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This article deals with how populism as a global phenomenon manifests itself in Turkish politics. It argues that the core element of populism alla turca is anti-intellectualism, and that although populism has traditionally been a component of the discourses of major actors in Turkey, on both the right and the left of the political spectrum, in its current form, its content is in large part anti-intellectualism. It is an ideological apparatus consciously used by those in power to reproduce and strengthen the neoliberal conservative hegemony in Turkey which has been installed and consolidated during the rule of Justice and Development Party since 2002.It also claims that the phenomenon of populism and its increasing popularity – theoretical and practical – needs to be linked to the concept of hegemony. Based upon the concepts of hegemony and populism, as developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, who are also prominent scholars of populism, this article tries to show that populism is the core of any hegemonic relation as much as anti-intellectualism is the core of populism alla turca.
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Globalna “kriza skrbi” se u posljednje vrijeme javlja kao česta tema u nauci, politici i medijima. Mnoga istraživanja ukazuju na različite aspekte te krize, uključujući produženje očekivanog trajanja života u privilegovanim dijelovima svijeta kao i tektonske transformacije savremene države i porodice. Ista istraživanja ukazuju i na smanjene budžete socijalne i zdravstvene zaštite, te na nove oblike porodičnih odnosa koji nisu u skladu s tradicionalnim očekivanjima o pružanju njege u različitim socio-kulturnim kontekstima. [...]
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Pred vama se nalazi banjalučko izdanje noma skog fanzina Revizor čija je tema odnos pravde i tijela, odnosno pravde kao svojevrsnog iscjeljenja. Potaknut je bio sopstvenim iskustvom i istraživanjem odnosa između kontinuuma, bolesnog (oboljelog) tijela/društva, i mogućnosti pravde kao njihovog izlječenja. [...]
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Septembar devetnaesti, 2018. godine. Protestna okupljanja na banjalučkom Trgu Krajine, na kojima su porodica i građani tražili istinu o ubistvu mladića Davida Dragičevića, ulazila su u šesti mjesec. Iz dana u dan, mirno, s pesnicom visoko podignutom u zrak postavljalo se pitanje: “Ko je ubio Davida?” – pitanje na koji ni policija ni pravosuđe ne žele dati odgovor. Javnost u Banjaluci, ali i širom bosanskohercegovačkog entiteta Republika Srpska – kako oko svega, tako i oko upornosti i istrajnosti jednog oca, Davidovog oca, Davora Dragičevića, da istinu i pravdu za svog sina traži na ulici – bila je i jeste podijeljena. No do toga, 19. septembra niko od onih koji su smatrali da se istina i pravda ne trebaju tražiti na ulici nije pokušao da nasilno ometa okupljanja građana. A onda je to učinio jedna penzionisani policajac koji je Davora napao verbalno, a potom pokušao i da ga udari. Sukob je spriječen zahvaljujući pribranosti okupljenih. A policija koja budno nadzire sva okupljanja sjetila se da radi svoj posao tek nakon burnog negodovanja građana. [...]
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Umjetnička organizacija Građanke svom gradu djeluje u Rijeci od 2016. godine, a tijekom svog razvoja okupila je protagonistice i protagoniste iz umjetničkih, kulturnih i edukativnih krugova. Organizacija je pokrenuta uz potporu kanadske fondacije Musagetes kako bi pomogla u razvoju participatornih umjetničkih praksi te povezala građan(k)e s umjetnicama/ima. Tražeći ideje za naziv ovoga projekta poslužila nam je ploča iz vremena samoupravljanja. [...]
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Kreativni kolektiv Kombinat broji dvadesetak mladih koji u posljednjih šest godina osmišljavaju i provode projekte na području kulture i kreativnih industrija, prvenstveno na području Rijeke, s povremenim izletima u širu regiju. Članovi Kombinata različitih su profesija – od umjetnika, dizajnera, ilustratora i fotografa do kustosa, projektnih menadžera, PR-ovaca, copywritera i informatičara. Pritom nastojimo biti aktivni u svom okruženju te poticati zajednicu na različitosti, suradnju i povjerenje. [...]
