Deutscherov Trocki
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Bilo bi zaista šteta da prevođenje jednog od velikih djela političke literature ostane gotovo nezapaženo. Izdavači se dugo nisu odvažili da našu čitalačku publiku upoznaju s Deutscherovom političkom biografijom Trockog.
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Ustavom iz godine 1974. uveden je u nas integralni delegatski samoupravni sistem. Time je u osnovnome dograđena zgrada, koja u nas raste i razvija se već više od petnaestak godina — zgrada novog društvenog sistema samoupravljanja.
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Mijenjanjem društveno-političkog sistema mijenja se i komunikacijski sistem tako da »i komunikacijske sisteme možemo podijeliti s obzirom na klasni karakter vlasti, na građanske i socijalističke, a u tim okvirima još na način funkcioniranja političkih institucija, na demokratske i na autokratske.«
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Problem utemeljenja političke znanosti ne indicira samo eventualne teškoće i zapreke što ih ona ima savladati u društvenoj i političkoj zbilji, koja se opire svakom kritičkom propitivanju i analizi, već nas nužno dovodi k pitanju: kako je i da li je uopće moguća neka marksistička znanost o politici kao posebno znanstvena disciplina.
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Središnja tema Marxove političke teorije jest odnos građanskog društva i političke države. Kritika predstavničke ili političke države preovlađuje u Marxovim ranim radovima, ali se ta tema u njegovoj teoriji ponovo javlja vezana za nalizu Pariške komune.
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Svako nastojanje oko iole objektivnije analize kineskih unutrašnjopolitičkih i širih društvenih kretanja, i njenih koncepcija i istupa na međunarodnom planu — pretpostavlja uvažavanje niza objektivnih i subjektivnih danosti i specifičnosti karakterističnih za tu zemlju, a koje, često, rezultiraju posebnim i van danog konteksta, obično teško razumljivim, svjetskim mjerilima, »nelogičnim« društvenim rješenjima i političkim potezima.
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1. Federalizam predstavlja širok i složen pojam. Etimološki korijen same riječi pokazuje i njegove početne oblike. Focdus, oris (lat.) znači savez i početni oblici federalizama bili su obični savezi, koji su u određenoj mjeri povezivali samostalne države ali nisu ograničavali međutim, njihovu samostalnost i nisu stvarali višu pravnu vlast nad njima.
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When one considers the history of wars, one notices the phenomenon of the continual enrichment of the contents of war as a disjunctive social process. And it seem s to be one of the general laws of the existence of war as a social phenomenon. Its consideration, therefore, is a methodological demand which should not be neglected in the sociological determination of w ar. We could say. in short, that in this article we have established the essential theoretical-methodological standpoint of the sociological determination of war as a social phenomenon: that wars have been waged since the beginning of hum an society; that war is the most antagonistic disjunctive social process because it is actually an action the purpose of which is the realisation of the interests of the belligerent side, the forcing of its will on the adversary and that this is achieved through armed com bat, also that it is, as such, a phenomenon which does not itself contain its purpose; that war is not only a form , but also a means of solving social contradiction and therefore the sociological determination of war also means and explanation of its social justification, which may be achieved by establishing its socio-political essence through the application of complex criteria; that armed com bat, as the main method of demonstrating the social nature of war, through its own, relatively independent nature, has multiple effects on the emergence of war as a form of solving social contradiction; that w as is a socio-historical phenomenon not only by its patterns, but also by the fact that the quantity and quality of each factor relevant to the waging of war is separately conditioned, including socio-historically; that there is a connected between war as a form of solving social contradiction and the general historical process of the integration of hum an society; that with the development of social life the contents of w ar is continually enriched as a disjunctive social process.
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Jedna od osnovnih karakteristika razvoja suvremenog društva jest njegovo sve veće podržavljenje, odnosno jačanje uloge i funkcije države, bilo da je taj proces izražen kroz državni kapitalizam ili pak državni socijalizam.
