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The article is devoted to the contribution of M. M. Kovalevskyi in the study of English political thought of the 17th century. Being one of the first European scholars who turned to this issue, M. M. Kovalevskyi built his three-volume work «From the direct people’s power to the representative one and from the patriarchal monarchy to parliamentarism» (1906) on a solid source base of political treatises, pamphlet literature, program documents of the political «parties» of the English Revolution, etc. In his work, M. M. Kovalevskyi turns both to political theory, its long-term traditions and transformations in the 17th century, and to the «lower» layer of English political thought, which was closely connected with the realities of social confrontation. The article traces one of the most important lines of M. M. Kovalevskyi’s studies: a stable presence of the concept of a «mixed monarchy», the reign of the king in parliament, in English political thought of the 17th century. Linking the origins of this concept with the political ideas of John Fortescue and with the historical features of English state, M. M. Kovalevskyi shows that not only «constitutionalists» like Henry Parker, John Pym and William Prinn were adherents of this idea, but also the upholders of the «party» of Independents, those political writers who supported the English Republic – John Milton, M. Nedham, Henry Hammond, James Harrington and others. The disposition to the «mixed» government M. M. Kovalevskyi discovers both in the speeches of Cromwell during the Protectorate, and in the works of political thinkers of Restoration period, primarily Algernon Sidney. At the same time, M. M. Kovalevskyi emphasizes that the ideal of mixed government does not necessarily provide democracy. In his opinion, ideas of democracy in the middle of the 17th century were put forward only by the «party» of Levellers, who abandoned the reign of king in parliament.
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Ovdje izabran pristup teoriji moći utječe na pravac u kojem se očituju i prate interesi za povećanjem moći. Prilazi li se moći, primjerice kao što to čini Kurt Holm, kao sposobnosti da se nekoga ošteti, pravac njena povećanja leži u veličini štete koju može uzrokovati onaj tko posjeduje moć ¡/ili u veličini protumoći koja bi efektivno mogla spriječiti oštećenje.
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In the first sentence of the first chapter of his book on Machiavelli, S. Jovanović writes: “In order to completely understand his political ideas, one must know the facts on his life and character, as well as the facts on the age he lived in.” The same can be applied to the author of this paper. In that sense, the author attempts here to ascertain whether and how the political theories of Plato, Machiavelli, Burke and Marx, that Jovanović mostly dealt with within his engagement in socio-theoretical thought, influenced not only his political beliefs but also personal fate, i.e. to what extent and how Jovanović’s destiny influenced his work.
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Review of: Uglješa Zvekić - Nicholas P. Lovrich, Jr.: - YUGOSLAVS AND ITALIANS IN SAN PEDRO: POLITICAL CULTURE AND CIVIC INVOLVEMENT, izd. Ragusan Press, Palo Allto California, 1971. str. 164.
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Teorijska istraživanja vezana za samoupravljanje u Francuskoj rastu i to kako po broju tako i po sve širem polju koje nastoje da pokriju.
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This article explores the phenomenon of nation as narrative. This approach is rooted in political theory, more specifically, in post-foundational thought and poststructuralist narratology. The article is significantly informed by the so-called performative turn, especially in historiography. It will therefore focus on narrative and hi/story, as it is understood by Rancière: as a discourse which originally belongs to literature yet keeps escaping it. Relying on a literary technique, history constitutes itself as a science: this is why we can approach it by employing methods similar, albeit not identical, to those used to approach literature. The main argument put forward in this article is that society, understood in Laclauian terms, does not exist, whereas the (Croatian) society effect, that is, the illusion of society as a totality, is produced by the narrative of the so-called Croatian thousand-year dream. In other words, what Hobsbawm dubs the invention of tradition is founded upon the narrative’s past, while the impact of the present of this narrative’s narration is excluded from the mechanisms of the ontology of nationalism.
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Review of: Borislav MILIĆ - Daniel Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society, A Venture in Social Forecasting, Heinemann, London, 1974, p. 507. (Sva ostaia pozivanja na ovu knjigu biće u tekstu označena brojevima koji se odnose na njene stranice.)
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The war with Russia creates a difficult task for Ukrainian intellectuals. We must take care of decommunisation and de-Sovietisation not only by renaming our streets and cities but also in the consciousness of our citizens. Ultimately, decommunisation is a part of the decolonisation process in Ukraine.
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A conversation with Andrew Wilson, professor of Ukrainian Studies at University College London and senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations. Interviewer: Adam Reichardt
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Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the post-Soviet space has become a battleground for world and regional powers competing over economic, political and security dominance. is rivalry has been accompanied by a competition between different identity narratives, which are instrumentally used to attract, or intimidate, the societies in the post-Soviet states. The most illustrative region in this regard is Central Asia.
