA UTEMELJENOST OBNOVLJENE DRŽAVNOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE U 20. I 21. STOLJEĆU
INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE 75TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FIRST ZAVNOBIH SESSION - HISTORICAL ESTABLISHMENT OF THE RENEWED STATEHOOD OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN 20TH AND 21ST CENTURY
Contributor(s): Adila Pašalić Kreso (Editor), Mirko Pejanović (Editor), Vera Katz (Editor)
Subject(s): Politics, History of Law, Constitutional Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Political history, Recent History (1900 till today), Nationalism Studies, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), EU-Accession / EU-DEvelopment, Politics and Identity, Identity of Collectives
Published by: Akademija Nauka i Umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine
Keywords: Bosnia; BiH; ZAVNOBIH; statehood; political history; anti-fascism; sovereignty; independence; Constitution; human rights;
Summary/Abstract: Dva odjeljenja Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine: Odjeljenje društvenih i Odjeljenje humanističkih nauka, inicirala su pripremu i održavanje Međunarodne naučne konferencije: „75. godišnjica ZAVNOBiHa: povijesna utemeljenost obnovljene državnosti Bosne i Hercegovine u XX i XXI stoljeću“. Predsjedništvo i Izvršni odbor ANUBiH podržali su prijedlog i donijeli odluke o formiranju Organizacionog i Naučnog odbora konferencije. U višemjesečnom zajedničkom radu odbora pokrenute su aktivnosti koje su omogućile prijavu većeg broja naučnih radnika za učešće na naučnoj konferenciji: „75. godišnjica ZAVNOBiH-a: povijesna utemeljenost obnovljene državnosti Bosne i Hercegovine u XX i XXI stoljeću“. Za Konferenciju su podnijeli radove naučni radnici i nastavnici fakulteta i naučno-istraživačkih instituta iz Bosne i Hercegovine, kao i jedan broj naučnih radnika iz Hrvatske, Slovenije i Velike Britanije. Svaki rad je recenziran od strane najmanje dva recenzenta: jednog inostranog i jednog domaćeg. Tako je za ovaj Zbornik i izlaganje na Konferenciji odabrano 25 radova. Teme pripremljenih referata, u društveno-historijskom kontekstu nastanka ideje ZAVNOBIH-a obuhvataju historijsko doba prije održavanja Prvog zasjedanja ZAVNOBIH-a 1943. godine, zatim doba obnove i uspostave državnosti Bosne i Hercegovine na temeljima Prvog (1943), Drugog (1944) i Trećeg zasjedanja ZAVNOBIH-a (1945). Jedan broj autora referata obrađuje socijalni, ekonomski, kulturni i politički razvoj Bosne i Hercegovine od 1945. do 1990. godine, kada Bosna i Hercegovina postiže civilizacijska dostignuća u svim oblastima društvenog razvoja. Unutar provođenja društvenih reformi, Bosna i Hercegovina je u vremenu 1965–1990. godina provela reforme i riješila nacionalnu samobitnost Muslimana-Bošnjaka i afirmaciju i ravnopravnost hrvatskog naroda. Osim toga, u ovom je periodu Bosna i Hercegovina promijenila strukturu privrede, tako da je bazna industrija zamijenjena prerađivačkom, što je omogućilo zapošljavanje milion građana Bosne i Hercegovine. Istovremeno je postignut potpuni obuhvat djece osnovnim obrazovanjem. Formirana su tri nova univerziteta: Banjalučki, Tuzlanski i Mostarski. Dobri međunacionalni odnosi i jedinstvo u republičkom rukovodstvu Bosne i Hercegovine dali su poseban poticaj razvoju državnosti Bosne i Hercegovine. S razvijenom lokalnom (komunalnom) samoupravom i demokratskim odlučivanjem o socijalnom razvoju u Skupštini Socijalističke Republike Bosne i Hercegovine postignut je novi položaj Socijalističke Republike Bosne i Hercegovine u pogledu jačanja ravnopravnosti unutar jugoslovenske socijalističke federacije. Dostignuti nivo razvoja državnosti Bosne i Hercegovine omogućio je da se potkraj 90-ih godina XX stoljeća mirno izvede politička pluralizacija bosanskohercegovačkog društva i uvede višepartijski sistem. U prvoj godini rada višestranačke Skupštine Republike Bosne i Hercegovine, tokom 1991. i početkom 1992. godine, Bosna i Hercegovina je voljom većine svojih građana na referendumu o suverenom i nezavisnom statusu Bosne i Hercegovine 29. februara i 1. marta 1992. godine dobila svoj novi državno-pravni status. Na temelju volje građana, Evropska unija i veći broj zemalja svijeta donijeli su odluke o međunarodnom priznanju integriteta i suvereniteta Bosne i Hercegovine u njenim historijskim i avnojevskim granicama. Nakon toga, Bosna i Hercegovina je 22. maja 1992. godine postala članica Organizacije ujedinjenih ancija. U drugoj skupini referata, autori su elaborirali više tema koje se odnose na aspekte osporavanja ZAVNOBIH-a, zatim posljedice agresije na Bosnu i Hercegovinu u vremenu rata 1992–1995, kao i na političko-pravna ograničenja državno-pravnog i političkog razvoja Bosne i Hercegovine koja proističu iz odredbi Dejtonskog ustava za Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Teorijska elaboracija historijskih spoznaja o obnovi i razvoju državnosti Bosne i Hercegovine u XX i XXI stoljeću omogućila je i nova istraživanja koja će subjektima društvenog odlučivanja pomoći u oblikovanju društvenih reformi tokom procesa integracije Bosne i Hercegovine u Evropsku uniju na početku XXI stoljeća. U tom kontekstu, historijski temelji i osnove za sve reforme u društvenom razvoju Bosne i Hercegovine postoje u odlukama Prvog zasjedanja ZAVNOBIH-a. Rezolucijom Prvog zasjedanja ZAVNOBIH-a utemeljen je koncept državnosti multietničkog i multikulturnog društva kakvo je bosanskohercegovačko društvo. Organizacioni i Naučni odbor izražavaju zahvalnost autorima referata i recenzentima koji su podržali teorijsko-metodološke osnove napisanih referata. Također, zahvalnost upućujemo članovima organizacionog, naučnog i redakcionog odbora. Zahvalnost upućujemo i svim jedinicama lokalne samouprave, državnim institucijama i ustanovama koje su pružile finansijsku podršku za štampanje Zbornika referata pripremljenih za naučnu konferenciju povodom 75. godina ZAVNOBIH-a.
