
Geopolitički rječnik
This book is intended as a helpful tool for students of political science and history who wish to comprehend national and international realities of the modern world.
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This book is intended as a helpful tool for students of political science and history who wish to comprehend national and international realities of the modern world.
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The paper deals with complex problems in addressing the adverse housing situation of the Roma population in Košice. After World War II, part of the city known as the gypsy camp under Moldavská way found itself in an extremely exposed position at the entrance to the city. Arrival the amount of working class from rural areas with extensive construction and urbanization ratios further deepen. Numerous Roma growth was evident. Housing problems are addressed through an allocation of older apartments, phasing out the huts in the camp and fi nally focusing on specifi c Roma settlement. The idea of a separate settlement originated in the mid-60s, in 1970, the planned housing units was not built. Another intention of anticipated settlement was in the area Myslava with lower standard family houses. Because of the high costs the concept of prefabricated houses gallery type was born. The government in 1976 refused to deal with Roma housing in specifi c neighbourhoods. Council city national committee nevertheless approved the construction of Luník IX without a specifi c focus. The construction was carried out in late 1970s, several policies were processed recall procedure Roma families from the camp as well as the old city, according to various streets. In 1981 began the history of Luník IX, its ethnic ghettoization with disastrous consequences to the present.
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The tradition of motor sport in Slovakia is not rooted so deeply as in the Czech lands, or west European states, where it was developed since the turn of 19th and 20th century. This expensive and marginal activity at the beginning started to grow through the organized motoring associations, which were based in Slovakia during the 1920s and 1930s. In Slovakia didn’t exist stable speedway in this period and the races were organized on public roads, what required the cooperation of the districts’ structures and security forces. This kind of races were more attractive and it made them accessible to a wider circle of audience. From the slowly beginnings in the first half of the 1920s a solid base of sports motoring has been formed, subsequently extended its activities range from small club trips to events such as: Competition reliability,„Star-driving“, Speed races or Competition of elegance. This positive trend, however, was temporarily dampened by the impact of the global economic crisis, which also closed the pioneering stage of development of motor sport in Slovakia. This paper aims to capture the character of a relatively dynamic growth of modern sport activity in its pioneering stage in Slovakia.
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This paper investigates the readiness of customers to shift toward cashless payment by identifying the main factors that impact that shift. The sample consisted of randomly selected individuals identified as potential users of cashless payment and are considered more likely to continue using the new technology. Five hundred eighty-six questionaries were returned and considered complete for the research. The outcomes were assessed employing CFA for validity and determined using Cronbach’s alpha for the reliability of the research, which was stratified by seven regions throughout the country was applied, by covering all levels of the society. The findings show that the perceived risk is connected to the level of correct and believable information offered to customers. It has been confirmed that the respondents trust cashless payment technology, and at the same time, self-efficacy had a lower impact on usage continuance intention. Consequently, the growth of self-efficacy would strengthen the intention to use cashless technologies. Several segments in the financial market may benefit from the results and develop more appropriate and reliable systems and the proper approach toward customers with needed information and insurance related to the security and benefits they may have by adopting the cashless technology.
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The book is an attempt to systematize the understanding of processes, which have been occurring inthe past decades in four Central European states – Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary.The monograph has been divided into four chapters, encompassing selected issues related to thefunctioning of political systems of Visegrad Group states from the onset of political, economical andsocial transformations, which transpired after 1989.Chapter one examines theoretical, historical, and methodological problems related to circumstancesof transformation processes in the selected Central European states and their further evolution.It also indicates at common and distinctive characteristics of Central European states, takinginto account political-scientific and historical perspectives. The second chapter is devoted to theissue of the functioning of government entities within governmental systems of selected states. Thepolitical analysis has been divided into periods of functioning as socialist and democratic states. Thenext chapter indicates the changes that occurred on political scenes of the designated states in theperiod from before the democratic transformation until the present day. The analysis is conductedthrough the prism of maturing of political parties and their influence on public affairs. The fourthchapter analyzes the issues of foreign policy of Central European states, describing the creation ofthe Visegrad Triangle (and later – the Visegrad Group) as a forum of political and economical cooperationof three (and later – four) states in the context of integration with NATO and EuropeanCommunities (and later – European Union).This publication exhibits Central Europe in terms of political science, regime, and history. Thecomparative property of the book, resulting from such perspective, can constitute a source for ageneral European
