Lenjinova država i revolucija
»Država i revolucija« s pravom je smatrana jednim od najvažnijih Lenjinovih djela. Ona se usmjerila na pitanje od najvećeg značaja za socijalističku teoriju i praksu, od kojih ni jedno nije izgubilo značaj.
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»Država i revolucija« s pravom je smatrana jednim od najvažnijih Lenjinovih djela. Ona se usmjerila na pitanje od najvećeg značaja za socijalističku teoriju i praksu, od kojih ni jedno nije izgubilo značaj.
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Practice is considered as man's production of human actuality, i. e. as the civilisatory-cultural historical process. Some problems in the relation between liberty and practice are discussed: thus also whether liberty is a product of practice at some degree of its development, or an essential condition of practice, hence a constituting factor of all modes of its appearance. Do all modes of appearance of practice necessarily lead towards liberty, or are there other possible ways? Liberty in this context is considered less in the sense of »freedom from...« and principally in the positive sense, i. e. as creative originality, from which arises the possibility of changing given conditions. It is. accordingly, personal liberty, and as such a precondition for positive social liberty. In order to obtain answers to the questions posed above it is first necessary to establish the difference between original completeness of practice and its individual components which can be involved in the process of alienation. The difference is explained on the basis of Marx's standpoints as expressed in the chapter on »Estranged Work« in the First Economic-Philosophical Manuscript. From the analysis of some forms of the practice follows: Liberty permeates the entire historical production and civilisatory -cultural process and is the essential condition tor it. Liberty cannot merely be a product of this process (practice) at some degree of its development, because without liberty in the personal experience of man that process would not have started at all. Liberty appears with man. Practice in its original form. i. e. creative activity, is a confirmation of man as a free being, hence leads to liberty, yet some of its components may be involved in the process of alienation, in so far as separation and alienation grow, practice does not lead to liberty but rather, on the contrary, to stronger enslavement of men. The process is the more dangerous the less man is conscious of taking part in it, i. e. as far as his consciousness is involved in ideological estrangement. However, since it is impossible for this to be carried out completely because man's creative forces can be lulled to sleep, more or less but never completely, there is a possibility for him to come out from such a state of non-liberty.
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We conceive culture as a universal notion for defining different social contents or all manifestations of human personality. Meanwhile, when we say »political culture« we have ipso facto a new quality. There spring up dilemmas from that: whether political culture is an independent variable or only one dimension of culture generally, then, can an individuum of low cultural level have political culture and conversely. Political culture and political behaviour are class-determined and its specific character is just in that fact concerning quality. Since the phenomenon is undefined and imprecise, political culture, in the essay, is taken as an attitude of an individuum towards the whole, towards society. Which are essential characteristics of so conceived political culture with us: First, fear in the use of freedom, fear which is no more bio-psychological phenomenon-but socially determined condition of man. The primitive man could not explain natural phenomena and that was his fatality, and the modem man cannot explain some social and world phenomena which surround him and now that is his fatality. Second, overemphasized element of destruction in relation to creativeness. In the course of the whole history man preferred destruction to be able to create something new and this condition still prevails in his consciousness. Third, there is still retained tradition to identify state with society and hence the man's negative attitude towards the whole as an alienated power. Fourth, the emphasized behaviour of identification with organizations and leadership which diminishes human activity in the sense of creativity. Fifth, specific phenomenon is evident in the fact that the tendency of projection of personal feelings into general once — personal projection as historical origin has been constantly supported. All these elements have a common consequence — creation of artificial condition of social tension and human insecurity in all aspects of human existence. Thus, according to some features, political culture and behaviour are primarily manifested as social destruction, and after that as projected or anticipated creation.
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Starting from the standpoint that the essence of self-government is in the realization of the class interests of producers, the author emphasizes the necessity to engage social-political organizations to develop political culture of citizens which culture will be founded upon the revolutionary consciousness about the necessity of the development of self-government as socialist social relation wherein there is the essential task how producers will dispose of the surplus of work as fully as possible.By mentioning some controversial social relations in the present phase of the development of self-government the author emphasizes that there is no spontaneous development of self-government, that in the present phase it is necessary to strengthen political organization of society and especially the role of the League of Communists. He pledges for the action and form of organization of social-political organizations to become contemporary, and for changing the methods and contents of the work of social-political organizations where not only the efficacy of their action will increase but also their action will adapt to the claims of the present phase of the development of self-government. Mentioning some fundamental tasks of social political organizations the development of the special policy of the culture of the self-governing society the author specially pledges for everyday political activity in the covering of powers and opposition to the development of self-government. He emphasizes that concrete political action in the basis of society in the present conditions is the most efficacious means for changing the politic culture of citizens and for the development of specific political culture the self-governing society. At the end of the article the author emphasizes the necessity for systematic research of political culture in the conditions of the development self-government, and points out at the necessity of construction of clear ideological attitudes concerning a range of essential questions of the development of self-government in practice, so to make clear some undefined attitudes, vacillations and different thinking about some fundamental ideological principles whereon political structure of the system of direct self-government should be constructed.