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Bogatstvo se rađa iz razuma i rada — duše i života čovječanstva. Ali te dvije sile mogu djelovati jedino pomoću jednog pasivnog elementa — zemlje, koju iskorištavaju ujedinjenim naporima. Izgleda, dakle, da ta nužna baza treba da pripada svim ljudima. To nije tako.
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Pojam funkcionalizma upotrebljava se u društvenim znanostima u svijetu i u nas u najrazličitijim sklopovima i značenjskim artikulacijama. U svim društvima razgovor o funkcionalizmu vodio se i o pitanju, kakve ideologijske ili političke implikacije donosi kritička ili eklektička upotreba te teorije.
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When one speaks of integrational processes between European States in the field of economy, one usually has in mind the association of countries within the Council for Mutual Economic Aid and the European Economic Community. It is often forgotten that apart from those two economic com m unities, for many years now the European Free Trade Association has been active and functioning successfully. This Association has continued to function even after Great Britain and Denmark ceased to be members. The European Free Trade Association (EFTA) was founded by Austria, Denmark, Norway, Portugal, Sweden, Switzerland and Great Britain by the signing of the so called Stockholm Convention (from November 1959) in January 1960. The Convention cam e into effect in May of the same year. Several factors played an important part in the foundation of the European Free Trade Association of which three were very important. First, the failure of talks within the framework of the Organisation for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC-A) with regard to the creation of a free trade zone for all member countries of this organisation. Secondly, the foundation of the European Economic Community. And thirdly, the political neutrality of some of the countries which reflected on their joining the new economic com m unity. The main initiator of the European Free Trade Association was Great Britain. Great Britain's efforts to form EFTA arc closely related to the misunderstandings with regard to her entry into the European Economic Community. The British Commonwealth was a stumbling block in those talks over which France did not w ant to step, while the Federal Republic of Germany did not insist on the point. The final result was that Great Britain put off her entry into the European Economic Com m unity until a later date, but at the same time, she tried, in cooperation with certain other countries, to found a separate economic com m unity which would rest on a much m ore flexible basis than was the case with the EEC. For this reason, shortly after the formation of the EEC, the European Free Trade Association was founded. Under the influence of the newly formed European Economic Community and for fear of negative repercussions which might affect their national economies the countries mentioned in the introductory passage, decided to found the European Free Trade Association. They thought that in this way they would considerably lessen the negative effects on their national economics which would result from the formation of the European Economic Community. Thus without coming to any special conclusions with regard to the possible fusion of their national economies they agreed on two important points. On the one hand they agreed that they would discontinue, in mutual exchange, customs duties and other limitations — and that at roughly the same tempo as the EEC countries, and on the other hand, that in their relations with nonmember countries they would continue to keep to their individual national customs policies and that they would change them in keeping with the interests of their economies. Thus, the basic aim of the European Free Trade Association is the creation of a free trade in industrial products between the member countries and the expansion of trade in agricultural products. In addition, among the aims found in the Convention are proclamations regarding the: need for the continued assurance of economic expansion of the whole integrated area and of each member country separately; the creation of conditions for full employment; the increase of labour productivity and the rational use of resources; the assurance of financial stability of national economies; the continual raising of the living standards of the inhabitants of the integrated areas. In addition, the Association proclaimed that through its activity it would contribute to the harmonious development and expansion of world trade through the gradual removal, in cooperation with others, of the obstacles which lay in the way of this aim.