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The monograph takes up the issues of determinants of electoral volatility in reference tofour groups of factors — that is, systemic, social, psychological, and economic. The openingchapter aims at introducing the reader with the issues of electoral volatility, where definitionsof electoral volatility have been presented with regards to different research perspectives.With due attention to the specific character of the phenomenon, different methodologicalissues have been discussed, predominantly those concerning the indices of electoral volatilityas well as dilemmas over their usage. Moreover, the chapter provides an analysis ofelectoral volatility in terms of democratic consolidation processes. Chapter one ends withcritical analysis of operational and interpretative approaches.The subsequent chapters discuss the groups of electoral volatility determinants. Thefirst group comprises systemic factors that include both the shape of political system andinstitutional solutions at the same time functioning as its framework. Taking into accounttheir range of impact on electoral volatility, the aforementioned areas provide an analysisof the following factors: political regime, political system, compulsory voting, incentivesfor electoral activity, the form of political party system, new parties, political polarization,forced electoral volatility, as well as electoral manipulation. The second group of determinantscomprises social factors connected with the social structure where an individualfunctions, and which is a point of departure in making decisions, including electoral ones(socio-political divisions, politics directed toward the increased electoral participation, preelectionpolls, Democracy 2.0, and political leadership). Psychological factors belong to thethird group. However, they are viewed rather controversially in the literature on the subjectas they mainly concern latent (hidden) variables, which are far more difficult to prove and,apart from that, it generates discussions that are hypothetical and dubious in nature. Withinthis area different factors have been analyzed — that is, axiology, civic competence, psychologicalcontract, party identification, political branding, electoral uncertainty, and a negativeelection campaign. The next chapter deals with the analysis of economic variables whichare expressions of distinct relations between economy and politics.In terms of the analysis of relations between economy and politics that may occur essentialfor the electoral volatility, the analysis has been delineated in regards with the followingtheories and models: rational choice theory, public choice theory, constitutional economy,economic theory of democracy, a model of an investing elector, retro- and prospective voting.The economic factors that moderate electoral volatility have also been depicted in termsof the assumptions of the “New Politics” as well as mechanisms that govern the EuropeanParliament elections. In the summary the author attempts at delineating connections betweenthe presented and discussed in particular chapters of the book, groups of determinants andelectoral volatility, with focus on the essential extent of the hypothetic character of the discussion,which however results from difficulties in their empirical verification. Aside fromthat, the author seeks for answers to questions on the stability of particular determinants intime and possibilities of their external influencing.
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This study aimed to investigate the progress of women's empowerment through employment opportunities in Nairobi and Kakamega Counties in Kenya between 2013 and 2017. Despite the increasing policies that aim to mainstream social equity and equality, there is still a significant gap between policy commitments and practices. The study evaluated whether the implementation of devolved governance in the two counties has improved women's empowerment. The study's framework included an in-depth review of policy documents, official records, and reports from official websites to understand women's economic empowerment status in Nairobi and Kakamega. The study analyzed qualitative and quantitative data from County Integrated Development Plans and other secondary sources. Specifically, it examined compliance with the 30% gender rule, requiring women to hold at least 30% of all elective and appointive positions. The study found that Nairobi commands the largest share of formal sector wage employment in Kenya, and women's access to employment opportunities remains slightly lower than men in both counties. Despite implementing the 30% gender rule, the study revealed the need for more comprehensive policies that promote gender equality and women's economic empowerment in both Nairobi and Kakamega.
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The term soft power has become a catch-all-phrase for public and cultural diplomacy since Joseph Nye introduced it in 1990. India has had several historical and cultural advantages regarding its influence in foreign countries. While India and Indians enjoyed goodwill in most countries, the sudden interests in India among the policymakers, businesses, and politicians were mainly after the 1992 economic liberalization that had opened the Indian markets to foreign investments. Besides the nation-branding exercises globally, New Delhi employed soft power instruments in countries it deemed to have more significant interests, from traditional allies like Bhutan and Afghanistan to the countries in the West in the last three decades. Nevertheless, how successful has India been in exploiting its cultural linkages and using its soft power in its branding? This question becomes pertinent as, in recent years, India has often received negative press coverage in international media, and on several freedom/democratic indices, its rankings have gone down. As India celebrates 75 years of independence as Azadi ka Mahotsav (a grand celebration of independence), this paper assesses the scope of its soft power as a foreign policy instrument, points out its shortcomings, and recommends the possibilities.