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On the basis of two inquiries of reactions of the inquired on inquiries in Croatia there has been gathered a set of data which have been analyzed by the method of the contents analysis. Wanting to perform analysis according regions, communities in Croatia have been divided into Panonia, Dinarids and the Seaside region, to be possible to find eventual difference which spring out of the mentality of population. The conclusions of this investigation are Firstly suppositions which have to be proved in further work by similar but different — more complete — investigations, whether they relate only to the reactions of the inquired upon the inquiries or, wider, to political culture or social mentality of po¬pulation. 1) General back wardness or surroundings wherein inquiring was made especially of those which are in the phase of depopulation or of those districts which have been treated as underdeveloped, is such a problem to take care about, not only from the view of inquiries and variability of results. Rural population is specially shut in relation to inquiries; so one can make out of it their being shut in relation to the new streams in social life. On the other side process or perhaps only a slight phenomenon has been observed that the population of the urban regions or some parts of them have also been shut in relation to the public. While in the former case the reason for such a reaction is the traditional mentality and political experience of rural communities, which were almost autarchic until recently, in the latter one. among the urban population. there might be the case of shutting such surroundings in relation to the public as a result of civilization and hence privatization. 2) The female population, especially from the country is reserved and suspicious — with a more considerable misunderstanding of social and political problems, and in particular cases the husband still has to give approval to his wife or daughter to answer the inquiry. 3) Our citizens are evidently in lack, in many cases, even of fundamental information about particular questions of social and political life, so that also those notions are strange to them which are in the everyday use. 4) Distrust towards the inquiry is one of the characteristics of reactions of population which has become probably as a result of some bad or no political experiences, but also as the traditional distrust towards a stranger. These are probably some of the causes of hiding true material condition and income, which appears as a consequence of experience of our man who always whenever one came to the village to note something, peasants usually had to give something. 5) Political situation in the world and in our country is also reflected in the inquiries, in two forms: a) political situation in some cases enlarges the restraint of the inquired in relation to the inquiries, citizens become distrustful; b) political situation according to the data which are presented in the moment of danger for the system — society — homogenizes attitudes in the direction of self-governing socialism, but on the other side, the inner problems of development cause vacillation and uncertainty of population. The last mentioned leads to the conclusion that in spite of low political culture, which can be manifested and registered by using different methods, upon the bases of earlier political experiences — of the mentality of population — we also find elements of political sensibility of people concerning social, economic and political events and problems, but not such understanding which might be given by better information and higher level of political culture.
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Brojni autori odavno su upozorili i uspješno dokazivali da je suvremeno društvo oboljelo. Bolest suvremenog društva očituje njegovoj totalnoj krizi koja nosi prijeteće implikacije.
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Samoupravljački sistem u nas nije ni općeniti uzorak demokracije, a niti eshatološka vizija Novog svijeta. On je određen konkretno - historijskim uvjetima, snagama i perspektivom naše revolucije, što je samo drugi izraz za antistaljinističku alternativu socijalizma.