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Udruga za ljudska prava i građansku participaciju PaRiter neprofitna je organizacija osnovana 2014. godine, nastala prvenstveno kao reakcija na relativno pasivno okruženje u kojem se nedovoljno govori o ljudskim i ženskim pravima, te socijalnim, kulturnim i ekonomskim pravima pojedinaca i pojedinki. Želja nam je aktivno djelovati u lokalnoj zajednici i utjecati na stvaranje aktivnog građanstva kao preduvjeta za razvoj demokratskog društva. Kroz neformalno obrazovanje, istraživanje i aktivizam promičemo ljudska i ženska prava, rodnu ravnopravnost, kulturu nenasilja, prava manjina i toleranciju.
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A sketch explores possible ways of developing theory of mobile media and communication by referring to cars - iconic technology of mobility. The reference here is built around the key categories in digital media studies: data base, interface and speed.
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Despite her young age, Malala Yousafzai is an icon, who wants to be perceived as quite an ordinary girl at the same time. Malala bravely uses her voice, also on the international arena, especially regarding access to education for all. She lends a voice to those who are not heard. On the basis of her publications, media presentations and documentary film about her life, the author examines the narrative strategies she uses. The author will show how the strategies of authority and celebrity differ, and point out that in the case of Malala, one should look at them together.
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In the article the author analyses viral images of the Turkish Spring, of clashes on the Israeli-Palestinian border, as well as some other iconic protest photographs. By following the impact these photographs make through the social media, it shall be observed how individuals captured by photojournalists become “protest celebrities”. This process, called celebritisation, resembles how famous people within the entertainment industry gain instant recognition, as a result of a singular act. The author proposes observing political protests in the same way we look at popular culture, and the way it produces celebrities, often against their will. Analogies shall be drawn and differences point out between traditional celebrities and protest celebrities using performative theory questioning the agency of celebrities.
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Political mobilization consists of actions and their legitimizations based on an activist and legitimizing foundation. The activist basis stems from the basic structure of the political system which consists of principals of political organizing and action. The legitimization has its roots in core political values and ideas which serve to legitimize the political system. In this paper I will analyze the activist basis of the political mobilization of the Serbian opposition in 1990.
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Zakon o radu u institucijama Bosne i Hercegovine, između ostalog, reguliše i radno-pravni status zaposlenika_ca u udruženjima i fondacijama Bosne i Hercegovine (član 1, stav 2, tačka c). Formulacija da se ovaj zakon odnosi i na zaposlenike_ce u udruženjima i fondacijama Bosne i Hercegovine ne navodi jasno da li se to odnosi isključivo na ona udruženja i fondacije koje osnivaju BiH i njene institucije, ili i na udruženja i fondacije registrovane pri Ministarstvu pravde BiH, a koje osnivaju građani_ke i pravna lica koja nisu u vlasništvu BiH. Time se otvara pitanje primjene odredbi zakona koje se odnose na način zasnivanja i prekida radnog odnosa, gdje postoje velike suštinske razlike između udruženja i fondacija, s jedne, i državne službe, s druge strane. Prema izmjenama i dopunama ovog zakona iz 2018. godine pojedine odredbe izuzimaju se od primjene na udruženja i fondacije, poput onih koje se tiču prijema u radni odnos, obaveze poštivanja nacionalne strukture stanovništva BiH, obaveze polaganja stručnog ispita, stavljanje zaposlenika na raspolaganje, i druge. Nove izmjene uvode i posebno poglavlje 14a, koje reguliše otkazivanje ugovora o radu u udruženjima i fondacijama. Međutim, neke problematične odredbe ostaju na snazi, kao što je nefleksibilnost za povremene i privremene periode u kojima finansijski uslovi ne omogućuju isplatu dogovorene plaće, jer zakon u obzir uzima samo ugovore na određeno i neodređeno vrijeme. Sporne su i odredbe vezane za rad s volonterima_kama, koji se reguliše zakonima o volontiranju, ali i zakoni o radu definišu prava, obaveze i uslove zapošljavanja volontera_ki. Zemlje Evropske unije ne izdvajaju udruženja i fondacije iz preostalih pravnih lica koja učestvuju na tržištu rada. Svaki_a zaposlenik_ca, bez obzira na vrstu ugovora, uključujući i one radnike_ce koji_e nemaju