Series: Posebna izdanja ANUBiH
- E-ISBN-13: 978-9926-410-40-7
- Print-ISBN-13: 978-9926-410-40-7
- Page Count: 574
- Publication Year: 2019
- Language: Bosnian, English, Croatian, Serbian
KONTINUITET RAZVOJA DRŽAVNOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE OD PRVOG ZASJEDANJA ZAVNOBIH-a 1943. GODINE DO REFERENDUMA GRAĐANA O SUVERENOSTI I NEZAVISNOSTI 1992. GODINE
KONTINUITET RAZVOJA DRŽAVNOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE OD PRVOG ZASJEDANJA ZAVNOBIH-a 1943. GODINE DO REFERENDUMA GRAĐANA O SUVERENOSTI I NEZAVISNOSTI 1992. GODINE
(CONTINUITY OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE STATEHOOD OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA FROM THE FIRST SESSION OF THE ZAVNOBIH IN 1943 TO THE CITIZENS’ REFERENDUM ON SOVEREIGNTY AND INDEPENDENCE IN 1992)
- Author(s):Mirko Pejanović
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Constitutional Law, Political history, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Post-War period (1950 - 1989), Transformation Period (1990 - 2010)
- Page Range:15-32
- No. of Pages:18
- Keywords:ZAVNOBIH; Bosnia and Herzegovina; SFRJ; political parties; ethnical homogenization; political pluralisation; multilateral system; multilateral Assembly of BiH; Referendum of Citizens;
- Summary/Abstract:Within the antifascist People’s Liberation Movement in Yugoslavia and Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Second World War there was an idea of ZAVNOBIH as the general political representation of citizens and peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Based upon idea of ZAVNOBIH there was renewed and established the contemporary statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina, on the First Assembly of ZAVNOBIH in 1943. Organization of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s society is based upon decisions of the First (1943), the Second (1945) Assembly of ZAVNOBIH and it became the historical based political form of multi-ethnic and multicultural organization of society that exists in Bosnia and Herzegovina for more centuries. The essence of its statehood is the impartiality and unity of citizens and peoples that live in Bosnia and Herzegovina. United in the fight for freedom, representatives of peoples decided that citizens and peoples, in brotherhood and unity, will build federal state unit of Bosnia and Herzegovina within Yugoslav Federation. In the period after the Second World War, statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina was developed in the social and historical context related to the process of constitutional, legal and social reforms. During 45 years of existence in piece, Bosnia and Herzegovina has brought its first Constitutional Law in 1946, then Constitutional Law in 1963 and 1974. Its statehood, Bosnia and Herzegovina has strengthened from 1946 to 1990 within three overall reforms: transformation of position regarding BH industry in the Yugoslav Federation; solution of question regarding national subjectivity of Muslims (Bosniaks) in the latest 60-ies of 20th century and the question of national equality of Croatian people. Very special reforms, according to its affects, was the reform in economic, infrastructural and cultural development. From the latest 60-ies Bosnia and Herzegovina develops processing industry and employs million of citizens. Bosnia and Herzegovina have until 1990 developed its statehood up to the highest level of sovereignty in the management of social development. Turning point in social development of Bosnia and Herzegovina began in 1990 when introducing political pluralism and pluralistic party system. In the first year of political pluralism in the governing of Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina Assembly in 1991, there was a decision-making process on state and legal position of Republic Bosnia and Herzegovina within the dissolution process of Yugoslavia. Governing political parties: SDA, HDZ and SDS were confronting among each other upon this issue. One point of view was held by Party of Democratic Action (SDA), Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), together with 5 opposition parties: SK-SDP, SRS, MBO, DSS I LS. Their mutual viewpoint was that Bosnia and Herzegovina according to the achieved sovereignty from 1943 to 1991 has historical right for state and legal status of independent country, in the same way as it was achieved by other republics in Yugoslav Federation: Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia. On the other side, SDS (Serb Democratic Party) denied statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina considering it only as the administrative unit in the SFRJ. The point is that SDS was following Milošević’s concept of Great Serbia and in that context, the destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina sovereignty by army force, inherited from JNA (Yugoslav National Army). Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Assembly has found democratic solution for defining state and legal status of Bosnia and Herzegovina. During January of 1992, Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Assembly have brought decision on organizing the republic referendum on February 29 and March 1, 1992. Citizen of Bosnia and Herzegovina called out on this referendum in 64% enlisted in election list. For the sovereign and independent status of state Bosnia and Herzegovina have voted 99% of citizens. Based upon the willpower of citizens on sovereignty and independent status of Bosnia and Herzegovina there was an international recognition in April 1992 by EU countries, USA and great number of countries in the world. After that, Bosnia and Herzegovina have received membership in OUN on May 22, 1992. Development of statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina has historical continuity since the First Council of ZAVNOBIH in 1943 until the referendum of citizens in 1992 on sovereign and independent status of state Bosnia and Herzegovina and international recognition of independence and sovereignty. War against Bosnia and Herzegovina that started after referendum was stopped by Dayton Peace agreement in 1995. Based upon Dayton Peace Agreement, Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first decade of 21st century is developing as the sovereign, independent and European country within its historical and internationally recognized borders.
POVIJESNA UTEMELJENOST DRŽAVNOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE
POVIJESNA UTEMELJENOST DRŽAVNOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE
(HISTORICAL ESTABLISHMENT OF THE STATEHOOD OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA)
- Author(s):Zijad Šehić
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Political history, Recent History (1900 till today), Nationalism Studies, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Identity of Collectives
- Page Range:33-55
- No. of Pages:23
- Keywords:statehood; Bosnia and Herzegovina; ZAVNOBIH; nationalism; ideology;
- Summary/Abstract:In this article the author indicates the historical turning points which were key for the construction of identity, Bosnian and Herzegovinian specificity and the paradigm of unity in difference. He traces the long genesis of Bosnian and Herzegovinian statehood, from the times of Ban Kulin (r. ca. 1180-1204) during which the medieval Bosnian state was affirmed, experiencing its culmination during the reign of Tvrtko I Kotromanić (r. 1353-1391), when it became a Kingdom (1377). The period of the Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian and the administration of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and the Slovenes, i.e. the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, is observed in the context of international diplomacy, public and secret aspect of national aspirations towards Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as the of methods through which they were realized. The process of the restoration of Bosnian and Herzegovinian statehood is given special attention. The paper demonstrates the process of the dissolution of the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia and the attempts to dispute the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina, stressing the importance of pro-Bosnian powers that were responsible for the preservation of independence, unity and sovereignty of the internationally recognized state of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
SPONE I SPOROVI: BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA U JUGOSLAVENSKOJ DRŽAVI (1918-1941)
SPONE I SPOROVI: BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA U JUGOSLAVENSKOJ DRŽAVI (1918-1941)
(BONDS AND DISPUTES: BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN THE YUGOSLAV STATE (1918-1941))
- Author(s):Safet Bandžović
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):History of Law, Constitutional Law, Political history, Nationalism Studies, Pre-WW I & WW I (1900 -1919), Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), WW II and following years (1940 - 1949)
- Page Range:57-92
- No. of Pages:36
- Keywords:Kingdom of SHS; Bosnia and Herzegovina/Yugoslavia; interior constitution; Bosnia and Herzegovina; national ideologies; political discussions; unitarism; federalism; autonomy;
- Summary/Abstract:Creation of the Yugoslav state in 1918, which Bosnia and Herzegovina joined as an historical and political subject, meant unification of national, religious, cultural, historical, social, economic, regional differences and perspectives, ties of different national histories, experiences, traditions, customs, mentalities, way of education and living. Being together is not the same as being the same. It was the result of international circumstances, a new toponym, complex state on the map of new Europe, made of different ethnic groups (recognized Serbs, Croats and Slovenes), national and religious minorities who entered the new state with different political, cultural and civilisational ideas. Yugoslavia was standing on unstable political and economical foundations. Having an regime that identifies opinions of the opposition as anti-state action caused resistance against the idea of a new Yugoslav state. Political violence and dictatorship marked the period of existence of Yugoslavia. Conflict between antagonistic supporters of how should the state look like was its biggest inner problem. After 1918, Bosnia and Herzegovina preserved its autonomy with its National government until 1921 and the Provincional government. The Provincional government functioned until 1924 when due to the changes brought by the Vidovdan Constitution (1921) centralization and new inner structure took place. Bosnia and Herzegovina was divided into six regions which were seperate and depedent on the government in Belgrade. With the goal of destroying old historical provinces, new administrative units were formed – banovinas. Bosnia and Herzegovina was in 1929 divided by the Drina, Vrbas, Littoral and the Zeta Banovina. Her status was depedent by the projections of the regime, and by the Serbian-Croatian agreements and problems in their relations which were manifested with the formation of the Banovina of Croatia in 1939. and determination of its borders. Same things occured during talks about the future inner structure of Yugoslavia. Serb and Croat politicans were not ready to accept the formation of a “Bosnian banovina” as it was requested by Muslim politicians. The legacy of several attempts to finally define the inner structure of the country had huge influence in conflicts and in partition of occupied Yugoslavia in 1941.
JOSIP BROZ TITO, KPJ I BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA 1937-1943. GODINE
JOSIP BROZ TITO, KPJ I BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA 1937-1943. GODINE
(JOSIP BROZ TITO, CPY AND BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 1937-1943)
- Author(s):Ivo Goldstein
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), History of Communism
- Page Range:93-113
- No. of Pages:21
- Keywords:Josip Broz Tito; CPY; Bosnia and Herzegovina; Federation; Yugoslavia;
- Summary/Abstract:The author analyzes the role of Josip Broz Tito and the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in the realization of the idea of a six-member Yugoslav federation, and especially of the place the federative Bosnia and Herzegovina had in this process in years before the Second World War and the first two years of the war, until the second session of AVNOJ in Jajce in November 1943. The policy of the Communist International (Comintern) at the end of the twenties and in the thirties was that the future socialist/communist Yugoslavia must be built on principles different from those of the royal Yugoslavia. Therefore, the socialist Yugoslavia should oppose “monarchy, hegemony and oppression of non-Serb people” (as Tito spoke). The views of Josip Broz Tito on Yugoslav federalism are the logical position of a Croat communist living in Zagreb and witnessing political developments in royal Yugoslavia from Zagreb. Tito has developed a “Croatian variant of Yugoslavism”. For him, the federation was a logical, realistic and concrete solution. In this way, he also saw Bosnia and Herzegovina as an equal member of the federation (though some of his close associates had a different opinion). At the Fifth National Conference of the CPY in Zagreb in October 1940 Tito stated that “Bosnia and Herzegovina is one, because of the traditional common life of the various peoples, regardless of religion”. Then this attitude was further developed and finally realized at the session in Jajce.
