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Political realism claims that politics can be understood only on its own terms. Realist political theory attempts to have the autonomy of politics recognized and to emancipate politics from the authority of other domains such as ethics, economy or aesthetics. After the democratic transition, Hungarian political theory has claimed autonomy of politics as opposed to technocratic and other deterministic approaches. The study discusses two texts of Hungarian political theory which, differing from the mainstream, conceived the problem of the autonomy of politics in the context of the relationship between politics and morality. János Kis’ ‘Politics as a Moral Problem’ and István Schlett’s answer to that book, ‘Morality as a Political Problem’ represent the two main standpoints in the realist – moralist debate described by contemporary realist theory, however, neither of them fi ts into those positions perfectly. The differences analysed in this article emerge regarding the autonomy of politics. As a conclusion, it is supposed that the concept of the autonomy of politics cannot account for a realist approach to politics.
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Nisu nimalo neprirodne podele ljudi prema njihovim različitim narodnim i geografskim osobinama. Međutim, u tim podelama nijedna grupa ne može biti posebno istaknuta u smislu da njoj mora obavezno pripasti politička moć. Društvena zajednica koja poseduje suverenitet i političku moć u islamskoj saznajnoj tradiciji naziva se milet. Naravno, milet ovde nipošto ne znači nacija, već zajednički put koji su izabrali članovi društva u svetlu intuitivnog i racionalnog saznanja, a koji vodi suštinama ontoloških realnosti. Nacija pak, na modernom Zapadu, oslanja se na osetna i emotivna saznanja o narodnoj pristrasnosti i kao takva postaje merilo političkog suvereniteta. U stvari, nacija je danas novo čovekovo društveno ja koje ni na koji način ne manifestuje uzvišene ontološke realnosti, već sámo stvara realnost. Zbog toga, u ovom radu insistiramo na tome da je nacionalizam sasvim nova ideologija modernističkog doba, koja nikada ranije u istoriji ljudske misli nije bila kredibilna. O tome kako nacija može biti merilo i izvor istine, vrednosti i prava, u ovom radu koristimo analize modernih racionalističkih filozofa i nemačkih romantičara. Objasnićemo takođe da u saznajnom stadijumu islama ovakva ideologija mora biti jasno opovrgnuta. U religijskim tradicijama, rodbinske, finansijske i ostale materijalne privilegije smatraju se mogućim uzrocima propasti društva. A istinske privilegije jesu samo plemenitost i čistota duše. Izvor blaženstva, mira i harmonije treba videti upravo u njima, a ne u nacionalnim državama koje su uzrok suprotstavljenih identiteta, interesa, teritorijalnih težnji i uzrok patnji. Ipak, mnoga nezapadna društva, pa i naša, još uvek se utrkuju u tome ko će biti ekstremniji pobornik ideologije nacionalizma.
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Na Konferenciji održanoj u hotelu “Sarajevo” 15. maja 2013. godine, a u povodu javnog predstavljanja preporuka ekspertnog tima za reformu Ustava FBiH, učesnici te važne debate civilnog društva iznijeli su zanimljive prijedloge, konkretna očitovanja na preporuke ekspertne grupe, bilo je korisnih sugestija, dilema koje su ostale nerazriješene, ali ono što se može generalizirati kao opći ton skupa, bila je vrlo jasna fokusiranost na same preporuke. I intencija Konferencije bila je vrlo pragmatična: radom u nekoliko tematskih grupa, plus centralna panel diskusija, odrediti se prema preporukama kao ozbiljnom intelektualnom i stručnopravnom poduhvatu skupine vrijednih i kompetentnih ljudi koji nisu lišeni empatijskog obrasca, a koji u ovako složenoj zemlji nije ništa manje važan od jurisprudencije.
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Public policy making is a multi-layer and dynamic process in which very many public policy actors participate. Government as a chief state power representative is one of the actors who needs another key actor (not less important one) in the process of exercising power and the actor is media. The paper investigates the relation between media and policy, it discusses the role modern mass media play in day-to day process of public policy making in a democratic and legislation-oriented country. The topic is based on the theory of public policy making and its position in a modern community where a sequence-based attitude towards public policy making is employed while emphasising the role mass media play in the process of decision making for the sake of public interest.
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This study aims to explain how the concept of state is perceived by the anthropologist Julian Steward and political scientist Karl Wittfogel. Especially it is about how Julian Steward is influenced from the opinions of Wittfogel, who investigate the state and the origin of it. After evolution became the focus of interest again in the aftermath of WWII, many concepts became subject of curiosity. One of these concepts is state. Wittfogel realized the importance of irrigation while he tried to explain the origin of state. Like Wittfogel, Steward was interested in the importance of irrigation, too; but his interest is not only for explaining the origin of state but also for verifying his own theories, such as cultural anthropology. If that is so, then to what degree has Steward utilized the opinions of Wittfogel while he defended his theories?