ugovor o radu (freelance ugovori, povremeni ugovori te radnici_e angažovani_e preko agencije za posredovanje u zapošljavanju), ima pravo na poštovanje minimuma ljudskih prava, što podrazumijeva zaštitu od diskriminacije, pravo na sindikalno udruživanje te zaštitu zdravlja i sigurnosti u vršenju radnih zadataka. Dok EU propisuje pravni okvir na nivou unije, svaka zemlja članica ima pravo na izvjesne specifičnosti u svom nacionalnom zakonodavstvu. U cilju rješavanja problema, potrebno je izraditi zakonski okvir koji bi posebno tretirao pitanje nevladinog sektora te uzeo u obzir specifičnosti rada organizacija civilnog društva i doprinio rješavanju niza problema koji također obuhvataju i pitanje radnih odnosa. Kao alternativa ovome moguće su izmjene i dopune Zakona o radu u institucijama BiH tako da se jasno definiše položaj udruženja i fondacija registrovanih pri Ministarstvu pravde BiH i izbjegne sukob u primjeni ovog zakona i entitetskih zakona o radu na zaposlenike_ce udruženja i fondacija.
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Alternativni izvještaj o aplikaciji Bosne i Hercegovine za članstvo u Evropskoj uniji 2019: politički kriteriji rezultat je rada neformalne koalicije četrdeset (40) organizacija civilnog društva okupljenih oko Inicijative za monitoring evropskih integracija Bosne i Hercegovine. Izvještaj se prvenstveno odnosi na političke kriterije za članstvo u EU, ali sadrži i dodatke u vidu Specijalnih izvještaja o Opštim izborima održanim 2018, stanju u vezi s migrantima i izbjeglicama u BiH, te građanskim protestima u Republici Srpskoj. Kada su u pitanju evropske integracije, Bosna i Hercegovina kontinuirano zaostaje za zemljama regije, te je sve vidljivije da se taj zaostatak vremenom povećava umjesto da se smanjuje. Neurednim i neblagovremenim ispunjavanjem osnovnih obaveza u procesu evropskih integracija, Bosna i Hercegovina ne pokazuje istinsku opredijeljenost za reformske procese na evropskom putu, koja je za sada samo na deklarativnom nivou. Od predaje aplikacije za članstvo Bosne i Hercegovine u Evropskoj uniji prošle su tri godine, dok je Sporazum o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju između Bosne i Hercegovine i Evropske unije stupio na snagu prije tri i po godine. Od tada do danas Bosna i Hercegovina nije uspjela staviti u funkciju sva tijela u okviru Sporazuma, s obzirom na to da Parlamentarni odbor za stabilizaciju i pridruživanje još uvijek nije usvojio svoj Poslovnik o radu. Proces odgovaranja na pitanja Evropske komisije u sklopu Upitnika koji se šalje zemljama potencijalnim kandidatkinjama do zaključenja ovog Izvještaja tek se privodio kraju. Mehanizam koordinacije koji je trebao uspostaviti funkcionalan proces donošenja odluka u vezi s evropskim integracijama pokazao se neefikasnim i ostao je jednako netransparentan kakav je bio i sam proces njegovog usvajanja. [...]
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The 2019 Alternative Report on the Application of Bosnia and Herzegovina for European Union Membership: Political Criteria is the result of the work of an informal coalition of forty (40) civil society organisations under the Initiative for Monitoring the European Integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The report primarily refers to the political criteria for EU membership, but also includes Special Reports on 2018 General Elections, the situation with respect to migrants and refugees in BiH, and on citizens’ protests in the Republika Srpska. In the European integration context, Bosnia and Herzegovina is constantly lagging behind other countries of the region and the lag is becoming evidently bigger with time. By the disorderly and untimely fulfilment of fundamental obligations in the European integration process, Bosnia and Herzegovina fails to demonstrate a true commitment to reform processes on the European path and for now keeps such a commitment at a declarative level. Three years have passed since the submission of the application for the membership of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the European Union, whereas three and a half years have passed since the Stabilisation and Association Agreement between Bosnia and Herzegovina and the European Union. From that time to the present day, Bosnia and Herzegovina did not manage to put in function all the bodies envisaged by the Agreement, as the Stabilisation and Association Parliamentary Committee has not yet adopted its Rules of Procedure. The process of answering the European Commission Questionnaire, presented to potential candidate countries, was only coming to an end in the time of the finalisation of this Report. The coordination mechanism, which was supposed to establish a functional decision-making process in the European integration, proved inefficient and remains equally non-transparent as the process of its establishment. [...]
