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Vavro Šrobár (1867-1950) was the protagonist of the Hlasistic movement in Slovakia and in 1919 he published the book entitled "Government of the People in a Democracy". The aim of this paper is to provide a detailed analysis of this book and all its chapters from the perspective of political science. The book originated as an attempt by the author to "instruct the Slovak people" of the brief history of the Czechoslovak State and also to instruct the civil public in the virtues and deficiencies arising from the model of democracy as the "government of the people". The result of the analysis of the model of democracy as derived by Šrobár is summarizing the advantages of this model, of which the present author has chosen six dominant signs: 1) The Government shall be under the control of the Parliament and public opinion. 2) The best form of political discourse is realism in politics. 3) In a democratic State, there are no subjects, just citizens. 4) The laws are only good when they have their legitimacy and lawfulness. 5) The State's Democratic establishment educates its citizens and teaches them how to think politically. 6) The well-functioning democratic establishment prevents social inequalities, which are the cause of revolutions.
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The text comprises three layers: descriptive, evaluative and comparative. The descriptive layer is devoted to two subjects – history of political and legal thought on the one hand and jurisprudence on the other. The evaluative layer concentrates on showing the cognitive and practical values and functions of these two subjects. The comparative layer addresses the importance of these scholarly disciplines in modern science and their relevance from the standpoint of law students expectations.
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The review of: „Populist Political Communication in Europe“ by red. T. Aalberg, F. Esser, C. Reinemann, J. Strömback, Claes de Vreese, Routledge, New York–London 2017, ss. 402.
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Corruption is not just a problem of developing countries, corruption scandals arise and develop also in Western democracies, what differ are the perception and assessment ofcorruption. As scientists state, corruption is a phenomenon that is determined by the country'sdemocratic (state) traditions and culture, dominant values and behaviour standards, etc.Most of the time corruption is analysed in the context of political, business, health care and media systems that are interrelated. By far, talking about the understanding and reaction tocorruption in politics, are based on public perception of corruption. Corruption in political arena is related not only to actions of politicians, or public officers, but depends on the understanding and its tolerance in society. The cases of political corruption are rare, but they still happen, and it does not matter whether it is a developing county, a newly established democracy, or a so called western democracy. The phenomenon of political corruption is based on political culture, or even more broadly speaking, on national culture, traditions. And because of that cases of political corruption and their evaluation and reaction to them of the participants of political system (political actors, media and citizens) in general demonstrates the level of tolerance of such actions. Results of political election campaign can be considered as the mirror of perception of political corruption in political system, because they demonstrate the activities of all participants of political system and their attitude toward the case. This article aims to analyze the concept of political corruption in order to identify itsmain determinants and to investigate the potential influence of the case of corruption of political actor on the outcome of the political elections.In this paper the quantitative media content analysis is presented to show the coverage ofthe political party in relation to political election campaign during the political election periodand political corruption event. It is done in search for the factors that determine the presentation and possible impact of political corruption event on the results of political elections. In the research the media content of the political actor, that was accused of corruptive activities (bribery) was analysed. The article also discusses whether the political corruption of political party leader and its presentation in the media may affect the political election results.
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The purpose of this article is to present the analysis of the election results of Lietuvos lenkų rinkimų akcija-Kriščioniškų šeimų sąjunga (LLRA-KŠS, Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania-Christian Families Alliance) in Lithuania’s Parliamentary election 2016. The article presents a short review of the development of Lithuanian-Polish relationship. Several new events took place before Parliamentary election 2016 and had a certain impact on it. First of all, constituency borders were changed in Lithuania, what in general was very advantageous for LLRA-KŠS. Secondly, geopolitical and security situation in Russia changed dramatically because of its aggression in Ukraine and it also revealed prokremlin’s orientation of LLRA-KŠS that in turn had a very negative impact on the party’s image. Probably due to this LLRA-KŠS received about 10,000 votes less. This drop was most significant in Vilnius city but had an immaterial effect in the constituencies controlled by LLRA-KŠS. Nevertheless, the election reveals another important fact that voters in Vilnius district value not only candidates' nationalities (as it might be expected) but also their origin and bonds with local communities.
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The results of the Seimas elections in 2016 have revealed one of the greatesttransformations in Lithuanian party system since its formation in 1992. Though there aresimilarities between the political processes in Lithuania, Poland, Hungary and the CzechRepublic, it is important to stress important differences, which enable us to speak about theunique “Lithuanian way”.First of all, the new political group, which dominates in Lithuanian political system afterthe elections – Lithuanian Peasants and Green Union (LPGU), not only rejected the traditionpolitical continuum of “right-left” politics, but also does not fit into the main political cleavage in post-communist political system of Lithuania - between ex-communists and anti-communists.Secondly, the elections revealed a huge crisis of democracy based on political parties inLithuania. The dissatisfaction with parties, as the main actors in modern liberal democracy,constantly increases.Thirdly, we can speak about the decisive victory of anti-politics in Lithuania, themarginalization of political deliberations and political competence in the governance of thestate. This triumph of anti-politics in Lithuania is not the outcome of cultural tradition of antipolitics which was strong in Poland and Czechoslovakia during the 20th century (Havelka 2016), but rather a price which we have to pay for the invasion of consumptive mentality in political sphere.The main hypothesis of this article is that the triumph of anti-politics in Lithuania meansthe victory of “consumer” over “citizen” and it will cause the growing turmoil in political system of Lithuania.