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The European Union currently faces many problems, including its image among the public in member states. This article goes back in time to the Grand Accession from 2004 to remember a rather positive approach of candidate countries to the EU. The aim is to investigate whether and how the whole movement has influenced public diplomacy activities as it represented a significant political impulse in many candidate countries. This study examines the pre-accession strategy and later activities at the strategic documents level. Using the documentary analysis, text focuses on the occurrence of some terms associated with good image and presentation in documents as well as changes in conceptual apparatus that was used. The results show that there is a difference in influence of the pre-accession strategy on the information and communication strategy on European affairs and public diplomacy or general presentation abroad. Differences arise primarily in the terminology used, the frequency of documents adopted and the extent to which they are being met. Each area is also managed by another government body. Principles of the campaign and communication on European affairs with domestic public became an integral part of domestic information policy and the occurrence of its documents has intensified over time. On the other hand, general presentation and good image of a country, even if presented in concepts of foreign policy and government statements, until recently has had almost no practical impact on the activities of state authorities. It is nevertheless considered an impulse for the authorities to give a broader reflection on the good name of the country abroad.
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The paper introduces the concept of ontological security to the study of de facto states and forwards the claim that the field would greatly benefit from putting more emphasis on the identity of these entities by drawing on a growing body of literature about state identity and ontological security. The starting premise is that, while non-recognition illegalizes de facto states and threatens their physical security, non-engagement presents no physical threat, but de-legitimizes de facto states and threatens their ontological security. The main argument developed on this basis is that de facto states act to fulfil their self-identity needs and preserve their ontological security, sometimes going as far as compromising their physical security and even their existence. The author goes on to provide arguments for the relevance of an ontological security perspective for the study of de facto states and – in particular – of the post-Soviet de facto states). In the second part of the paper, state identity and ontological security in the Caucasus are discussed in order to shed light on the relations between honour, identity, and foreign policy. Finally, the ontological security perspective is applied to analyse the case of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (CRI) between 1996 and 1999, its eventual defeat and reincorporation into its parent state – the Russian Federation.
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This paper focuses on an analysis of political and scientific reflections by academic Mihailo Marković, with special review of the links existing between ideology and science. Unlike ideology, whose scope is limited in terms of value and science, Mihailo Marković regards philosophy as a science open to all humankind. A prominent place in Marković’s research belonged to the conservative ideology and in this context, distinction was made between the conservative spirit in its broader sense, manifested in its views on art, creation and all other segments of life and conservatism as an ideological and political position. Th e aim of this paper is to explore Mihailo Marković’s approach to the value system proposed by conservative ideology, leading to the author’s conclusion that Marković had an objectively critical approach in his analysis of conservatism. Marković discovered a humanistic alternative to all forms of conservatism, proposing radical democratic socialism as a appropriate substitute model.
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Military infantry recruits, although trained, lacks experience in real-time combat operations, despite the combat simulations training. Therefore, the choice of including them in military operations is a thorough and careful process. This has left top military commanders with the tough task of deciding, the best blend of inexperienced and experienced infantry soldiers, for any military operation,based on available information on enemy strength and capability. This research project delves into the design of a mission combat efficiency estimator (MCEE). It is a decision support system that aids top military commanders in estimating the best combination of soldiers suitable for different military operations, based on available information on enemy’s combat experience. Hence, its advantages consist of reducing casualties and other risks that compromises the entire operation overall success, and also boosting the morals of soldiers in an operation, with such information as an estimation of combat efficiency of their enemies. The system was developed using Microsoft Asp.Net and Sql server back end. A case study test conducted with the MECEE system, reveals clearly that the MECEE system is an efficient tool for military mission planning in terms of team selection. Hence, when the MECEE system is fully deployed it will aid military commanders in the task of decision making on team members’ combination for any given operation based on enemy personnel information that is well known beforehand. Further work on the MECEE will be undertaken to explore fire power types and impact in mission combat efficiency estimation.
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A country’s economy has a special role in a country’s defense. The organization of the national defense is carried out not only through the development of national armed forces, but also by increasing the sustainability of the economic activity for provision of the State and population demands during war. For this reason, development of the economic potential, taking necessary measures for preparation and sustainability of labor, material and financial resources are one of the significant issues and studying the conceptual, legal and economic issues related to the duties of the economy in the organization of state defense in Azerbaijan is very crucial.
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This article focuses on the research and development concept and its support to the Slovak state defense. It compares the latter with the Manifest of the Government Slovak Republic, dated 2016. It shows on mistakes and wrong steps in military policy oriented to support military science and research.In conclusion shows on some solutions to development military science and research to next years.
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Under the present economic conditions, the accelerated process of globalization poses many problems for the adaptation of the company to the external environment,characterized by fierce competition. In this sense, management is facing numerous challenges related to globalization, especially in times of organizational change.
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Access to food is more than ever a question of interest. The world needs to produce at least 50% more food to feed 9 billion people by 2050. The land,biodiversity, oceans, forests, and other forms of natural capital are being depleted at unprecedented rates. Unless we change how we grow our food and manage our natural capital, food security – especially for the world’s poorest – will be at risk. In this context we expect that the struggle for food to generate migration, conflicts and,why not, international intervention defined by the new Copenhagen School of Security Studies paradigm. Since March 2008 governments, UN agencies and many social movements have adopted positions on the causes of the food crisis and the means to address it. Unfortunately, while these parties are trying to coordinate their activities and suggest new approaches, the old recipes for producing more food are often brought up. Contradictory proposals are made and the thought given to the causes underlying hunger and the food crisis (social, economic and political discrimination and exclusion) has gone largely unheeded. The first Millennium Development Goal,which called for cutting the percentage of hungry people by half by 2015, is clearly out of reach. But the food crisis might lead to a new world food order.
