Around the Bloc: Around the Bloc - Food Shortages, Rising Costs Bedevil Turkmenistan
More hardships in store as citizens will no longer receive free utilities from next year.
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More hardships in store as citizens will no longer receive free utilities from next year.
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The next president will have reduced powers as country transitions to a parliamentary system
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The article was written on the basis of literature review. It shows the activities of the OECD as a public policy actor whose activity leads to the increase of the quality of teaching processes. OECD did not solve, however, many problems resulting from the cultural diversity of countries at which it directs its activities. The OECD membership countries presented in the case study have been developed based on an analysis of the literature and materials of this organization. The author emphasizes the significant role of the OECD as a public policy actor in improving the quality of teaching. At the same time, the author points out that systemic solutions do not work the same in all countries, whether developed or developing.
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The paper reviews the reforms that have been carried out in the Netherlands, Germany and in Poland, in the context of the policy of activating the long-term unemployed. Its purpose was to compare changes made in individual countries and to identify similarities and differences between them. The method of analysis of existing sources and legal acts was used. The text attempts to identify gaps in the system of counteracting long-term unemployment, especially in the context of the rarely undertaken assessment of the measures implemented.
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The paper object is an analysis of the process of creating and implementing the cycling policy in Copenhagen. The study was based on the analysis of policy papers and studies on other aspects of Danish public policy, whose assumptions are in line with the theme. The role of cycling management has been demonstrated in successfully integrating the actions of various public policies, demonstrating possible ways to support each other’s goals.
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The aim of the article is to describe innovation policy and the role of universities in innovation development. Also define what is the third mission of the university, functioning alongside the other two (education and research). The article presents the basic instruments of innovation policy and the ways of technology transfer from science to industry. Methods used in article included the analysis of national and foreign literature as well as analysis of data collected by organizations dealing with innovation policy and R&D. This article has a theoretical nature.
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Urban development is undeniably connected with deciding about the direction of changes that take place in the urban space. Currently, the challenge for local decision-makers is to create an attractive urban space, free from negative phenomena among which one of the most disturbing is ghettoization. The aim of this article is to present the subject of the progressive ghettoization of the Polish cities’ space and try to stop this process by local authorities with the use of legislative tools, such as so-called landscape resolutions. It supplements the discourse over public policies carried out by public administration bodies in counteracting the negative effects of the appropriation of urban space. The article was based on the analysis of selected domestic and foreign literature as well as the analysis of the content of legal acts and their projects. It fits into the research gap, consisting in the lack of a synthetic approach to the issue of ghettoization, presenting the current state of work on solutions in this area in selected Polish cities.
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In XXI century the economic growth of Poland and its regions depends on their capacity to increasing the innovative character of business entities. The improvement of innovation on a regional level demands a cooperation of vernacular partners of science, enterprises and public sector. This cooperation, based on relations and connections in processes of composing knowledge and innovations between science, economy and public authorities is described as a triple helix model. This model was developed in the last decade by media and civil society spheres and created a model of a quadruple helix. The basis of this model leans on a conviction about significant role of society and users of goods in innovation processes. The evolution of helix models enlightens a need to analyze the role and devices of activity of authorities in a region in dynamically changing conditioning of contemporary processes of innovativeness. The aim of the article is to present models of triple and quadruple helix as well as roles and placement of local authorities in regional systems of innovations in those concepts of cooperation. Besides theoretical periphrasis of those issues, it presents exemple activity of local government unit abroad. These activity fit in proinnovative activeness in model of quadruple helix. During the research, the national and foreign literature on the subject were used, as well as the results of the research of other authors. A synthesis and literature study were used for the purposes of the research paper.
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The Slovak 2016 Party System Earthquake. Could a Slight Electoral Reform Help? The article estimates seat distribution among political parties in Slovakia’s Parliament using the most recent electoral outcomes and varying a constituency magnitude and a seat distribution formula. The goal of the article is to discuss introducing possible minor reforms of the electoral system with the aim to eliminate party system fragmentation and to reinforce governing efficiency. Consideration is given to the historical evolution of the electoral system and past amendment proposals. Results demonstrate that minor electoral reform would not by itself lead to the desired changes in the party system. In an endeavour to reduce the number of political parties in the Parliament, a change of at least two aspects of the electoral systems would be necessary – seat distribution formula and constituency magnitude.Sociológia 2019, Vol. 51 (No. 1: 64-83)
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Corporate governance in Western and Eastern European large enterprises is linked with the way how that owners are controlling the present managers, trying to achieve the most effective and the most profitable output of corporations. Perhaps the best known among Western models of corporate governance are the German and American-British models – the so-called bank-based and market-based models of corporate control. In this paper the problem of corporate governance in Eastern Europe has been outlined with special attention put on the role of banks and other financial institutions (privatization investment funds) in the development of corporate control. The post-privatization experience of several countries (Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary), as well as other empirical researches, suggest that Western practice of corporate control is hardly recognizable in Eastern European circumstances. The future development of market economy institutions and the termination of privatization projects in these countries will determine whether the existing corporate control will evolve into one of the known Western models of corporate control or into a special (Eastern European) type of corporate control practice.
