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According to a proposal by Robert Gilpin, international political economy, in the early stages of development referred to as ‘political economy of international relations’, is a recognised subdiscipline of international relations. It emerged in the early 1970s with the growing need for an integrated approach to political and economic phenomena and processes. It enjoys the status of a subdiscipline because of its specified scope of research, its methodological and theoretical identity as well as the high degree of institutionalisation in the form of associations and research groups, sections and committees, journals dedicated to this issue alone and highly developed didactics under programmes of education in international relations.
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The article aims to analyse the monetary power of the PRC in terms of influence and autonomy in international relations. The object of the analysis is the in ternationalization of the yuan. The article attempts to answer the following questions: do the Chinese authorities keep a consistent policy of liberalization in order to increase the internationalization of the RMB? And if so, did they abandon their policy in the years 2015–2016? The author also analyses how the Chinese authorities are trying to reconcile the internationalization of the currency with maintaining control over capital account, the financial markets and the exchange rate, which is defined in the article as ‘the Chinese method of currency internationalization’.
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The paper considers the problem of the usefulness of the geoeconomic approach in the studies of Russian foreign policy. It also draws attention to the specific features of Russian geoeconomics, which is an interesting research approach due to the attempt to combine elements of economics and political science. As for Russian foreign policy, the explanatory ability of geoeconomics arises from the fact that in the Russian version it has strong ties with geopolitics, which is still very popular in Russia. It is also due to the important role of the Russian state in many areas of social life and above all in the economy. The statist model of economy and the centralization of the Russian state make it somehow predestined to implement the rules of geoeconomics.
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Recent tendencies in the interpretation of International Humanitarian Law applied in non-international armed conflicts show that we are witnessing a return to the concept of a total war, according to which attacking any person and any object that supports the war effort of an enemy is legally justified. The article first discusses the problem of classification of armed conflicts, then it addresses the problem of human targets and subsequently of object targets. In conclusion, apart from a summary of argumentation, there are suggestions of changes in the law of targeting in order to guarantee effective protection of civilian population.
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Throughout history, war has always caused human and material losses. The latter includes some valuable cultural goods destroyed or plundered by the fighting parties. Over the years, despite the existence of a legal basis and the identification of the perpetrators, the issue of punishing those guilty of such offenses was either ignored or considered secondary in both national and international jurisprudence. Judgements concerning those responsible for human death were predominant. A major change of approach was brought by the war in the former Yugoslavia. The Court created after the war was the first to sentence the offenders guilty of the destruction of cultural property. After the war in Mali, in turn, the International Criminal Court became active in this respect by convicting the person responsible for similar acts in that country.
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This article aims to answer two questions. First, whether the rivalry between global powers in the second decade of the 21st century increases the risk of classic military conflict between them; second, what kind of tools (including violent and non-violent methods) are to be used nowadays by powers in order to compete with other international actors. The paper argues that rivalry between the weakening West and Russia/China is getting more intense, which is especially evident in the military dimension (e.g.: rising expenditures, incidents, as well as recent troops build-up abroad). Moreover, new or aspiring powers are more assertive in achieving their goals in the international environment due to the problems experienced by the West. These increased tensions do not mean, however, that the world is on the road to the next ‘big war’. Due to the catastrophic implications of such a scenario, global powers will likely use other, non-standard methods of competing with their rivals, below the ‘threshold of war’. These include: proxy wars, hybrid warfare, cyberattacks, information operations, as well as exploitation of migration flows.
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The growing use of renewable energy sources (RES) in the electricity and heating sectors as well as in the transport industry is one of the key factors affecting the long-term energy security of the EU. In line with this research hypothesis, the aim of the article is to analyse the changes that have been taking place in the EU energy system under the influence of the development of RES technologies and their impact on the geostrategic dimension of EU energy security. The starting point is to analyse trends in the use of RES in the EU against global trends and the underlying determinants. How big a role does the EU climate and energy policy play in increasing the use of RES in EU countries? How big is the influence of geo-strategic or economic factors? With regard to the theoretical framework – the geostrategic dimension of energy security – the article characterises the impact of trends in energy use in the EU on the ‘constant availability of energy in various forms’, especially by 2030. This perspective takes into account the current framework of EU climate and energy policy.
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The JCPOA agreement of 2015 on Iran’s nuclear programme, which has resulted in numerous sanctions that had been imposed on the country now being lifted, is considered by Tehran as an indispensable factor in implementing a long-term development strategy. The goal of this paper is to present and analyse the current priorities and directions of Iranian economic policy, including its most important element, namely the energy sector. The starting point is the research question about the meaning and impact of sanctions on the Iranian economy as well as about the impact of lifting these sanctions on Iran’s opportunities for development and its strategic priorities. This paper also analyses a number of objective factors (ones out of Iran’s control) that could block or at least slow down the implementation of this development strategy.
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This article presents how two currently dominant theories of political integration – neo-functionalism and intergovernmental liberalism – address the issue of international security. To this end, the author describes the two theoretical concepts and their place in the broader context of the theory of international relations and presents the basic theoretical principles of these theories. The main research problem was analysed on two levels, with the principal purpose of answering the questions of how international security concerns are approached by theorists of neo-functionalism and intergovernmental liberalism and what elements of these theories can be seen in the practice of political integration of states. Since both concepts have been formulated in response to European integration, it is the European Union that is the most important reference point for the reflection on this practice.
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Coups d’etat are highly complicated processes with noticeable tendency to recurrence. The paper purpose is to verify „coup contagion” theory, „coup trap” theory and „coup cascade” theory in perspective of the author’s quantitative arrangements concerning the period 1946-2017. Moreover author takes an attempt to answer the question about real correlations of a coup d’etat appearance and it’s recurrence. As a result of the analysis it has been confirmed, that in specific historical circumstances and social and political conditions, coups may cause the „coup trap”, to become a source of „contagion” for regional neighborhood, and even global dimension. Worth of attention is also „cascade coup” phenomenon, where in short term – maximally 3 years between last events – occurs serial coups d’etat.
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