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Unlike all other contemporary political systems (in capitalism as well as in state socialism), in which the functions of the state in the satisfaction of common needs are strengthening, the establishment of self-managing communities of interest is the first attempt at the financing and running of social activities (services) as part of the function of associated labour, with a considerable reduction of the state's functions and role. The author analyzes the institutional mechanism of self-managing communities of interest, their principal functions and organisational structure, and the relations between the state and the self-managing communities of interest. Special reference is made to the relations among the assemblies of socio-political communities, the executive councils, the state administration and the self-managing communities of interest, to the main trends in legislation, to the planning system in the self-managing communities of interest etc. The author warns of the danger that the new institutional mechanism, which is taking over the functions of the state, may itself become prey to statisation, or that old statist relations might arise in the new forms and institutions, e.g. in planning, general balance of resources, self-management agreements etc. To prevent this, it is essential to define ill precise terms the functions of the state. The main functions of the state are mentioned under the conditions of the operation of self-managing communities of interest.
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Parallel to the study of the fundamental issues underlying the establishment of the science of international relations, political scientists in Yugoslavia have been concerned also with its methodological facets. A number of Yugoslav theorists have critically appraised the methodology employed by Western authors in the study of international phenomena, pointing to their positivistic, practicistic, partial and one-sided approach. Efforts were made, at the same time, to work out a method that would permit an integral interpretation of phenomena investigated in that scientific field. It was found that the science of international political relations was, almost to an equal extent, an empirical discipline, relying on the examination of the dynamism of specific international developments, as well as a theoretical science, requiring the study of distinctly theoretical concepts and the identification of the laws prevailing in this field. The conclusion made by Yugoslav authors was that the method of historical and dialectic materialism is the only one capable of meeting the demands made by this scientific discipline. Being a general and fundamental method, historical and dialectic materialism involves the complex analysis of international phenomena for the purpose of identifying relevant laws, viewed within the context of overall social and economic trends at a given level of the development of productive forces and production relations, illuminating, at the same time, their class character and origin. In the specific investigations of the dynamism of international relations, this general method can be combined with a series of various auxiliary methods, procedures and techniques, used by other social and natural sciences. It is, however, necessary in this to remain within the terms of reference of the method of dialectic and historical materialism and its fundamental concepts.
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The author analyses the possibilities of applying quantitative methods to the investigation of international political relations. It is suggested that the relatively recent origins of that scientific discipline, the abundance of relevant phenomena and the lack of a universally accepted method provide scope for a continua! search for effective methods to gain control over this profusion of material. Reference is made to the discussion conducted between the so-called traditionalist and behaviourist schools in the theory of international relations. Outlining the significance and extent of this controversy, the author considers the positions of the individual schools, stressing in particular that the champions of quantitative methods have a specific vision of the place and role of the science of international relations. An integral survey of international relations, the insight in the dynamic processes occurring every day in the international environment, and the identification of their true background, all of this is made possible only by the method of dialectic materialism, which must be the point of departure of all Marxist examination and study of international relations. It is a research method suitable for the formulation of the theory of international political relations. Despite certain simplifications, and .even distortion, of data, quantitative methods are nevertheless applicable in some cases. The quantification of phenomena in international relations is not feasible to such an extent as in some other social sciences. This, however, does not preclude the use of this method in the investigation of particular aspects or individual phenomena in international political relations. Marxist science •of international relations, which has its own method and a well- -defined subject of research, recognizes the suitability of quantitative methods in the examination of particular topics, as a supplementary tool in the establishment and comparison of certain facts.