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The Socialist Alliance of Croatia is more and more conscious of the fact and it more and more respects the fact that in the conditions of more and more complex and dynamic social political processes in the course of which there have been raising numeral new forms of organization and integration of our self-governmental society and new self-governmental productive and social relations have been developing accompanied by strong tendencies of becoming more and more independent in the sphere of the centers of economic and political power and dominance of monopoly of different aspects — that in such conditions political life itself becomes more and more intensive and rich, but also more and more complex and subtle, because politics more and more penetrates into the everyday life, into understanding and behaviour of a wider circle of citizens belonging to most different social structure and strata. Starting from this point Socialist Alliance has found that their political action cannot be successful, besides other reasons, without firm support of scientific research and establishing very complex and subtle movements in the sphere of public opinion. Therefore the Republic Conference together with the Institute for Social Research of the University of Zagreb have stared the long run. systematic, periodic research of the public opinion of the Socialist Republic of Croatia. Three examinations of public opinion have been made so far about actual social-political questions. The results of these investigations say that vast majority of population of the S. R. of Croatia are satisfied with general political conditions in our country’. The percentage of the examined who decidedly declared that they were »entirely« or »mainly« satisfied was between 92, which number was in the time of the known events in Czechoslovakia, and 89,5 at the very beginning and 86,2 at the end of 1969 (in October). Very characteristic seem to be the data about that how the public of the S. R. of Croatia qualifies self-government as well as successful actions of particular representative and self-governing bodies and their organs. The action of the Communal Assembly is marked as the most successful (it is marked as »very successful« by 52%), and then follow the Republic Assembly and the Federal Assembly (51% of population). The action of the place communities is marked as »very successful« by a lower number of 42% a of the examined. The actions of the workers' councils are marked as »very successful« by 41% a, of managing boards by 39%. of the councils of economic units by 32% and of the meetings of working communities by 29° a the examined. It is symptomatic that those self-governing institutions which are nearest to citizens have achieved lower marks. I think it is because people are more critical towards them just because they are directly connected with them in their everyday life. It seems that from this point of view it would be necessary to valuate also »the perception of the influence of the body of political decision«. Dr. Pavle Novosel considers — meanwhile — that in the answer to the question »does the work of the organ of self- government in a place leads to better conditions or would it be letter without such work«, 59% of the examined say that this work »leads sometimes to better results and sometimes not«, so that it seems as »more negative than positive«.
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Motivacijski kontekst: Sastavljajući pitanja o stavu prema sastancima uopšte, ovoga smo se puta odlučili da ne postupimo na uobičajeni način (tj. da respondentu ponudimo one razloge kojim se u predispitivanjima najčešće sretali), već da pođemo od jednog teorijskog modela motivacijskih aspekata sastanaka, pa tek onda da tražimo najprikladnije empirijske indikatore.
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Svaki socijalni i politički sistem dio je kulture jednog društva. Politička participacija poseban je model odnosa, posebna vrsta procesa.
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Defining politics as an institutional social power of mediation among interests, the author concludes that all of them who have neither objective nor subjective conditions to influence upon that power are deprived of possibility to change their own situation of interest. That has important implications not only for their permanent human interest, because they are prevented to develop their universal relation and to manifest themselves the whole personalities. The level of political culture is a clear indicator of the stage of the man’s freedom and his socialization. The lack or low level of political culture results »subjectively« in an apathy and feeling of one's own political minority and alienation, and from the social point of view it supports conditions for constant reproduction of political »elite* and bureaucratic structures. In the time of the full swing of the scientific-technological revolution, man alienated from politics, be- he has to resist and that he cannot resist to it. Furnished with technical comes easily the function of each system because he is not conscious that knowledge and by the authority of science, technocracy is really able that by so called technical aspects of decisions conceals interest aspects for all those who are "incompetent". So technical in the conditions of the low level of political culture and loyal consciousness about culture as "loyally" can play defining role in the mediation among interests. The author concludes that for the suppression of political monopoly and technocracy arc not sufficient only intelectual frameworks, but constant changes of both material conditions of existence and construction of political culture as a cognition and feeling that only by active relation in the complex of political context one can influence upon his social, i. e. interest situation.
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Politička kultura počinje se uvoditi u političku praksu i teoriju kao svojevrsna kategorija, a da se još potpuno nije definirao njezin sadržaj.
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Razlikovanje proizvodnog i neproizvodnog rada zauzimalo je istaknuto mjesto u razvoju političke ekonomije od samih njezinih početaka. O njemu je ovisilo određenje proizvodnje i proizvoda, identificiranje izvora ekonomskog blagostanja, ekonomski i socijalni položaj različitih društvenih klasa, određenje predmeta političke ekonomije kao znanosti, itd.
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Nastanak i razvoj modernog konstitucionalizma u Norveškoj, vezan je za 1814. godinu. Ta godina, bez sumnje, veoma je važna u norveškoj ustavnoj povijesti jer je tada donesen norveški Ustav koji je na snazi još i danas.