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The paper analyses the ethical contradictions inherent to the democratic peace thesis, taken from the utilitarian perspective and the duty ethics based on Kantian deontology, respectively. The authors hypothesise that a pragmatic (mis)use of the democratic peace thesis – as one of the favourite lines of legitimisation of the interventionism of the United States and other Western powers’ in the early 21st century – has been facilitated by its shaky ethical foundation undermining the cognitive, normative and practical validity of the essential assumptions of this thesis. The analysis focuses on the intellectual heritage regarding the moral philosophy of John Stuart Mill and other leading utilitarians, on the one side, and of Immanuel Kant, on the other side, now pursued by the democratic peace scholars. Since its development as a modern scientific concept conceived just before the very end of the Cold War, the democratic peace thesis has been related to the empirical research and theoretical explanation provided by the Western academicians and scholars who advocate for spreading of democracy and its values worldwide, while some justify the military campaigns against non-democratic regimes. The alleged liberal goal of spreading the zone of Kantian perpetual peace, grounded on the democratic peace thesis, shapes political discourse of old/developed democracies so as to legitimise military interventionism in failed/weak states, which induces new conflicts – not international peace and coop eration. The authors emphasise the limited ability of old/developed de mocracies to sustain the universality of liberal norms beyond the Western civilisation, which is depicted in a perverted version of the democratic peace becoming a form of liberal hegemony – Pax Americana. Being a sort of apology of the idea of a peace sustainable only within and be tween liberal democracies themselves, the democratic peace seems to represent the continuation of the intellectual legacy of the 19th centu ry imperial politics embodied in the self-satisfying image of the devel oped nations as benevolent civilisators driven by the rationality of liberal ideas. The analysis of the democratic peace thesis through the optics of the utilitarian intellectual heritage has confirmed the authors’ assump tion about the existence of strong inherent ethical contradictions such as: moral compromises made in pursuing the alleged best outcome, that is, the benefit of the greatest number; the shortcomings in calculating possi ble outcomes of a chosen foreign policy action; moral ambiguity arisen in connection with the simultaneous advocacy of the idea of internation al peace and cooperation and the eased legitimisation of the pragmatic use of violence. The examination of the validity of the democratic peace thesis through the optics of the deontology only partially confirmed the authors’ assumption of the existence of inherent ethical contradictions. Although Immanuel Kant considers nations without a constitutional or der as having less developed rational and, thus, moral ability, he sees the full achievement of international peace in the gradual implementation of indigenous social reforms in non-democratic societies; in words of John Rawls, people ought to voluntarily develop a sense of a genuine commit ment to the principles of justice that can be found in international law. The authors conclude that a renovated Kantian legacy of the democratic peace thesis might provide a solid ground for morally right reasoning needed in the decision-making about foreign policy actions driven by universal values and principles.
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The findings of the 2012–2017 election cycles observations show that the normative framework formally provides a solid basis for holding free elections, but that its incomplete implementation and the lack of oversight during the pre-election campaign generate an increase in the inequality of the election participants and call into question the achievement of conditions for fair elections. In fact, the conditions are the worst in the so-called side electoral arenas: 1) the financing of the pre-election campaign is not transparent, and the inequality of the participants regarding the available funds increases, with the participation of the ruling parties exceeding 70%; 2) in the media sphere, in terms of ownership there is a financial and personal connection between the privatised local media and the parties, while in the electronic media with the national frequency and the most influential daily and weekly newspapers there are “two-floor elections” with complete domination of the Serbian progressive party and its president, party camera phenomenon, functionary campaign and the lack of critical role; and 3) observers regularly record dozens of cases of misuse of public resources for party purposes. There is no genuine oversight over the election process, since the Supervisory Board envisaged by the law has never been formed, while the regulatory bodies such as the Anti Corruption Agency and the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media are becoming more passive, working under the influence of the ruling parties and without the ability to prevent their abuses in the electoral process. The only aspect of the electoral process that is not under the full monopoly of the ruling parties is the Republic Electoral Commission, but observers recommend its professionalisation, which would de facto transfer the control over its work from the hands of all parliamentary parties and electoral lists into the hands of the ruling parties.
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THE CASE OF ROMANIA - AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 90S – SHOWED A PARTICULARITY AS COMPARED TO THE REST OF POST-COMMUNIST STATES IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE; DUE TO THE FACT THAT THE CHANGE OF THE TOTALITARIAN COMMUNIST REGIME DID NOT ACHIEVE THE QUIETNESS REQUIRED BY THE DEMOCRATIC CONSTRUCTION. IT IS A PECULIAR CASE IN THE FORMER SOVIET BLOC BECAUSE OF THE CONTINUATION OF THE SOCIAL PROTESTS AGAINST THE NEW PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT (FOLLOWING THE REVOLUTION OF DECEMBER 1989). WE WILL GIVE A CHRONOLOGICAL PRESENTATION OF THE 1990 EVENTS AND WE WILL HIGHLIGHT BOTH THE NEGATIVE ASPECTS BEHIND THESE PROTESTS AND THE WAYS OF AVOIDING THEM.