THE GREAT SERBIAN THREAT, ZAVNOBIH AND MUSLIM BOSNIAK ENTRY INTO THE PEOPLE’S LIBERATION MOVEMENT
THE GREAT SERBIAN THREAT, ZAVNOBIH AND MUSLIM BOSNIAK ENTRY INTO THE PEOPLE’S LIBERATION MOVEMENT
(THE GREAT SERBIAN THREAT, ZAVNOBIH AND MUSLIM BOSNIAK ENTRY INTO THE PEOPLE’S LIBERATION MOVEMENT)
- Author(s):Marko Attila Hoare
- Language:English
- Subject(s):Ethnohistory, Political history, Islam studies, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Fascism, Nazism and WW II, Wars in Jugoslavia
- Page Range:115-130
- No. of Pages:16
- Keywords:revolution; fascism; anti-fascism; resistance; cooperation;
- Summary/Abstract:From the start of the uprising in summer 1941, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia conceived of the People’s Liberation Struggle in Bosnia-Herzegovina as a specifically Bosnian-Herzegovinian liberation struggle, waged under Bosnian-patriotic slogans. Nevertheless, the status of Bosnia-Herzegovina within the future Yugoslav state was not definitely resolved until November 1943. This period – autumn 1943 – witnessed the mass influx of Muslim Bosniaks into the People’s Liberation Movement, definitely transforming it from a movement that was overwhelmingly ethnic-Serb in composition into one that had a large Muslim Bosniak component as well. A decisive catalyst for the mass entry of Muslim Bosniaks in East Bosnia into the NOP was the fear among them that Hitler would cede East Bosnia to Nedić’s Serbia, thereby establishing a Great Serbia in which the Muslim Bosniaks would be subjected to genocide. The KPJ, by championing Bosnian-Herzegovinian self-determination, was able to win over a large part of the Muslim Bosniak population that feared the Great Serbian threat. This paper will look at the relationship between the Great Serbian threat and the influx of Muslim Bosniaks into the NOP during 1943.
IDEJA I ZNAČAJ RAZVOJA MREŽE NARODNOOSLOBODILAČKIH ODBORA U VREMENU ANTIFAŠISTIČKE BORBE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1941-1945)
IDEJA I ZNAČAJ RAZVOJA MREŽE NARODNOOSLOBODILAČKIH ODBORA U VREMENU ANTIFAŠISTIČKE BORBE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI (1941-1945)
(THE IDEA AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE NETWORK OF NATIONAL LIBERATION COMMITTEES DURING THE ANTIFASCIST STRUGGLE IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA (1941-1945))
- Author(s):Elmir Sadiković
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Political history, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), History of Communism, Fascism, Nazism and WW II, Wars in Jugoslavia
- Page Range:131-149
- No. of Pages:19
- Keywords:Boards of National Liberation Movement; Local authorities; National Liberation Movement; ZAVNOBIH; AVNOJ;
- Summary/Abstract:In the free territories of occupied Yugoslavia, during antifascist liberation front led by Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) under the leadership of Tito (1941–1945) there were the first bodies of civil people’s government in the form of people’s liberation boards. By strengthening antifascist People’s Liberation Movement (NOP), People’s Liberation Boards (NOOs) will become an important instrument for combating occupation forces and creation of living conditions for people in the liberated territories. Together with army struggle of People’s Liberation Movement (NOP), this movement, by forming new structures of people’s government on free territories, firstly People’s Liberation Boards (NOOs), later on an antifascist councils of people’s liberation, has established foundations of future state constitution. In the first years of People’s Liberation War (NOR) in Bosnia and Herzegovina there were several hundreds of established People’s Liberation Boards (NOOs). Broadening these specific networks, as temporary structures of people’s government, they were especially intensified after conveying Foča’s and Krajina’s directives in 1942. All people’s liberation boards as government authorities raised from people and those boards in war conditions were developing in Bosnia and Herzegovina and in other parts of Yugoslavia. By solidification of People’s Liberation Movement (NOP) they have persistently improved their scope of work and activities. Out of people’s liberation boards’ nucleus a strong network of people’s liberation boards was founded what finally shaped ZAVNOBIH (Antifascist Council of People’s Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina) as the highest political representative body. After the Second Assembly of AVNOJ (Antifascist Council of People’s Liberation of Yugoslavia) in Jajce on November 29th and 30th in 1943, people’s liberation boards (NOOs) have achieved their full legal affirmation and they have been confirmed as significant and efficient instrument for the organization of people’s liberation war and socialist revolution, until the declaration of Law on People’s Boards in 1946. Linked together, people’s liberation boards and antifascist councils of people’s liberation were actually an integrative process of revolutionary governmental change and formation of new social and political order. Constitutional Law of Federative People’s Republic of Yugoslavia has confirmed and proclaimed that people’s liberation boards are fundamental bodies of state government and they gained constitutional and legal guaranty and protection. During the development in after war period, their character and role as the government bodies were gradually changed – from local authorities of state government in administrative – territorial units – to the position of general representative body of local communities, municipalities and cantons in this particular historical context, when they have converted into the new representative organs – municipals, cantonal assemblies. Throughout postwar evolution people’s boards were the highest government authorities on their territories and apart them, there were no other authorities of state government within local communities. Therefore, there was no dualism of local government authorities and local state government. Developed in the streak of social contradictories, by their transformation from local state authorities, people’s boards were becoming more and more democratic local government authorities.
ZAVNOS I ZAVNOBIH U KOMUNISTIČKOJ KONCEPCIJI STVARANJA FEDERATIVNE JUGOSLAVIJE
ZAVNOS I ZAVNOBIH U KOMUNISTIČKOJ KONCEPCIJI STVARANJA FEDERATIVNE JUGOSLAVIJE
(ZAVNOS AND ZAVNOBIH IN THE COMMUNIST CONCEPTIONS OF CREATING FEDERAL YUGOSLAVIA)
- Author(s):Azem Kožar
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Political history, Nationalism Studies, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), History of Communism
- Page Range:151-179
- No. of Pages:29
- Keywords:CPY; National Liberation Movement; federative Yugoslavia; Bosnia and Herzegovina; Antifascist Councils; Bosnia and Herzegovina; Sandžak; national question; Partisan autonomy;
- Summary/Abstract:The Partisan War Autonomy of Sandzak, as a multinational province inhabited by Serbs, Montenegrins and Muslims, functioned between the First and Second Sessions of the National Anti-Fascist Council of Sandzak (ZAVNOS), that is, from 20 November 1943 to March 29, 1945. It made a significant contribution to the faster development of the anti-fascist National Liberation Movement (NOP) in this area. It has contributed to the suppression of inter-ethnic conflicts, the popularization of the anti-fascist movement, the establishment and functioning of organs of the public authorities, the mobilization of people in the partisan units, etc. It was created as part of the realization of the party conception of the Yugoslav war federalism, which resulted in the establishment of five national states (Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Montenegro, Macedonia) and the sixth Bosnia and Herzegovina as multinational states (Serbs, Muslims and Croats), and in the status of federal units the new Yugoslavia. The reasons for the liquidation of Sandzak’s war autonomy at the end of the war have not been adequately investigated historiographically. What is the reason for this is indicated in the official positions of the NOP institutions, called political, economic and ethnic reasons, the need to prevent the “fragmentation” of Serbia and Montenegro, and that Muslims can exercise their national rights freely within them ZAVNOS has never asked for the special position of Sandzak, etc., apparently they were not, nor should they have been, arguments in favor of the abolition of autonomy and the division of Sandzak. These are publicly silent invisible reasons. It is about changing the attitude towards the ethnicity of Muslims in the leadership of the NOP, which they did not consider as a nation, but an ethnic group (a nation in formation), which as such can not be a constituent element of the federation. It turned out that at the time of the establishment of the ZAVNOS and ZAVNOBiH, in which the Muslims were one of the three nations, only the declarative acceptance of the ethnicity of the Muslims was present. The essential consequence of changing this relationship is not only the abolition of the autonomy of Sandzak, but also its division by the border line from 1913 between Montenegro and Serbia. The fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina retained the status of a federal unit, despite denying the nationality of Muslims as one of its three peoples, is conditioned by numerous other irrefutable arguments. It was thought that Muslims would assimilate into Serbs, Croats and Montenegrins, and thus disappear as a nation, and these efforts are recognizable in years, even decades after the war, which, however, did not happen. By acknowledging the ethnicity of the Muslims twenty years later, the KPJ practically acknowledged all its misconceptions and inconsistencies on the proper solution of the national question. However, the collapsed war autonomy of Sandzak and the repatriation of Muslims to the national minority level had long and varied negative consequences, not only for Muslims, but also for Sandzak and Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as for socialist Yugoslavia as a whole.