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There is a common belief that the pro-regulatory approach of Democrats, makes them more determined in the fight against big money in campaign elections, whereas Republicans, supporting recent Supreme Court decisions in Citizens United v. F.E.C. and McCutcheon v. F.E.C., benefit from the system more than their political counterparts. The aim of the article is to analyze the real character of the U.S. campaign finance regulations, both from legislative and judicial perspective, and to determine which political party benefits from the system: Republican or Democratic? By underlining the Buckley rule that ‘money is speech’ the Author suggests that campaign contributions and spending are deeply rooted in the character of American political system determining the political future of candidates of both political parties. The article refers to election cycles since 1970s, but it mainly focuses on recent election cycles, including the 2016 presidential election.
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Bernie Sanders became the phenomenon of this year's Presidential Primary campaign in the Democratic Party. In order to analyse his road to success, I have decided to focus on three main factors, that helped him conquer on an equal level with Hillary Clinton: his political background, the social media activity of his campaign staff and the celebrity endorsement. The aim of this article is to show, how in the 21st century, the role of the traditional media during the campaign is weakened by the influence of the Internet 2.0 tools. The work also focuses on the behaviour of the American voters and what impact does the regular internet use have on them.
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The LGBT rights are lately one of the aspects of a social and political discourse both in the Russian Federation and in Ukraine. In these countries of a common historical heritage there are some analogies in the perspecyive on human rights and thier realization.
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The democratization of the former communist countries at the end of the 20th century revived the culture vs. structure debate that has been going on for decades. The two prevailing models of the political culture change had diverse predictions regarding the possibility of democratization of the political culture of the previously non-democratic societies. The cultural model, which argues that the structure of the political system has cultural roots and preconditions, gave pessimistic predictions – political culture can change only in the long term by generational replacement and under the influence of some more general structural changes in the society. The chances for new democracies were more optimistic according to the institutional model, which proposes the reverse influence, from structure to culture. The basic assumptions of the two models are first described in the paper, and then follows a short overview of empirical studies. The concluding part discusses some dilemmas and shortcomings of the two models.
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The main topic of this article is the analysis of the institutionalization of the party system in Serbia. Party system, as an important component of the political system, may have different levels of institutionalization that reflect the integrity of the political processes. This article analizes key issues for the evaluation of institutionalization through the established criteria. The analysis shows that Serbia, as well as other post-communist countries, has a number of lacks that slow down and hinder the institutionalization of the party system.
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Due to the increasing importance of information and media, modern democracy is more often referred to as a „media democracy“, an „audience democracy“, or a „communicative capitalism“ – which marks a shift from „party“ democracy. The goal is to make politics fun-filled. It is a simultaneous process of the politicization of the political periphery and depoliticization of foundations of politics, which leads to the creation of a new model of political communication, or the „postpolitics“. The „new politics“ refocusses the engagement outside the parliamentary system. It is characterized by personalized rather than collective engagement and a stronger emphasis on single issues rather than on overarching ideologies. Politicians previously represented the public. They now mostly represent themselves. This leads to a „democracy without citizens“. It means that one of the reasons for the crisis of political legitimacy is the preponderance of the media policy as it makes the relationship between the representatives and the represented even more mediated, i.e. distant. Thus, power is shifted away from parliament and concentrated in the hands of specialized agencies that are unelected and unrepresentative, which, as much as multinational corporations, have „power without responsibility“.
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In March 1999, when the decision to start the air-attacks on FR Yugoslavia was made, the most relevant foreign policy decision-makers in United States were predicting short duration of the operation. They have (wrongly) expected that FRY president Milosevic would accept their conditions and solutions for Kosovo – Metohija crisis just several days, to maximum several weeks, after the first air-attacks. This paper argues that the mentioned presumption was based on the analogical reasoning of the US foreign policy decision makers, particularly the analogy with the operation Deliberate force in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995. The paper additionally emphasizes the differences between the two situations, which were insufficiently considered by the US decision makers.