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The police, as the most numerous uniformed formation in the Republic of Poland (more than one hundred thousand officers) with a strictly hierarchized command structure, caring for internal order and legal order, have many competences in their field of activity, among others to enter into cooperation with external entities, including to cooperation with non-governmental organization). We refer to all subjects that are not entities or public administration bodies and whose activity is not aimed at achieving profit. A characteristic feature of non-governmental organizations is therefore the lack of connections with public authorities (this is often the name of non-governmental organizations). In Poland, this concept is defined by the Act on Public Benefit and Volunteer Work in 2003, which introduces an extended definition of non-governmental organizations as entities carrying out public benefit activities. The article aims are to familiarize the subjects related to the cooperation of the Police with non-governmental organizations in the implementation of statutory tasks, determining the place of NGOs in the system of ensuring security, as well as indicating the conclusions and possible recommendations from this cooperation.
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In the Federal Republic of Germany, the state duties are ordered from the federal state and the provinces the state's obligations. Federal law is over state law. Both state and federal obligations execution belongs to the province. Some states have their own sovereignty, autonomy, rights and responsibilities in partial issues. In some states there are some institutions that has been granted administrative permission for the independent establishment and These are subject to limited federal government control. The main reason is some specific local solutions to local problems. In every state in delivering public service in public personnel as a key element for Public Administration in Germany. Public personnel that provide public services in Germany “officers, judges, prosecutors”, “public employees”, “officers and full-time volunteer” is classified as.
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The aim of this study is to make a general evaluation of the relations between religion and state. Religion-state relations are socially debated and together with social change, it is an issue that keeps up to date. There is a mutual interaction between religion and the state, which are two important elements of social structure. Especially the fact that every society has different internal dynamics has influenced the quality and purpose of the relationship. Therefore, religion-state relations represent a variety. Therefore, it is not possible to talk about a single model or system in religion-state relations. In this study, after considering religion and religious perception from a conceptual point of view, how and how the institutionalized religion and state affect societies in terms of differences and similarities are discussed.
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This study was conducted to determine and develop the institutional capacity utilization of the Municipality of Bolu. As a priority, a questionnaire study was conducted in order to determine the problems of the employees in the units and to get their suggestions for the solution of these problems. For this purpose, 29 secret questionnaires were applied to the personnel of the Directorate of Culture and Social Affairs. 25 questionnaires were taken into consideration. In general, the staff accepts the development and enhancement of the capacity of the institution and the lack of infrastructure in their units, external reasons, in-service training etc. When the problems are solved, it is determined that the institution will contribute to the development of capacity and formation of corporate culture according to the staff.
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Public administration systems are divided into three as parliamentarians, semi-presidents, presidents. The French public administration system is semi-presidential. The form of sovereignty is based on the separation of powers. It is a democratic, secular, social, indivisible Republic. The Republic of France is summarized with the facts of freedom, equality and brotherhood Fransa. It is the basic principle of administration of the people, by the people, for the people. The flag colors are blue, white, red. Blue describes freedom, white equality, red brotherhood. France has evolved from a mighty monarchy to a semi-presidential system. He considers himself to national sovereignty, human rights, environmental rights and duties. The administration, the legislative, the judiciary and the administration respectively regulate the public administration system in the Constitution. It is a decentralized state based on centralization.
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The present article aims at researching secularism and religious affairs with a perspective of sociology. Therefor, the historic back plan of secularism and religious affairs has been evaluated. So besides its issue and scope being mutual characteristics, İts differences is born in taking in hand the perspective of social reality.
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The name of the man of politics and science Javanshir Feyziyev is widely known not only in Azerbaijan, but also far beyond its borders – in European political circles, in Turkey and Turkic world as a whole. While principal part of his political activity as a member of the Milli Majlis (Parliament) of the Republic of Azerbaijan and co-chairman of European Union-Azerbaijan Parliamentary Cooperation Committee is associated with Europe, his views on the Turkic world and his researches in this field, numerous books and articles published both in Azerbaijan and abroad in various languages, which he is the author of, his interviews and comments have also been in the focus of public attention. Resting on a powerful historical foundation, the idea of the Union of Turkic States for the first time at the present day is presented in his books and articles systematically, as a conceptual model, based on very thoughtful and extensive analysis. These works, which contain comprehensive presentation of historical, political, economic and cultural framework of the Turkic Union furnished with original ideas about role and future of the Turkic people in Eurasia, are a valuable contribution of our compatriot to the development of political science not only in Azerbaijan, but throughout the entire Turkic world. The article also contains information about the social activities of the man of politics and science.
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