UTJECAJ ZAVNOBIH-A NA KULTURU I OBRAZOVANJE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI NAKON DRUGOG SVJETSKOG RATA
UTJECAJ ZAVNOBIH-A NA KULTURU I OBRAZOVANJE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI NAKON DRUGOG SVJETSKOG RATA
(THE INFLUENCE OF ZAVNOBIH IN CULTURE AND EDUCATION IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR)
- Author(s):Muhamed Nametak
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Cultural history, Political history, Social history, History of Education, State/Government and Education, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Post-War period (1950 - 1989)
- Page Range:181-196
- No. of Pages:16
- Keywords:Culture; Education; Propaganda; Ideology; Literature;
- Summary/Abstract:The creation of a socialist society as a strategic and long-term objective, which, admittedly, was not only brought before the culture, remained unfulfilled throughout the entire socialist period, although certain socialist values eventually had become a part of everyday culture. These values included secularization, the cult of industrial work, the installation of the Party as the supreme authority in all fields of human activity and the like. The greatest achievements should definitely include significant reduction of illiteracy rate, construction of numerous schools, cultural centers, libraries and other cultural institutions. Also, this period saw the emergence of a number of periodicals covering cultural life, the opening of publishing companies, cinemas, cultural centers, which are all prerequisites for a successful cultural development of a modern society. The opening of the University of Sarajevo in 1949, as the most important educational institution in Bosnia and Herzegovina to this day, is highlighted as the culmination of institutional building. The foundations of contemporary cultural life in Bosnia and Herzegovina were precisely laid through cultural policy in the after the Second world War. The base that was created at that point was enriched over time in accordance with the possibilities and needs, to eventually become that what is available to the people at present day. On the other hand, adverse elements that cultural policy of socialist authorites had brought to the people in Bosnia and Herzegovina can not be ignored. First of all, the nationalization of the material base of cultural policy, which used to be private property, followed by the repressive policy over a part of cultural and intellectual elite that held the opposite ideological standpoints delivered a severe blow to independent cultural work and destroyed a part of the cultural and intellectual elite in this region. In addition, the direct control of the operation of cultural institutions and indirect control of the individual cultural work through decisions on funding, censorship and the like, provided for an ideological background for the entire cultural life of that period, and at the same time hampered independent initiative and independent work of cultural workers.
PRINCIPI ZAVNOBIH-A I POLITIČKA I DRUŠTVENA REFORMA U SR BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI 1960-IH GODINA
PRINCIPI ZAVNOBIH-A I POLITIČKA I DRUŠTVENA REFORMA U SR BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI 1960-IH GODINA
(PRINCIPLES OF ZAVNOBIH AND POLITICAL AND SOCIAL REFORM IN SR BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA IN THE 1960s)
- Author(s):Dženita Sarač-Rujanac
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Political history, Post-War period (1950 - 1989)
- Page Range:197-218
- No. of Pages:22
- Keywords:Bosnia and Herzegovina; the National Anti-Fascist Council of the People’s Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (orig. abbrev. ZAVNOBiH); statehood; equality; reform;
- Summary/Abstract:The constant changes and a permanent search for solutions that should have made the Yugoslav state sustainable are characteristic for the entire socialist period of its existence. The radical transformation of Yugoslavia was initiated in the 1960s, and the goal was democratization and decentralization whereby, among other things, the sovereignty and statehood of the republics should be strengthened. The reform orientation of the Yugoslav leadership reflected significantly on Bosnia and Herzegovina and the activity of the republican leadership. During the 1960s several parallel processes took place in the Republic. The reform implied internal consolidation and integration of the Republic, but concurrently strengthening its position as an equal republic in Yugoslavia. The strong intervention of revolutionary-progressive current in the leadership for vivifying these goals was accompanied by intensified rhetoric on the revolutionary heritage of the National Liberation Struggle (orig. abbrev. NOB) as the fundaments of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The essential values of the National Anti-Fascist Council of the People’s Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (orig. abbrev. ZAVNOBIH) have been rediscovered. The principles of ZAVNOBIH have been becoming the connective tissue of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian society in the 1960s. After 1965, the rejuvenated leadership initiated multi-year debates on numerous open, material and non-material, issues that burdened and significantly slowed down the socio-economic progress of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Under the strong influence of events in the Federation, Bosnia and Herzegovina studiously approached the issues of the position of Croats, the status of Muslims, but also the undoubtedly presented unitarist tendencies. On the other hand, the leadership has been stepping out more openly with the ascertainment concerning the federal centre’s neglect of the Republic and the insensitivity of other republics. No less significant, the republican leadership systematically approached the defining of the necessary platform, as well as the concrete realization of numerous projects that contributed to its inauguration as a unique entity, an equal and prosperous Republic that relies on its own strengths and capabilities. Some authors mark the end of the 1960s as the beginning of the golden era of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the perennial development of all segments of society that has been promising the common man a lot. However, this progress was in close bond and dependency on the broader Yugoslav context which would reveal at the beginning of the 1970s that the fears of losing the common interest and the disintegration of Yugoslavia were not groundless.
PROSLAVA ZAVNOBIH-A 1969. GODINE
PROSLAVA ZAVNOBIH-A 1969. GODINE
(CELEBRATION OF ZAVNOBIH IN 1969)
- Author(s):Vera Katz
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Political history, Post-War period (1950 - 1989), Film / Cinema / Cinematography, Wars in Jugoslavia
- Page Range:219-247
- No. of Pages:29
- Keywords:Bosnia and Herzegovina; ZAVNOBiH; Movie Bitka na Neretvi; KSC Skenderija; Earthquake in Banja Luka; Tito’s honorary Membership in ANUBiH;
- Summary/Abstract:The significance of the celebration on November 25, 1969, is that the date of that year was officially recognized on the state holiday of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The marking of this important date from the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina lies in the context of important political, economic, social, cultural and other changes in the Yugoslav state wich have been gradually taking place since the mid-60s, when they gave major political powers to the republic goverments. As this process has proceeded in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it can be analyzed as an example of marking the 26th anniversary of ZAVNOBiH. On this festive days in Sarajevo on November 29th, on the Day of the Republic, Josip Broz Tito attended the premiere of the film Battle of Neretva in the newly opened modern center of Skenderija. A day after, at the solemn session of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, he was awarded the first honorary member of these most scientific institution in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Also, this was the time of strog sensivity of the Yugoslav public towards Bosnia and Herzegovina after the devastating earthquake in Banja Luka and Bosanska krajina, which occured only a month earlier (October 27, 1969). The postponed population Tito visited the day later and promised them the assistance of the entire Yugoslav community. The significance of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the constitution of the Yugoslav state Tito also emphasized on November 29 for the premiere of the film with a well-known theme from the Second World War and a reminder of the heroic battles that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s territory. Otherwise, the association with the events of the National Liberation War was an integral part of all introductory speeches on the occasion of marking socialist holidays. The joint celebration on 25 and 29 November 1969 in Sarajevo was also the last with great hopes and expections in the coming 70s.
TEMELJNI KONSTITUTIVNI PRINCIPI U STAVOVIMA PREDSJEDNIŠTVA REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE TOKOM PREGOVORA O MIRU 1992-1995.
TEMELJNI KONSTITUTIVNI PRINCIPI U STAVOVIMA PREDSJEDNIŠTVA REPUBLIKE BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE TOKOM PREGOVORA O MIRU 1992-1995.