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The European Union is one of the most important global players to be found at the present time. What initially seemed to be a purely economic organization, transformed over time and became a political entity of particular importance. Over time the union has faced many problems, but every crisis has made the EU stronger and more integrated. The article aims to build a comprehensive image of the Eurosceptic phenomenon and its manifestations in contemporary society. The objectives of the research consist in the more comprehensive conceptualization of the term by collecting a large number of definitions. We are also proposing to pursue how its historical evolution at key times of European integration, in various regions of Europe. Euroscepticism is a central theme in European studies, the subject being of interest by nature, which uncontrolled can lead to negative effects on the EU. The Research methodology used is based both on the analysis of texts and literature and on the analysis of empirical data obtained from various studies.
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Servantism is the most basic understanding of servant leadership. The sense of servant means that a person must dedicate himself / herself to others, meet their needs and live for them. An understanding that sees itself in the zero point and transcends the concept of ”self”, which includes the concept of ”we”, “you” and “you ın. Although it is considered as a tendency to behave in daily life as serviceman, caregiver, and people who work early in the morning, and who do things like cleaning and nursing for a certain fee, and this view is seen as a tendency to behave, this is not true. Because servant is actually one of the most important and important reasons for existence of every living thing. Every living thing has a purpose of existence. For example, even nights are meant to make the day meaningful and to be at the service of the day. This sense of servitude also applies to people. If these people want to gather others around common goals, and give direction to them, their potential to become servants should be much more developed. Because the leaders perform a conscious activity for the purpose of directing and completing people, they perform the art of serving people. Therefore, the notion of servant, in addition to serving the core, includes love, tolerance, human values, change and transformation.
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In the successive republics that gained independence with the dissolution of Yugoslavia, politics and micro-nationalism re-emerged in the Balkans within the framework of identity. With the rise of identity politics, conflicts were based on expansionist nationalism. There is a belief that Yugoslavia ruled communism from its foundation and its dissolution. Although communism, leaders within the Federation have held nationalism at hand. With the disintegration of Yugoslavia, this nationalism became an ideology and a tool in the administration. Many leaders have used it as a nationalist election campaign for the independence of countries; the constitution proposals were arranged with the sensitivity of this nationalism. Nationalism based on the marginalization in successive republics has removed nations with historical affinity; countries' constitutions and other legal arrangements have been cautious, especially against national minorities. In this study, understanding of nationalism in successive republics and their effects on each other are tried to be examined.
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Research shows that people often associate themselves with material objects or places and use them to gain a certain validating status from others. (Millan and Mittal, 2017:2, Thompson and Hirschman 1995:151, Schau and Gilly, 2003:1-5). Individuals often find themselves engaged in social comparison and self-presentation behaviors in order to fit in and gain recognition. The present paper takes a closer look at the ways the rise of social media is affecting these behaviors. The main aim of our research is to find out whether there is a link between hedonic acquisitions and self-promoting on SNS. Our hypothesis, that individuals who practice self-promotion on social networking platforms are more likely to make hedonic acquisitions than those who use social media for other gratifications, has been confirmed to a certain extent.
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As content created by amateurs continues to gain at least as much popularity as professional productions in the online medium, authenticity is key in this ongoing struggle. In this context, this paper discusses the ways in which authenticity is constructed in regard to a popular user-generated genre: the how-to video. It examines a set of eighteen such media texts uploaded on YouTube, that are covering various topics. The study finds that these how-to videos create an authenticity effect through a combination of both external and internal factors. Five main ingredients contribute to the construction of their authenticity: expertise, amateur status, mimesis, emotion and interactivity.
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