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John Roberts, a leading figure in studies of artistic modernism, has published a book of political theory. This is not as surprising as it might appear, since the aesthetic writings of Roberts (e.g., Roberts 2015) were written from a leftist, critical theory perspective and pondered the relationship between avant-garde art and politics. The question of universality played an important role in those writings, too. Roberts approached the subject dialectically, in a Hegelian way, by identifying the universality of art with the telos of a double negation: the negation of art’s increasingly banal critical and subversive stance toward all social institutions (itself included), which would push art out of itself into a revolutionary praxis. Roberts’s new work raises the question of universality even more thematically, in trying to reaffirm it in the present circumstances, against the reign of monetary abstraction and legalistic uniformity— which is not quite the same thing as the universal. The true, “emancipatory” universal is “reason-in-struggle,” an infinite project of grounding all human practices in reason and contesting its irrational limitations.
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Freedom of thought, viewed as a natural right, has become a topic of interest in the context of the threat of human dignity by media warfare, due to the degree of globalization of the media. This fundamental right must be an essential component of any democratic information society.The subject of this article is focused on social media and its effects on freedom. Thus, our question is to what extent this phenomenon can restrict the user's right to freedom of thought in the context of participatory democracy. Specifically, we're talking about the phenomenon of manipulation and we are asking the question of the construction of a social pedagogy as a solution that will make possible the autonomy of thought and action of individuals, communities and societies. Our hypothesis is therefore that this strategy can favor the balance between the need to respect human dignity and the right to freedom of critical thinking, on the one hand, and the need to preserve the right to store, process and disseminate information and ideas, on the other hand.
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The author proposes an analysis of the concepts of multicultural citizenship, of multicultural liberalism, and also of the theory of multicultural citizenship developed by Will Kymlicka. Also, Wil Kymlicka challenges the ethnic and cultural neutrality of the modern state, considering that it cannot remain indifferent towards the social culture/cultures existing on its territory. The analysis will highlight the fundamental freedoms, including freedom of religion.
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Historically, the idea of freedom originates in the beginning of times, as being strongly emphasized in Greek mithology, providing lessons and conclusions interfering with modern society. It is amazing how such a journey on the wings of time. Ignoring any local aspect, we notice human natural tribulations have always existed, and great efforts have been made, most often with material and imaterial sacrifices, but especially human. The transition from “fortress” to “society” constitutes an extremely vast and complex topic, each of them having its strengths and weaknesses, according to each individual’s principles. What is certain, is that freedom is inherent to the human being, and forfeiting it means “to renounce your liberty is to renounce your status as a man, your rights as a human being, and even your duties as a human being. There can’t be any way of compensating someone who gives up everything. Such a renunciation is incompatible with man’s nature; to remove all freedom from his will is to remove all morality from his actions.”
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The current social and religious context to claim understanding the many of aspects that require assessment in the understanding and definition of religious freedom. The society is made up of multiple organizational structures and each of us is part of a multitude of organizations, implicitly living in the confluence of innumerable types of organizational cultures in addition to major national, regional or world cultures. This multiple and complex framework tends to be approached from a unitary perspective. However, complexities arising from different cultural structures require creative and adaptable solutions for expression and freedom of religion.
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In this article I explore the European law associated to the concepts of freedom of religion and social security. I start by presenting the utilization of the two terms from the most broadly international documents in the field of human rights, until the EU primary law; then I describe the content of the EU secondary law in this field – the Equality Directives; in the final part of the paper I focus on the implementation of the Equal Employment Directive by EU Member States. I offer an overview of the current legislative framework of EU countries, in areas related to freedom of religion and employment. My focus is on the challenges to the non- discrimination principle caused by three of its exceptions: occupational requirements, liberties of ethos based organizations and positive measures. This paper underscores the existence of different forms of transposition of the EU Directives, due to their minimalistic character, with interesting case laws emerging from here.
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War is a conflict spanning over a certain period of time in order to defend various interests. Religious freedom, on the other hand, is the fundamental right that guarantees one’s freedom to act according to their own conscience, the interior forum of ideas and concepts, even in times of war. A central figure of natural law theories, Hugo Grotius claims that God, the Creator, endowed each individual with will and reason, and therefore these rights should be defended and respected. An example of what happens when this right to freedom of religion and belief is defended regardless of the situation is the American conscientious objector hero Desmond Doss, awarded with the Congressional Medal of Honor for acts of valor.
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In an age when collective rights and liberties have become more meaningful and important than the rights and liberties of the individual, the study of religious freedom in the collective mentality of a nation proves to be a challenging pursuit. The paper tackles the idea that the vacuum of genuine values and the absence of a balanced collective mind set based on tolerance, self-respect and respect of the other provides the stage for the reiteration of the atrocities of totalitarianism.
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