(FUNDAMENTAL CONSTITUTIVE PRINCIPLES IN THE ATTITUDES OF THE PRESIDENCY OF THE REPUBLIC OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA DURING THE 1992-1995 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS)
- Author(s):Mesud Šadinlija
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):History of Law, Constitutional Law, Military history, Political history, Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Wars in Jugoslavia
- Page Range:249-266
- No. of Pages:18
- Keywords:Bosnia and Herzegovina; war 1992-1995; Constitutional principles; Diplomacy; Peace plans;
- Summary/Abstract:The fundamental principles of the renewed statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina were defined by the decisions of ZAVNOBIH (The State Antifascist Council for the National Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina) and improved within the constitutional-legal and political construction of the Republic as an equal member of the Yugoslav Federation from the First Session of ZAVNOBIH in Mrkonjić-Grad on 25 November 1943 to the constitutional amendments adopted in 1990 according to which it is defined as “a democratic sovereign state of equal citizens, the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina – Muslims, Serbs, Croats and other people and nations who live in it”. The author is engaged in how these principles were represented and articulated in the attitudes of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the peace negotiations conducted in various formats of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia in the period from February 1992 to November 1995, by negotiators and international peacekeepers, as well as their compatibility with the constitutional-legal basis of individual peace plans for Bosnia and Herzegovina.
ZAVNOBIH KAO HISTORIJSKI ODGOVOR NA VELIKODRŽAVNE POLITIKE PODJELE I UNIŠTENJA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE
ZAVNOBIH KAO HISTORIJSKI ODGOVOR NA VELIKODRŽAVNE POLITIKE PODJELE I UNIŠTENJA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE
(ZAVNOBIH LIKE A HISTORICAL ANSWER ON STATE POLITICS ON DIVIDING AND DESTRUCTION OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA)
- Author(s):Denis Bećirović
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Political history, Interwar Period (1920 - 1939), WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), History of Communism, Fascism, Nazism and WW II, Wars in Jugoslavia
- Page Range:267-290
- No. of Pages:24
- Keywords:Bosnia and Herzegovina; Antifascism; ZAVNOBiH; AVNOJ; Yugoslavia; CPY;
- Summary/Abstract:Along with the formation of the Kingdom of SHS, the policy of denying the historical specialties and integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina continued in the new state legal framework and changed historical circumstances. By introducing the “Six days of January” dictatorship in 1929, the policy of decommissioning of the territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina was formalized and the culmination of the denial of the historical, state-legal and political-territorial entity of Bosnia and Herzegovina occurred through the signing of the Cvetković-Maček agreement in 1939. The denial and destruction policy of Bosnia and Herzegovina continued to carry out the Ustasa and Chetnik movements in the Second World War. The common position of the protagonists of the Greater Serbia and Croatian politics in the interwar and war period was a sharp opposition to any idea that envisioned a territorially integrated and autonomous Bosnia and Herzegovina. Criminal ideologies and the policies of destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina were opposed by anti-fascists from all the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the ZAVNOBiH sessions, they restored Bosnia and Herzegovina’s statehood and created joint federal units with joint forces, which became part of the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia in the second session of the AVNOJ with the political will of the Bosnian delegates. The decisions of the ZAVNOBiH constituted a historical negation of the great state policies of the division and destruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina. They made possible the resurgence of the former Bosnian state and provided it with the necessary state-legal and political elements for its renewed existence after the collapse of the medieval Bosnian state in 1463. In short, the anti-fascist forces restored the territorial integrity and statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the ZAVNOBiH sessions. By adopting the first Constitution after the end of the Second World War, Bosnia and Herzegovina defined its internal organization, the highest legal act, in accordance with the political and economic conditions at that time. It is defined as the nation’s republican state which had sovereign rights and statehood. By the adoption of the first post-war constitution of the People’s Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the construction of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina was completed.
NA PUTU OD AVNOJ-A DO ZAVNOBIH-a, HISTORIJSKA MJESTA I DINAMIKA SJEĆANJA
NA PUTU OD AVNOJ-A DO ZAVNOBIH-a, HISTORIJSKA MJESTA I DINAMIKA SJEĆANJA
(ON THE ROAD FROM AVNOJ TO ZAVNOBIH, HISTORICAL PLACES AND DYNAMICS OF MEMORIES)
- Author(s):Jasna Pašić
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Political history, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), History of Communism, Fascism, Nazism and WW II, Politics of History/Memory, Wars in Jugoslavia
- Page Range:291-304
- No. of Pages:14
- Keywords:AVNOJ; ZAVNOBIH; Memory; Antifascism; Bosnia and Herzegovina; Statehood;
- Summary/Abstract:The historical decisions made at the assembly of AVNOJ and ZAVNOBIH, regardless of the socio-political context of their interpretation, represent permanent values of anti-fascist voices from Bosnia and Herzegovina at the midst of World War II. These were the steps that preserved the inner being of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the connection of its all centuries old symbols. The dynamics of memories and public perception of significant dates have been altered due to changes in the value of the political framework in the socialist and post-socialist period. In the case of AVNOJ and ZAVNOBIH, different treatment of events can be seen related to state holidays. The Yugoslav culture of memory included all segments of society, in order to shape the formative forces of the desired articulation of remembrance. The historical places are shaped in places of memory, in which deep symbolic connections. Such is an example can be followed Bihać, Mrkonjić-Grad and Jajce, as well as the events which have been organized for the purpouse of among anniversaries in these cities. State holidays and commemorative dates were in the crisis during the time dissolution of Yugoslavia and in clash of overall legacy of communism. In the period of democratic changes, the coarse selection, partial or complete rejection and denial has occurred. AVNOJ’s current socio-political context has become completely useless, while ZAVNOBIH has been perceived in three ways in the 1990s in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The ethnic divisions after the Dayton Peace Agreement have resulted in the relativization and denial of anti-fascist legacy and the identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The public monuments and spaces related to this were abused in order to deepen the national divisions and disrupt the idea of equality of citizens and nations, which was achieved 75 years ago. In this case, it is not just about transforming memories, but about undermining universal civilizational values in order to strengthen nationalisms. Such a relationship to the AVNOJ and ZAVNOBIH and their significance for Bosnia and Herzegovina points to a serious crisis of democratic values.
MEDIJSKA PREZENTACIJA ZAVNOBIH-a U PERIODU 1995.-2017.
MEDIJSKA PREZENTACIJA ZAVNOBIH-a U PERIODU 1995.-2017.
(MEDIA PRESENTATION OF ZAVNOBIH IN THE PERIOD 1995-2017)
- Author(s):Željka Poloni
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Media studies, Political history, Social history, Nationalism Studies, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Transformation Period (1990 - 2010), Present Times (2010 - today), Fascism, Nazism and WW II
- Page Range:305-323
- No. of Pages:19
- Keywords:ZAVNOBIH; Bosnia and Herzegovina; journalistic ethics; sources of information; reports; antifascism; nationality; legislation;
- Summary/Abstract:This essay comparatively examines explanations of ZAVNOBIH subject in between 1995 – 2017. From the end of War in Bosnia and Herzegovina until today the policy of media in Bosnia has dual and politically coordinated reporting. The powerful interference of international community into media field, was heading more towards establishment of free media and the prevention of hateful speech, rather than to preclude the creation of ethnonational “free” media that were used to empower ethnic separations. Consequently, reporting on this topic is often divided into media outlets, according to which ethnic group the media belongs to. The result is a sharply divided public discourse, in general, about the ZAVNOBIH in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This article critically analyzes the ways in which ZAVNOBIH is written in the daily news papers. The analysis generaly is divided into two parts, in the first, examples of a neutral and / or objective speech on the ZAVNOBIH are shown, and the other ones are the clauses containing negative context of open attempt and shameless falsification of history, without objective approach. Here, the great estattentionis dedicated to propaganda against ZAVNOBIH, because in one part of local media, it is politically created and is the most common form of writing about this topic.
ZAŠTO JE, I KOMU, ZAVNOBIH SPORAN?
ZAŠTO JE, I KOMU, ZAVNOBIH SPORAN?
(WHY AND TO WHOM IS THE STATE ANTIFASCIST COUNCIL FOR THE NATIONAL LIBERATION OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA (SACNLBH) DISPUTABLE?)