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In this work, we have studied the evolution of the Ukrainian refugee crisis in Europe during the first several months after the beginning of the armed conflict on 24 February 2022. We have also talked about the influx of Ukrainians into Bulgaria, where there has reportedly been the biggest wave of refugees in recorded history. By using official statistics and structured interviews with Ukrainian refugees in Bulgaria, we have analyzed the specific evolution of the immigrants, their profile, and the governmental policies for better integration of them into the labor market and within the society. Our key arguments are mainly related to the fact that such policies must be successful for most Ukrainian immigrants and refugees due to the similarities between Ukraine and Bulgaria regarding traditions, education, and historical ties. Our conclusion confirms these arguments but also mentions several problems related to the low wages, the limited childcare, and the heavy bureaucracy.
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The Open Balkan is the latest regional initiative in the Western Balkans (WB), firstly named as Mini-Schengen and then changed to Open Balkan Initiative (OBI), which aims to increase the regional economic cooperation among the WBs by going beyond the mere objective of creating a Common Regional Market (CRM). This paper using an analytical approach, taking into account data and information, has identified and highlighted the openly declared objectives of the OBI while comparing it with the previous Berlin Process. Also, the paper has shown that the disputes among the WB countries most inherited from the unresolved issues of the past are still present and hinder the progress towards a common future and EU membership perspective. The reactions to the OBI proved that even the creation of mere economic cooperation is hardly achieved in the case of other existing unresolved issues of the past and continues to remain open. This paper has highlighted the existence of mistrust among the WBs, the importance of increasing regional cooperation, and the role that the EU should inevitably play. The paper has concluded that to achieve the targets defined in the OBI, the WBs should enhance regional cooperation and overcome the challenges they have been facing.
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The article examined the impact of the decommunization policy in Ukraine on national identity formation. The objectives of the article were to determine the main reasons and consequences of decommunization in Ukraine. A historical approach to determine the causes of decommunization and justify its necessity is applied in the article. Sociological studies and expert opinions on decommunization are analyzed. Based on synthesis, analogy, and abstraction methods, the elaborated material is summarised, and the article’s conclusions are formulated. As a result, the conclusion has been drawn that decommunization could not contribute to the formation of national identity in Ukraine. The outcomes of decommunization had a positive effect only in combination with other efforts (educational process, dialogue with society, language policy). However, given Ukraine’s regional characteristics, it took time to unite the population around a shared historical memory, common symbols, and traditions. The policy of decommunization primarily contributed to the strengthening of regional identity. Moreover, improving the material well-being of Ukrainians and creating favorable conditions for living and working in Ukraine will unite the residents of all regions of Ukraine. These actions will significantly enhance the effect of decommunization in forming national identity.
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The third decade of the 21st century has witnessed more tensions, instabilities, and new alliances in the Indo-Pacific/Asia-Pacific region due to intensifying rivalry and strategic competition between the US Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) and China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), two grand strategies of the US and China respectively. This article aims to assess the Rules-Based International Order (RBIO) and comprehend Biden’s IPS, particularly exploring how the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) may impact China’s BRI. This paper argues that RBIO is debatable and not universal. It is also argued that while the IPEF unveiled by President Biden represents a strategically important step forward, a long-term US genuine commitment to its implementation to counter China’s BRI is essential. The methodology of this research is primarily based on secondary literature and official documents. This study concludes that although China is reluctant to pay too much attention to the US IPEF in its official statements, China is concerned about this economic initiative. The paper also concludes that because of the intense US-China rivalry, new alliances will emerge in the region leading to a new cold war or new world order.
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This study uses the theory of collective memory in international politics to examine the connection between collective memory and foreign policy to investigate why the Belt and Road Initiative has witnessed slow progress in Thailand. Qualitative data were gathered from various sources, including books, newspapers, journals, policy documents, and textbooks. The study concludes that cooperation between states is essential for achieving shared objectives but is contingent upon establishing mutual trust. Collective memories that one country maintains concerning another country can influence mutual understanding and trust, becoming ingrained even if the situation responsible for the memories changes or no longer exists. In the case of Thailand and China, the Thai government’s push for the high-speed rail project faced criticism and concerns due to the public’s deep-seated fears and distrust of China, the result of historical events and past experiences. This paper’s findings highlight the state’s role in creating collective memory and otherness, recognizing that external variables such as major power activities play a significant role.