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This paper aims to contribute to better understanding of political representation of structurally discriminated groups. It starts by acknowledging that equal treatment of individuals is not just if certain groups are denied access to representative institutions. In that sense, the paper follows the dominant line of the theory of group representation which advocates for the affirmative action measures in order to increase the presence of marginalized groups in the parliament. Descriptive representation is, however, not considered an adequate mode of political representation. It is, instead, treated as a measure which should help the interests of marginalized groups to be heard and defended in the parliament and it should influence policy changes in order to secure equality among citizens.
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The paper discusses the three aspects of globalization and the consequences that this process has on economic and social stratification and the ability of government to lead autonomous policy of their country. In the first part, the author discusses the role of international economic institutions and transnational companies in the process of globalization. Indicates the growing gap between the rich North and the poor South. The second part shows the process of sovereignty decline, and the growing importance of international cooperation.
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Jobbik (The Movement for a Better Hungary) is generally the subject of scholarly attention due to the anti-gypsy sentiment typical of the party, its tone of speech ignoring political correctness, and its far-right connections. Nonetheless, in the past three years the tone of Jobbik’s campaign messages has become substantially more moderate, party offi cials distanced themselves from racist and anti-Semitic statements, eventually declaring that the aim of Jobbik is to reposition itself as a ‘real people’s party’. Given the freshness of this transformation process, only a handful of scholarly works investigated the topic until now, and even if doing so, the literature almost exclusively focused on the analysis of Jobbik’s parliamentary elite, and its management. This article seeks to analyze and understand the process by comparing Jobbik’s candidates fi elded in single-member districts in 2010 and 2014. Conclusions are drawn from quantifi ed content analysis of short candidate introductions (résumés and pledges), accompanied by the analysis of databases with variables on political career, electoral experience and former partisan affiliation.
More...A Jobbik ígéretei a magyarországi törvényalkotásban (2010–2014)
It has been a recurring topic of Hungarian public speech since the change of government in 2010 that Fidesz–KDNP, in government with a qualifi ed majority, puts the political program of the opposition party Jobbik (Movement for a Better Hungary) into practice. Studying the election programs of both parties, our research investigates which party’s topics are more in line with the legislation agenda of the period 2010–2014, and what kind of strategy Fidesz used to oppose the major election pledges of Jobbik. We argue that the themes of Jobbik’s program resemble the legislation topics of the second Orbán government more than that of Fidesz. The qualifi ed majority dominated by legislation took on a typically adaptive strategy against the radical opposition, therefore the widespread opinion that Fidesz implements the program of Jobbik concerning matters important for the latter is to be treated with reservation. Although in matters prioritized by Jobbik the qualifi ed majority opted for an adaptive strategy in nine cases out of eighteen major topics, in three of these cases the issues were considered important by Fidesz–KDNP as well, and in fi ve further cases we can talk about ideological similarities. The remaining case is considered as a general strategic government goal.
More...Paradigmaváltások a magyarországi politika és média viszonyában
According to Siebert et al. (1956/1963), media systems are of two basic types: authoritarian or liberal. Each country belongs to these categories, or represents a blend of the two. The present paper reviews the history of the relationship between Hungarian politics and media after the political transition of 1989–90, divides it into periods, and aims to place these periods on the axis of the authoritarian and liberal systems in the light of a set of criteria more suitable for the mapping of the relations of present-day political and media systems than the original, sixty-year-old model. Four periods have been identifi ed: those of the transition, the media war, the consolidation of the freedom of the press, and its deconsolidation; and these periods have been studied along four dimensions: media policy, control of the media, political communication, and ideological landscape. An attempt is also made to identify some reasons for the paradigm shifts in the relation of politics and media. Finally, it argues that the relapse of the freedom of Hungarian press experienced after 2010 diverges from regional trends. This divergence is explained by the particularity of the Hungarian constitutional system: the conjunction of the mixed election system, and the media law requiring constitutional majority.
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The purpose of the article is to discuss a few selected issues related to management control which have not been expressly articulated in the literature on the subject so far. These issues include: a) juridical aspect of management control in order to show the essence and benefits of such control; b) understanding the goals and tasks in the statutory aspect of management control; c) the ensuring nature of management control; d) failure to perform or unsatisfactory performance of management control obligations as grounds for liability, and e) the role of authorities in the management control system as well as others, e.g. the organizational structure of a unit. In this paper, the author consciously forgoes any global presentation of management control, in particular any analysis of the solutions/tools included in the standards of management control, unless they directly refer to the issues discussed. The author uses methods specific for legal sciences, including in particular the method of juridical exegesis of legal texts. Basic conclusions from the analysis are as follows: 1) in the statutory perspective, management control includes a “total of actions” (tools/instruments) of an ensuring nature, and 2) the obligations from the first and second level of management control are performed in a specific local self-government unit by its authorities. Undoubtedly, properly defined management control (i.e. as all ensuring activities) is a useful tool of public management which sets legal regulations along with a particular management model within a given unit of the public finance sector.
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