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Durch sein eigenartiges und riesenhaftes Werk wurde Lukacs zu einer bedeutenden Figur der zeitgenössischen europaei«ehcn Kultur überhaupt insbesonders der Philosophie. F.r ist einer der einflussreichsten Denker unseres Jahrhunderts. Lukacs übte noch immer einen enormen Einfluss nicht nur auf die Marxis-ten. sondern auch auf bürgerliche Denker auf verschiedenen Gebieten der Kultur aus. indem er das Bündnis zwischen Wiss... Durch das Thematisieren verschiedenartiger Probleme des menschlichen Lebens und Denkens, bereicherte Georg Lukäcs di zeitnössische Philosophie und förderte den schöpferischen marxistischen Gedanken, indem er dadurch einen ausserordentlichen Beitrag der allgemeinen zeitgenössischen Kultur gibt. In disem Auslcgen ist jedoch die Rede zwar nur von einem, in der Tat dem wichtigsten Aspekt Lukecs' philosophischen Gedankens — von seiner Philosophie der Politik. Dabei ergibt sich, dass Lukäcs schon 1919 im Werke »Taktik und Ethik«, wie selten jemand gesehen hatte das« sich das Wissen vom. praktischen menschlicher Handeln und jenes von der Politik unterscheiden, sowohl vom exaktem Wissen der s. g. theoretischen Wissenschaften und der technischen Künste, als auch vom blossen Allt > s- wissen. den subjektiven Ahnungen und Glauben. Dadurch war die Möglichkeit einer zeitgenössischen Philosophie der Politik und einer Philosophie der Geschichte'in ihrer eigenartigen ontologischen Bedeutung gegeben. Wie bekannt, stellt die Ontologie des gesellchaftliehen Seins« das Hauptthema der wissenschaftlichen Forschungen auch des späten Lukäcs dar. Ob darin Lukäcs auch weiterhin wichtige Erkenntnisse seiner früheren Arbeiten weiter entwickelt oder sie jedoch tim Willen einer einheitlichen Ontologie des dialektischen Materialismus zum Opftcr bringt, wird erst nach der Veröffentlichung des Werkes »Zur Ontologie des gesellschaftlichen Sein?« ersichtlich werden.
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Durch eine Kontrastierung der Platonischen Forderung, dass die Philosophen Könige oder die Könige-Philosophen werden, und der Meinung Kants, dass cs nicht zu erwarten und vielleicht nicht einmal wünschenswert war »da der Besitz der Gewalt den freien Gebrauch der Vernunft envermeindlich verdirbt«, wird in diesem Artikel das Verhältnis der Intellektuellen zur Politik, besonders zur Welt der modernen technischen und politischen Produktion, thematisiert. Die Intelligenz zeigt sich als das Gewissen eines Volkes und der .Menschheit. Das Gewissen wird dabei im Sinne Hegels als die »Einheit des subjektiven Wissens und dessen, was es an und für sich ist«, d. h. als die Einheit von Ethik und Politik verstanden. Darin kommt die kritische Funktion der Intelligenz, die ihre politische Rolle ermöglicht, zum Ausdruck. Die politische Rolle der Intelligenz selbst besieht zunächst in der Reform des Bewusstseins der Menschen und in der Entlarvung der Ideologien durch Enthüllung und Erkenntnis der wirklichen Interessen des menschlichen Daseins und der Tendenzen der geschichtlichen Entwicklung. Die vernünftigen Einsichten, Selbstbewusstsein und Selbstreflexion, stellen dabei die Vorbedingungen für die Selbstbestimmung und Selbstleitung des Menschen dar. In diesem Zusammenhang wird die Rolle der Intelligenz, besonders in bezug auf die Entwicklung der »Selbstverwaltung« als einer neuen Art und Weise des mitmcnschhchen Lebens, d. h. im Sinne seiner Steigerung auf die eigene fundamental-menschliche Höhe, erörtert und betont. Der Aufsatz schlicsst mit der Frage: wie lange werden die Intellektuellen ihre Teilnahme in der Politikmit der Erfahrung des Sokrates als des ersten und des SoD.enjicin wahrscheinlich nicht als des letzten Opfers des Streites zwischen Intclligi nz und Politik bezahlen?
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Sampling has been carried through six independent groups: students, pupils, working young people attending school, young skilled workers, elder skilled workers and an accidental sample of »adults«, in order to search political attitudes of young generation and eventual difference both among young people and among elder groups. Results showed that young people much more accept actual values of our society, and that they are very near to the attitude of the »working class«. In the groups of the »adults« dogmatic and liberal — bourgeois conceptions are much more represented. Explanation of such results, according to the author’s opinion, is in another social situation wherein particular groups achieved their political attitudes, and in socially condi¬tioned political orientation.