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In July 2016, the Federal Government of Germany adopted the first Strategy to Counter Extremism and Promote Democracy which is valid interagency, reacting to the recent rise of extremism not only in Germany but all over Europe. Ensuring the functionality of such strategies requires their constant assessment and improvement. The following paper analyses the mentioned Strategy by applying it to a case of right-wing radicalisation that took place in Germany before the mentioned Strategy has been adopted. As a case study, the National Socialist Underground from Germany has been selected, which was a far right terrorist cell that had radicalized in the 1990s and over several years murdered 10 people, not being caught for a very long time. In her earlier analysis, the author identified factors of radicalization that apply to the case of this terrorist cell. These factors are used in the following paper as a basis to evaluate the recently adopted Strategy Against Extremism. The goal of the paper is to analyse if implications that arise from the NSU case have been incorporated into the new Strategy so as to avoid similar cases of extremism in future.
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Agenda 2030 has set up a global partnership revitalized which has facilitating involvement intensive worldwide in support of the implementation of all objectives and targets, bringing together governments, civil society, private sector, United Nations system and other stakeholders and mobilizing all available resources.
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The processes, tools and concepts of political liberalism have become the fundamental factors in executing the domestic politics of countries since the dominance of neo-liberal policies in the world politics after the Cold War. The legitimacy of the laws has been ensured for about two centuries through constitutional and normative sense of law, which is brought by liberalism, and constitutional administration based on the rights and freedoms of the people. Although liberalism continues on its way from economics after the 2000s, liberal politics have been interrupted in various countries in the context of constitutionalism. The right-wing, authoritarian, and populist leaders in power tend to push the boundaries of absolute bindingness of norms and are inclined to the behaviors that can be explained by the paradigm of decisionism. It is argued in this study that the liberal constitutional aspects of the legitimacy of laws have been distressed. This “epistemological break” substitutes decisionist ones for liberal values. This argument has been discussed through the dilemma of constitutionalism and decisionism paradigms. While the constitutionalism paradigm was discussed over many liberal thinkers, Carl Schmitt’s views were focused on for decisionism paradigm. The reason why he is the most widely known theorist in the context of the decisionist paradigm, Schmitt has a very large footprint in the decisionist literature, and Schmitt frequently has addressed it in his works.
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The study addresses the task of determining the scope of sovereignty (exclusive competence) of member states in the area of the development of national power policy on the basis of Treaties, mainly the Treaty on European Union. The author makes an attempt to prove that the impact of the EU legislation on the national legal order, pursuant to the EU regulations, is subject to selective exclusion, and the member states are entitled to supremacy relative to the EU power policy in specific areas of the development of the power policy. Therefore, the member states kept their autonomous right to develop the market of energy supplies in a manner that would make it possible to maintain the balance between the supplies and the demand within the limits necessary for keeping the energy security at the national level required for the public order and the national security. The hierarchical relation of the EU interest and the national public interest arising from the supremacy of the EU law and its direct effectiveness does not jeopardize the national objectives defined in this way. The national energy security, understood in this way, opens the space for specific preferences of national suppliers subject to the national legislative regime as well as the national power authorities and power enterprises managing the transfer or distribution infrastructure.
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The Author describes basic issues concerning the creation and organization of the auxiliary units of a municipality in the context of their role in the management process of the city. Depending on the adopted model, auxiliary units (f. ex. Districts, neighborhoods) can fulfill the functions of animation and integration in relation to the community or participate in the performance of public duties by the municipality. The latter way of shaping the role of auxiliary units is substantially inscribed in the constitutional principle of subsidiarity, as well as pro-participatory trends in the management of urban municipalities, promoted by a number of non-governmental environments. Districts and neighborhoods established in order to enable residents to take part in solving local problems increase the efficiency and effectiveness in satisfying the social needs of the community. The Author presents legislative proposals concerning the creation of auxiliary units in Polish cities, the organization of elections to district councils and their tasks and competences. The proposals aim to create a relatively uniform model of auxiliary units, which will increase their role in the management of cities.
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This paper’s basic objective is to prove with appropriate argumentation that a complete development of industrial production and technology inevitably leads to strengthening of democratic state and that it is not possible to achieve development of democratic society without democratization of property relations. It is concluded that development of industrial technology brings also socialization of managing, by which an autocratic state is getting transformed into a democratic state; that the objective of modern democratization of the property relations through development of the workers’ shareholding, stockholding and cooperative movement is to provide them a better property status and so as to consequently increase the workers’ motivation, which has been a basic factor of economic efficiency throughout all historical circumstances so far; that a basic precondition of development of democratic society and democratization of political institutions of Serbia is democratization of the property relations which implies that broadest social masses manage social reproduction.
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