- Author(s):Ivan Cvitković
- Language:Croatian
- Subject(s):Politics, Political history, Nationalism Studies, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Fascism, Nazism and WW II, Sociology of Religion, Identity of Collectives, Wars in Jugoslavia
- Page Range:327-344
- No. of Pages:18
- Keywords:ZAVNOBIH; Bosnia and Herzegovina; Nationalism; “national key”; Identities; Religion;
- Summary/Abstract:Political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina during SACNL BIH and today (nationalism; dying of one state and emergence of the other; the change of values; seeking for political aliens outside Bosnia and Herzegovina; SACNL BiH was the alternative, is there an alternative today; fear; illusions of “our” truth). Has the national key become “rusted”? (Constitution from 1910; is it possible to neglect the national key in a country in which 96% of its population declares themselves as Bosniacs, Croats and Serbs; does today’s politics know how to treat national and religious identities). O kindred, let me make a poem about the language to you, the stupid language of yours and the wise one of mine – Krleža (How had the SACNL BIH treated the issue of the language and how do today’s politicians do it). How had SACNL BIH determined Bosnia and Herzegovina? (A review of documents, presentation by R. Čolaković). A stand view of the most prominent Serbian and Croatian politicians towards Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1943 and today (stand views of Đ. Pucar, R. Čolaković, N. Mastilović, B. Brajković, J. Grgurić and attitudes of today’s politicians towards Bosnia and Herzegovina). An attitude of SACNL BIH towards the religion (participation of priests in sessions of SACNL BIH; a stand view of the Partisan movement towards practising religion; establishment of Commission for religious affairs; about a religious education in schools). Concluding considerations.
ZAVNOBIH – BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA KAO ANTIFAŠISTIČKA ZAJEDNICA VRIJEDNOSNOG PLURALIZMA
ZAVNOBIH – BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA KAO ANTIFAŠISTIČKA ZAJEDNICA VRIJEDNOSNOG PLURALIZMA
(ZAVNOBIH – BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AS THE ANTI-FASCIST COMMUNITY OF VALUE PLURALISM)
- Author(s):Asim Mujkić
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Political history, Recent History (1900 till today), WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Fascism, Nazism and WW II, Wars in Jugoslavia
- Page Range:345-370
- No. of Pages:26
- Keywords:ethnonationalism; social contract; value pluralism; Anti-Fascism;
- Summary/Abstract:Author starts with a claim that three decades long domination of ethnic nationalism in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BIH) is based on a process of mobilization of internal ethnicities resulting in production of distinctive social realities, which eventually might lead to distinctive territorial-political entities, nuclei of would-be single-nation states. Contrary to this process, based on experience of political solidarity, as a counter-principle, author identifies the principles of ZAVNOBIH (Anti-Fascist Council of People’s Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina). Author suggests that ZAVNOBIH represents a unique autochthonous compact of social and political unity in all its complexity and plurality of values. Being as such, it represents an authentic answer to the eternal political question: “What holds us together?” This compact is, according to author, based on three important principles: value pluralism (I. Berlin), social justice, and Anti-Fascist principle.
NAPUŠTANJE TEMELJNIH VRIJEDNOSTI ZAVNOBIH-A ETNOPOLITIZACIJOM I SEGREGACIJOM OBRAZOVNOG SISTEMA BIH
NAPUŠTANJE TEMELJNIH VRIJEDNOSTI ZAVNOBIH-A ETNOPOLITIZACIJOM I SEGREGACIJOM OBRAZOVNOG SISTEMA BIH
(ABANDONMENT OF THE FUNDAMENTAL VALUES OF ZAVNOBIH BY ETHNOPOLITIZATION AND SEGREGATION OF THE BH EDUCATION SYSTEM)
- Author(s):Adila Pašalić Kreso
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Politics, Education, Political history, Recent History (1900 till today), State/Government and Education, Politics and Identity
- Page Range:371-394
- No. of Pages:24
- Keywords:People’s illumination; Literacy; Knowledge; Patriotism; Antifascism; New Man; Ethnic divisions; educational segregation;
- Summary/Abstract:From the whole of this discussion and tabular summary, the inevitable conclusion is imposed about the Dayton BIH lagging behind in the development of democratic values in education. Today, it is easier to find the similarities of the system of values of ZAVNOBIH with values that are supported by international organizations (UNESCO, OECD, EU, and Council of Europe) than ZAVNOBIH with the education system of BIH today. It seems that the more developed world insists on democracy, the more retrograde forces holding the BIH education system “flee” from that. Since the actual narrative tells that everything socialist is to be blamed, especially in political and public life, with the “deliberate construction of distorted memories”, the educational system(s) in Bosnia and Herzegovina is sinking more and more into the old practice that is today largely overcome and abandoned everywhere. Everything that Europe highly valued and appreciated in education by the end of the last and the beginning of this century, we had, but we thoroughly destroyed and abandoned. Therefore, the “education experts” are here for more than two decades to teach us democratic values, interculturality, tolerance, common life, reconciliation, equality in education, while we should have taught them. We have had a foundation and a long successful practice of cultivating everlasting values, pedagogical principles and goals established in ZAVNOBIH. What was set in the difficult days of the Liberation War and based on the true notion of humanism has been in the education of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina for several decades and is still not overcome or lost its relevant character. The analysis in both studied social systems confirmed the inextricable link between society and education, but with different interests and diametrically opposite goals. While the ZAVNOBIH in education insists on clear, explicit goals and values in the function of building a new society, a new person, progress, unity, common life and tolerant ethnic coexistence, Dayton BIH enables strengthening of centrifugal forces that represent a serious threat to the “brotherly community of all nations”, to “the Citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina” and “our homeland”, if it is allowed to use these forgotten syntagms from the time of ZAVNOBiH. If by any chance could be analyze todayʼs education by ZAVNOBIHʼs councillors were to analyze today’s education in BIH, they would have been certainly amazed that schools turned into environments that had not existed even 70 years ago. Instead of learning and acquiring high-quality knowledge and critical thinking, schools are becoming more and more, as the textbook analysis have shown, the schools of misunderstanding, intolerance, conflicts and half-truths. Politicians of todayʼs BIH not only do not mind it but rather say loudly: “Your ignorance is feeding us” or we are proud of your “graduated ignorance supported by false certificates”. There are many reasons why it is necessary to return again and again to the values of ZAVNOBIH. We have to refresh awareness why we need to thoroughly reform our education system, why to return to knowledge (not diplomas) and its universal value, why to leave national and develop integrated intercultural programs in which the values of all cultures of BIH will be and from which they will learn “everything about everyone”. In addition, everyday discriminatory rhetoric in education has to be replaced by another more acceptable from the point of view of tolerance and understanding, of strengthening patriotism and antifascism. This will certainly help to turn Robinsonʼs knowledge key to the right side more quickly and to unlock the perspectives of young people.
MONONACIONALNE STRANKE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI I NEGACIJA ZAVNOBIH-A
MONONACIONALNE STRANKE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI I NEGACIJA ZAVNOBIH-A
(MONONATIONAL PARTIES IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND NEGATION OF ZAVNOBIH)
- Author(s):Nerzuk Ćurak
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Politics, Political history, Recent History (1900 till today), Nationalism Studies, Inter-Ethnic Relations, Politics and Identity
- Page Range:395-413
- No. of Pages:19
- Keywords:Virtue of ZAVNOBIH; Nationalism; Elite; Monoethnic Parties; Democracy; Citizenship;
- Summary/Abstract:The denial of mutual history all the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina share has culminated in a nationalistic triumph and political institutionalization of that ideology through the country’s current political and legal order. This phenomenon will be treated, in the context of philosophy of history, as the culmination of injustice towards one’s own historical self. The author will argue that the crucial source of virtue lies in the ZAVNOBIH heritage, which stands opposed to nationalistic oppression. Moreover, it will be argued that the principles of a more just Bosnian society can be nourished exactly through that heritage. De facto destiny of Bosnia and Herzegovina depends on the capability of the internal political, cultural and intellectual actors to replace the nationalistic tyranny with a social consensus on virtue.