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Community development is vital in networking and creating social capital. Local governments in Kosovo cooperate closely with their communities by offering public and social services, inclusivity, and social integration. This cooperation increases active citizenship, community development, social welfare, and local democracy. This paper aims to research and analyze the relationship between local governments and their communities, focusing on providing social services. The applied methodology included a quantitative survey of 300 respondents from three municipalities: Pristina, Fushe Kosove, and Obilic, targeting citizens aged 18 and above of both genders. The results show that local authorities in these municipalities offer community services and include their communities in policy-making and decision-making. While they also offer social services, community-based services should be restructured, and local authorities should pay more attention to empowering the community more comprehensively.
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This article aimed to provide a quantitative assessment of the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on Armenia’s foreign trade. The research problem was to analyze how the conflict influenced Armenia’s export and import patterns regarding geographical directions and product structure. The objectives were to examine the changes in trade turnover and identify shifts in geographical trade directions and trade structure. The study employed various statistical analysis tools, including dynamic series indicators, structural analysis, time series modeling, trend and moving average approximation, and extrapolation. Through these methods, the study evaluated the effects of the conflict on Armenia’s foreign trade. The key results indicated a positive impact of the conflict on trade turnover, with increased trade activity in various geographical directions. Export diversification was also observed as a result of the conflict. Notably, re-export played a significant role in the unprecedented growth of Armenia’s trade turnover during this period. In conclusion, the findings suggest that the Russian-Ukrainian conflict had a discernible influence on Armenia’s foreign trade, leading to changes in trade patterns and increased trade activity. The study highlights the importance of the re-exports role in analyzing trade dynamics.
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The paper presents the experience and the results of а long-term research of Serbian epics, primarily of singing to the accompaniment of gusle – the most common and preferred form of performing epic songs. Studying the tradition and the personalities proves to be important for the ethnomusicological and interdisciplinary understanding of this genre. The focus on this solo performative genre makes the relations with the guslars (epic singers who accompany their singing with gusle – a one-string bowed instrument), as primary collaborators in the research, especially intensive and complex. In relation to that, the implementation of 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in Serbia is recognized as an opportunity as well as an ethical obligation of ethnomusicologists to achieve reciprocity in cooperation with guslars by supporting the safeguarding of epic singing to the accompaniment of gusle. This type of cooperation has brought new challenges and encouraged deeper reflections on social, i.e. socio-cultural responsibility and its impact on national ethnomusicology. Linking research results with cultural practice is one of the distinct challenges in contemporary humanities, so this paper in a broader sense is a contribution to the applied humanities.
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A large number of oral stories about Prince Miloš Obrenović (1780–1860) are preserved as an integral part of wider biographical, autobiographical, memoir, diary, historiographical, epistolary, travel and documentary sources. By identifying and separating anecdotes, historical legends, life stories and proverbs from the tissues of more elaborate narrative units, an extensive corpus is formed in which, through a series of narratives and variants, the narrated biography of Prince Miloš develops in the spheres of his military, political, diplomatic, social and private life. Given the fact that Prince Miloš appears as a very attractive and stimulating person for narrative shaping, the examples of his special administrative and judicial practice, which are characterized by elements of humorous, unusual, witty, but also arbitrary, unscrupulous and cruel treatment emerge as particularly interesting topics. He becomes a type to which are connected themes and motifs well known not only in the domestic tradition but also in the international narrative fund.
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The paper examines the folklore understanding of weather conditions, archaic conceptualization of cataclysms and contemporary newspaper/internet articles on similar topics in a comparative context. It turns out that modern civilization inherits part of the rhetorical repository and imaginary of traditional cultures when it comes to meteorological phenomena, employing them in a new context in the already recognized global “discourse of fear/intimidation” (F. Furedi, D. Altheide, P. Cap). At the same time, this rhetorical identification is seductive insofar as all its parameters (the planet has warmed since pre-industrial times, glaciers are melting, sea levels have risen, a large percentage of forests emitting oxygen have been cut down, the ozone layer and ecosystem-regulating animal species vanish, humanity has increased enormously) speak that on a global level something dramatic is happening and that we are not just witnessing another of the great resurrections of history and its (mis)use.
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The article analyzes the local holiday “Kyustendil Spring Day”, invented in the late 1960s, in the context of the socialist festivity policies by examining the ideological content inscribed in its semantics, symbols and rituals. The overarching research questions refer to the instrumentalization of the holiday by the socialist authorities and its functions in the local festive calendar. The analysis rests upon archival material, articles in the local press, photographs, and discussions and comments in the social media networks, as well as upon a limited number of interviews conducted by the author.
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