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By means of a comparative analysis of their own and of the Soviet social reality, the leaders of CPY succeeded in discovering the roots of bureaucratic distortions in the sphere of socialist practice and to clarify, in an historically progressive manner, the reasons of Cominform pressure on CPY and Yugoslavia. This specifically means: In the course of a very brief historical period, in the context of turbulent and extremely acute events, compelled to respond to them immediately and directly, the leaders of CPY were able to penetrate below the surface of chaotically intermingled external developments and to reveal not only the roots and the causes but also the laws that govern the manifestation of bureaucratism. Owing to a tendency of independent study of Marxism and to a successful integration of an analysis of social practice in the Soviet Union with the investigation of the character and manifestations of bureaucratism in their own practice, their views on the possible social roots of the appearance of bureaucracy in the socialist society, which only had an anticipatory character at the end of 1949, grew into a relatively clearly conceived ideological platform already during the first two or three months of 1950. The awareness that was obtained at that time: that the motives and the inner logic of the appearance and consolidation of bureaucratism on the soil of socialist social practice are to be found in the actual socio-economic position of the state machinery had a general theoretical validity. By defining bureaucratism, not as the improper functioning of the state apparatus but as the outstanding role of that apparatus in social life, the leaders of CPY exercised sharp criticism of the nations of the state upheld by the leaders of SCP (b), claiming that the only correct and acceptable view for the revolutionary masses was that precisely the withering away of the state, as Lenin puts it, »is fundamental in the Marxist doctrine of the state«. They pointed out, at the same time, that it was a great mistake and an illusion to believe in the identity of the democratic interests of the mass base of the revolution and of the actual activity and interests of the »popular« organs of the government apparatus, and that only by the incessant struggle for the expansion of their direct participation in decision-making on all social affairs can the working masses attain their goals. In endeavouring to comprehend the hegemonistic foreign policy of the Soviet Union, with which they sharply disagreed in part, the leaders of CPY arrived at some very crucial knowledge as to the possible ideological-political and socio-economic implications ot the rule of bureaucracy in a society, i.e. as to the repercussions of such a state on the foreign policy of the given country. This was the identification of Stalinism in some of its essential features. At the same time, it considerably helped towards the conception of an ideological equivalent in guiding their own practice of socialist development in a direction that would entail the criticism of statism, and of stalinistic criteria of socialist revolution in general, and thereby the eradication of the social roots of bureaucratism.
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The article is part of the conceptual debates on national or regional/ local dimension of the political culture arguing for the classical approach which identifies political values, attitudes and behaviors relevant to the national type of community. The case study, which actually supports the idea of the existence of a national political culture, targets the post-communist Romanian society and is based on the results of a quantitative sociological research. The aim of the paper is to show that the Romanian social space is quite homogeneous on those value, attitudinal and behavioral orientations that define political culture.
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Exploding development of knowledge and the more and more extended market have required and accompanied the transition from industrial society, of simple modernity, characterized by redistribution of wealth, to postmodern society, of reflexive modernity, characterized by the redistribution of risk. Risk society is facing many dangers, both at individual and organizational top level, threats from new social and organizational activities. Regardless of the perspective from which these hazards are identified and analyzed, the approach, based in particular on the radiography of society from the ethological perspective of Konrad Lorenz, is to contribute to the difficult process of collective awareness of these issues - prerequisite for shaping initiatives, programs and ways of their solution.
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The usual model of the analyses of voting absenteeism, for any type of election, is based on the thesis that people interested in the thematic of a vote, if they are not prevented in any way, will participate to it. Absenteeism is usually explained by to a lack of interest in the subject of choice, sometimes accompanied by the inability to understand the nature of the alternative that is proposed, or the difficulty of assessing variants of choice. Of course, in other cases absenteeism may be linked to the presence of a protest attitude against various political themes or actions. Beyond these factors of the absenteeism, which have their own explanatory capacity, I will try to propose another type of analysis of the voting mechanism and implicitly of the absenteeism. I will take the particular case of the referendum on redefinition of the family that took place in October 2018. I will show that the explanation of the very low level of presence to vote is mainly due to the existence of a critical mass of voters whom I will call “pressure voters”. Most of them did not vote at the referendum and usually, in the case of ordinary elections they are very difficult to identify.
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This paper will argue that the main attraction of conspiracy theories that are popular nowadays and influence many voters in democratic countries is their pseudo-scientific demonology. The non-falsifiable accounts of most theories of conspiracy meet strong biases that hinder criticism and objectivity. The gnostic roots of conspiracy theories and the origin of conspirativism in both Europe and the United States will also be considered, as well as the main elements of modern and contemporary conspiracy theories. Finally, the paper will inquire into the ideological profile (conservative or progressive) of the most known supporters of conspiracy theories.
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