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The task of the essay is to try to explain some historical and contemporary aspects of the geopolitical position of the SR of Macedonia and the division of the Macedonian ethnicum. Although it is most natural to observe the position of a country in total, some partial approachments are also possible, and it depends on the achieved stage of democratization of the life and specific features of the boundary contacts and problems with neighbours. In the first part of the essay some general problems are emphasized — before all, the Macedonian ethnicum is characterized by three geopolitically very important facts — except in some older periods it was always territorially divided because of which fact it did not as a whole touch the fact is that today the Macedonians are the only nation in Europe who are not recognized as a nation — according to the Bulgarian statements in the SR of Macedonia two thirds of inhabitants have the Bulgarian national consciousness; special problem are boundaries with neighbours, disputable territories and territorial chopping, which are usual characteristics of the »Balkanization« of area; surrounding states are very specific by their alliances, where from particular problems may result — Albania is of pro-Chinese orientation, Greece belongs to the NATO, and Bulgaria belongs to the Warsaw treaty — such a contract being in all Europe; across the SR of Macedonia it leads towards Albania and the Otrant Gate, i. e. towards Mediterranean, the most convenient connection of the Warsaw treaty countries with the open sea — and the importance of the Gate is not necessary to emphasize: from the other side. Macedonia is the part of the sector which would be of great importance for the NATO strategy in the case of the surrounding of socialist countries. Further in the essay the role of the Macedonian ethnicum is emphasized as a corridor either for historical connections towards Turkey or as a way out for Serbia and Bulgaria towards the sea. Aspirations of Serbia were traditionally directed towards the south and southwest (the way out to the Solun and Medow bay); Bulgaria aspired after the Solun bay by means of Great Bulgaria of the San Stefano treaty. Those territorial expansions ere important also as a formation of a lock against German penetration towards the south-east — Serbia and Montengro ought to be the first obstacle and Great Bulgaria and Albania the second one in that case. Ethnical problems are specially emphasized in the essay — historical arrogations of the Macedonian nationality by Serbia are today substituted by the PR of Bulgaria. There has been taken into consideration also one of the best known elder geographers and a very good expert of conditions on the Balkan Peninsula — Jovan Cvijić — whose understandings were very ambivalent, sometimes reactionary, but concerning the Macedonians they were exceptional! progressive. After that there are some problems of the division of the Macedonian ethnicum between Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Greece and Albania, as well as the appreciation of the relations of strength and congruity of the division with the natural-geographical foundation. New state boundaries made after the Balkan wars and world war I essentially changed some economic characteristics, interrupted the curses of the cattle-breeding moving, changed the gravitation zones, substituting the gravitation towards Salonica by a new gravitation towards Skopje, etc. At the end there are the problems of the nucleus gatherings, then the position of the SR of Macedonia in the so called »Surrounding«, ethnical variety and the boundary distribution of national minorities as well as the contemporary communication - geographical position of the SR of Macedonia which is important in tourist valorization. A short survey has been made also to the changed importance of the Salonica port and generally Vardar-Aegean economic-political orientation.
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Kada je 1958. godine objavljeno da je Sovjetski savez postao druga industrijska velesila zauzevši drugo mesto u svetskoj indu¬strijskoj proizvodnji i prvo u domenu Kosmičkih naučnih istraži¬vanja i time ozbiljno ugrozio primat SAD, mnogi u to nisu poverovali. Oni bar koji su pratili privredni razvitak Sovjetskog saveza od oktobarske revolucije pa nadalje više su znali o problemima sa kojima se nosila politika privrednog razvitaka SSSR-a nego o njenim uspesima.
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Analizirajući pojavu nelikvidnosti u jugoslavenskoj privredi, koja posljednje 2—3 godine dolazi sve više do izražaja, a ovog ljeta je izgleda dosegla svoju kulminaciju, treba prvenstveno naglasiti da je ona posljedica mnogobrojnih uzroka i izraz dubljih problema naše privrede i društva, a uzročnike treba tražiti kod svih nosilaca ekonomsko-političke akcije u našem društvu, od federacije i ostalih društveno-političkih zajednica, preko banaka do radnih organizacija.
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