RECEPCIJA AKSIOLOGIJE ZAVNOBIH-a U POSTDEJTONSKOJ BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI: DIVERGENTNO POIMANJE EMANCIPACIJSKE I LIBERTANSKE POLITIKE
RECEPCIJA AKSIOLOGIJE ZAVNOBIH-a U POSTDEJTONSKOJ BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI: DIVERGENTNO POIMANJE EMANCIPACIJSKE I LIBERTANSKE POLITIKE
(RECEPTION OF AXIOLOGY OF ZAVNOBIH IN POST-DAYTON BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA: DIVERGENT UNDERSTANDING OF EMANCIPATION AND LIBERTARIAN POLITICS)
- Author(s):Elvis Fejzić
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Politics, Political Philosophy, Government/Political systems
- Page Range:415-431
- No. of Pages:17
- Keywords:Bosnia and Herzegovina; Democracy; Tolerance; Multiculturalism; Nation; Citizenship;
- Summary/Abstract:Bosnian-Herzegovinian ethnocracy – as a hegemonic form of post-Dayton politics – represents a manifest threat to the politics of multiculturalism that is practiced in heterogeneous societies characterized by mixed racial, ethnic, religious, cultural and linguistic structures. Such politics rests on the political domination of recognized ethnic communities that, as a rule, majorize minority ethnic and civic groups in society through the politics of depersonalisation. Such politics minimizes the importance of the individual will of citizens in election process compared to the majority will of the dominant ethnic group. The ethnocratic regime has some features of pre-democratic governance, that relied, e.g., on the domination of the feudal-aristocratic elites that ruled without the consent and legitimacy of the people. In such regimes ordinary individuals were reduced to the level of merely submissive existence. Bearing this in mind, it should be emphasized that ethnocracy also reduces civil existence to the level of obedient existence, and can therefore be characterized as a disguised form of feudal aristocracy. In response to the destructive tendencies of ethnocratic politics, we have to affirm the emancipatory ideas of pluralistic democracy, civic representation, political equality and multiculturalism – in the Bosnian-Herzegovinian post-Dayton political discourse. Without it it is impossible to implement the requirements of authentic democracy under circumstances of multinational political existence. Only such a political approach can bring and assure Bosnia and Herzegovina a functional integration into the European Union, and this political scenario has no acceptable alternative. Internal political disagreements in Bosnia and Herzegovina should be resolved before the full fledged membership in the European Union – since any different development could have negative consequences – and because only in such a way the state can successfully overcome all political novelties that will be introduced through a complex integration process. First of all, it is necessary to achieve a basic consensus on the nature of the state, so that it will be accepted by all its citizens and peoples, but also in order to get a more efficient institutional mechanism. Implementation of political reforms – in the context of the restructuring of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina – should not be separated from the basic values found in the historical fundamentals of Bosnia and Herzegovina political culture. These values have been established by a rich historical, political experience of Bosnia and Herzegovina and some political events such as, e.g., the activities of the Bosnian Autonomy Movement, armed resistance to Austro-Hungarian occupation, inter-war activities aimed at preserving territorial integrity, AVNOJʼs decision, decisions of ZAVNOBiH – and, finally, the referendum decision by citizens who voted in favour of an independent, sovereign and integral state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Only on these political grounds – assuming that there is a majority support of citizens for such political program – could be possible to build a multicultural politics that would be acceptable to all Bosnian citizens and peoples.
TERMINOLOGIJA O BOSNI KAO STRUČNI I POLITIČKI PROBLEM
TERMINOLOGIJA O BOSNI KAO STRUČNI I POLITIČKI PROBLEM
(TERMINOLOGY ABOUT BOSNIA AS A PROFESSIONAL AND POLITICAL PROBLEM)
- Author(s):Vera Kržišnik Bukić
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Politics, Political Theory, Lexis
- Page Range:433-461
- No. of Pages:29
- Keywords:Bosnia; Bosnia and Herzegovina; Terminology; People; Nation; Social sciences;
- Summary/Abstract:In this paper, the author focuses on historical and contemporary issues in Bosnia and on the Bosnia’s questions related to the controversial terminology of the content of peoples and nations in historiography and other social sciences. For the operational reasons, the author uses in the text the name Bosnia as a synonym for the current independent state of Bosnia and Herzegovina and for that area in the past. She believes that the opportunity was missed at a historical moment just before or after the end of the Second World War when Bosnia might have been able to self-identify not only by the ethnic criterion, but also through the civil principle of the future social order of the then formed central republic in the Yugoslav federation. It explains the deterimental effect of the use of controversial terms between peoples and nations on the social reality of Bosnia in the past and present. She estimates that a precise terminological application of these terms and their derivatives might be of considerable significance to the overcoming of the persistent social tensions that burden Bosnia due to the complicated domestic ethnic structure, and mostly due to the negative influence of the neighboring states of the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Croatia on social relations in Bosnia. It presents possible research modalities for the consideration of Bosnian reality in the field of peoples’ and national contents. Proposes a proactive systematic role of social sciences in the field of terminology on peoples’ and and civic issues of Bosnia.
KONCEPT LJUDSKIH PRAVA I SLOBODA IZ DEKLARACIJE ZAVNOBIH-A O PRAVIMA GRAĐANA U KONTEKSTU KORPUSA LJUDSKIH PRAVA I SLOBODA IZ EVROPSKE KONVENCIJE ZA ZAŠTITU LJUDSKIH PRAVA I OSNOVNIH SLOBODA I ULOGE USTAVNOG SUDA BIH U DOPRINOSU VLADAVINI PRAVA I...
KONCEPT LJUDSKIH PRAVA I SLOBODA IZ DEKLARACIJE ZAVNOBIH-A O PRAVIMA GRAĐANA U KONTEKSTU KORPUSA LJUDSKIH PRAVA I SLOBODA IZ EVROPSKE KONVENCIJE ZA ZAŠTITU LJUDSKIH PRAVA I OSNOVNIH SLOBODA I ULOGE USTAVNOG SUDA BIH U DOPRINOSU VLADAVINI PRAVA I...
(CONCEPT OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS FROM THE DECLARATION OF THE MEETING OF ANTI FASCHIST PEOPLES LIBERATION OF BIH (ZAVNOBIH) ON THE RIGHTS OF CITIZENS IN THE CONTEXT OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS CORPUS FROM THE EUROPEAN CONVENTION FOR THE...)
- Author(s):Miodrag N. Simović, Milena Simović
- Language:Serbian
- Subject(s):History of Law, Constitutional Law, International Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Recent History (1900 till today)
- Page Range:463-491
- No. of Pages:29
- Keywords:Bosnia and Herzegovina; Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina; European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms;
- Summary/Abstract:Declaration on Rights of Citizens of BIH, established at the Second Meeting of ZAVNOBIH in 1944, guarantees equality of Serbs, Muslims and Croats in BIH, which is their common and indivisible homeland, freedom of religion and conscious, freedom of speech and agreement, association and press, personal and property safety of citizens, freedom of private initiative in economic life and equality of woman and man. This is the first documents of modern times which guarantees human rights regardless of their religion, nationality and gender. In Sanski Most, during the war in 1944, rights of citizens of BIH have been defined which have been in essence the same as human rights established four years later under Universal Declaration on Human Rights, adopted at the General Assembly of United Nations on 10 December 1948 and six years later under European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, adopted on 4 November 1950 in Rome. Authors point out that many elements of international law and standards from the scope of human rights and fundamental freedoms have been integrated into legal systems of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Paper points out that numerous elements of international law and standards from the scope of human rights and fundamental freedoms have been integrated into the legal system of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Attention is also focused on Article II of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which guarantees the widest catalog of human rights and fundamental freedoms, and Article II/3 of this Constitution which establishes that Bosnia and Herzegovina shall directly apply the rights and freedoms enshrined in the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, as well as its Protocols. The starting point is that these acts have priority over all other laws. In addition, Article II of the Constitution of BIH contains a list of guaranteed rights, with special provisions on the prohibition of discrimination, the protection of the rights of refugees and displaced persons, and the protection of rights from the 15 international human rights treaties listed in Annex I to the Constitution of BIH applicable in BIH. Also, Article X, paragraph 2 of the Constitution of BIH provides that no change or amendment to this Constitution may either abolish or diminish any of the rights and freedoms set out in Article II of the Constitution or amend paragraph 2 of Article X. The Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina has an important and irreplaceable role in the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms guaranteed under the Constitution of BIH. It has a special place in the constitutional system of BIH. The Constitutional Court is a constitutional body, regulated under Article VI of the Constitution of BIH. Under this Constitution, the Constitutional Court is separated from the system of triple separation of power. So, it is not a part of the legislative, executive and regular judicial authorities. It is the highest constitutional body of BIH, which guarantees the respect and application of the Constitution of BIH. In short, it is the guardian of the Constitution of BIH. In national framework, the Constitutional Court is also the supreme mechanism for the protection of rights under the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, given its direct incorporation into the Constitution of BIH and the rights and freedoms provided by international agreements applicable in BIH.
VRIJEDNOSTI ZAVNOBIH-a I DEJTONSKI USTAVNI POREDAK
VRIJEDNOSTI ZAVNOBIH-a I DEJTONSKI USTAVNI POREDAK
(VALUES OF ZAVNOBIH AND THE DAYTON CONSTITUTIONAL ORDER)
- Author(s):Kasim Trnka
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):History of Law, Constitutional Law, Political history, Recent History (1900 till today), WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Transformation Period (1990 - 2010)
- Page Range:493-511
- No. of Pages:19
- Keywords:Values of ZAVNOBIH; State of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Equality of nations; Human rights; Anti-Fascism; Constitution of Dayton; reasons of crisis;
- Summary/Abstract:The establishment of ZAVNOBIH (State Anti-fascist Council for the National Liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina), its decisions and the historical effect created a new paradigm of social, political and state development of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is based on key values that can only ensure the long-term, stable and democratic development of the country through their mutual correlation and balance. Those values are, in particular, the following: restoration of statehood; affirmation of traditional ethnic diversity and common life throughout its territory; fostering freedoms and anti-fascist values; ensuring ethnic equality and human rights for all its citizens. An objective, scientifically based, analysis should indicate whether and to what extent these values were realized in further development, starting with the period of federal Yugoslavia, its breakdown and war. The focus of this review is the analyses of normative solutions and, in particular, the implementation of the Dayton constitutional order according to the criteria of values established by ZAVNOBIH. This analysis leads to the conclusion that the disrespect for these values in creating the Dayton constitutional order and in its realization is a key reason for its weaknesses, in particular, non-democracy and ineffectiveness.
POSEBNOST DEKLARACIJE ZAVNOBIH-A O PRAVIMA GRAĐANA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE I SAVREMENI TOKOVI LJUDSKIH PRAVA
POSEBNOST DEKLARACIJE ZAVNOBIH-A O PRAVIMA GRAĐANA BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE I SAVREMENI TOKOVI LJUDSKIH PRAVA
(THE SPECIFICITY OF THE DECLARATION OF THE ZAVNOBIH ON THE RIGHTS OF CITIZENS OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND THE CONTEMPORARY TRENDS OF HUMAN RIGHTS)
- Author(s):Benjamina Londrc
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):History of Law, Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Recent History (1900 till today)
- Page Range:513-533
- No. of Pages:21
- Keywords:ZAVNOBIH; Declaration of human rights; Human rights;
- Summary/Abstract:At the First Session of ZAVNOBIH, the councilors adopted the Resolution of ZAVNOBIH and the Proclamation to the People of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which emphasize that BIH and its peoples in Croatia and abroad can be respresented only by ZAVNOBIH and AVNOJ. The second session of ZAVNOBIH is related to the beginning of the normative activity of the national authorities in BiH in the sense of the establishment of a new legal order. By adopting the Declaration on the Rights of the Citizens of BIH (a document that had the constitutional character), basic human rights were guaranteed, namely equality of peoples (Serbs, Muslims and Croats), freedom of conscience and religion, freedom of gathering and agreement, freedom of association and press, personal and property safety of citizens, gender equality etc. By this, BIH nation became a political nation and BIH itself became the state of citizens, not only of the three ethnic communities. The acts of ZAVNOBIH, which were at the level of today’s European standards, were adopted even before their adoption in the UN organization and before the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights from 1948, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights from 1966, by the far-reaching nature of their perpetrators. Today, BIH has adopted and incorporated the highest international standards of human freedom into its constitution, striving for other Euro-Atlantic integrations, thus fulfilling the normative assumptions. In practice, most of human rights are violated today, and in the close past we have experienced the worst forms of human rights violations. Such a development of rights again points to the need to remember and give importance to the documents of ZAVNOBIH.
KONTINUITET DRŽAVNOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE, ZAVNOBIH I EVROPSKE INTEGRACIJE
KONTINUITET DRŽAVNOSTI BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE, ZAVNOBIH I EVROPSKE INTEGRACIJE
(THE CONTINUITY OF LEGAL SYSTEM IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, ZAVNOBIH AND EUROPEAN INTEGRATIONS)
- Author(s):Dženana Čaušević
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):History of Law, Political history, Recent History (1900 till today), EU-Accession / EU-DEvelopment
- Page Range:535-555
- No. of Pages:21
- Keywords:Bosnia and Herzegovina; Statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina; ZAVNOBIH; European integrations; European Union; NATO;
- Summary/Abstract:The process of European integrations as a means of establishing lasting peace and stability in Europe is a phenomenon of the twentieth century. The idea of the unification of Europe was already present in the 15th century. The foundations of European integrations were set after the First World War, and the actual process of integration began in the middle of last century. Jean Monnet, Robert Schuman and others pledged to create a political union, the European Federation, today the European Union. Considering the position and continuity in the development of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in the context of European integrations, it can be emphasized that, since its inception in the early Middle Ages, and later in its historical development, Bosnia was characterized by certain specificities in geopolitical, cultural, historical and civilization, always belonging to the European circle of states. The basic features of its millennial existence are the continuity of the territory in the historical borders, the continuity of the name of Bosnia and the continuity of state-law development. In this context, the constitution of ZAVNOBIH, as a war parliament during the Second World War, whose decisions had constitutional and international legal character, represents the legitimate act of this multi-century continuity and its political identity. In this context, the importance of ZAVNOBIH should be emphasized in particular having in mind to the fact that after the 6. January 1929 Regime and the occupation of 1941, by the Decision of the First Session of ZAVNOBIH, the territorial unity of BIH was re-established and its statehood has been restored. This was confirmed by the decisions of the Second AVNOJ Session. At its Second Session, ZAVNOBIH was constituted in the most legislative and executive body of Bosnia and Herzegovina. By the decisions of the Third Session of ZAVNOBIH the building of the government system and state structure were completed. It is important to point out that all the decisions of ZAVNOBIH, as a war parliament, were made under the conditions of the anti-fascist war in Europe as well as in Bosnia and Herzegovina. These decisions were legitimate, they had constitutional and international legal significance in accordance with the Atlantic Charter and the UN Charter. Given the current circumstances in Bosnia and Herzegovina, its accession to the NATO alliance and its integration into the European Union, the internal unity and stability of this country would be achieved. This would have the effect of weakening the tendency for further ethnic divisions, and the lofty aspirations of the neighbouring countries to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina would also be weakened. Finally, the inclusion of Bosnia and Herzegovina into the NATO Alliance represents a guarantee of its future, and integration into the European Union is its only path to stability and peace in these areas.
ZAVNOBIH JE OBNOVIO DRŽAVNOST BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE
ZAVNOBIH JE OBNOVIO DRŽAVNOST BOSNE I HERCEGOVINE
(ZAVNOBIH RESTORED THE STATEHOOD OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA)
- Author(s):Suad Kurtćehajić
- Language:Bosnian
- Subject(s):Ethnohistory, Political history, Recent History (1900 till today), Nationalism Studies, WW II and following years (1940 - 1949), Fascism, Nazism and WW II, Identity of Collectives
- Page Range:557-574
- No. of Pages:18
- Keywords:Bosnia and Herzeogivna; ZAVNOBIH; AVNOJ; Statehood; Multiethnic;
- Summary/Abstract:Maintaining the First Session of ZAVNOBIH On November 25 represented one of the most significant events in BH history, because after 480 years, or after 1463 when Bosnia fell under the Ottomans, its citizens and peoples came for the first time in 1943 in a situation to decide freely with their will about their destiny. The historical circumstances that preceded this event, since the fall of Bosnia in the Ottoman Empire in 1463 were: Bosnia was given to the administration of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy by the decisions of the Berlin Congress in 1878 and then the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908 by Austro-Hungary, the creation of the Kingdom of SHS 1918, in which the Cvetković – Maček Agreement between Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1939 divided it between the Srbian and Croatian interest spheres which threatened the disappearance of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thanks to Tito’s anti-fascist movement in war-torn Europe, the peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with their struggle and success in it, have created the assumption that they can decide with their will what Bosnia and Herzegovina wants. The formulation contained in paragraph 5. of the Resolution of ZAVNOBiH unanimously adopted by 173 Councilors of ZAVNOBiH, which then expressed the leadership of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina that their country, which is neither Serbian nor Croat, nor Muslim, but Serbian and Croatian and Muslim, is a free and banded Bosnia and Herzegovina in which full equality of Serbs, Muslims and Croats will be ensured, the foundations of the statehood and multiethnicity of Bosnia and Herzegovina are laid.