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Patients' rights are the leading element of the debate concerning to the protection of human health. They refer to the special relationship that exists between a sick person and a medical expert. The patient, during his visits to the doctor / nurse, talks often about specific, intimate problems. This situation causes that patient is on a much weaker position than the doctor.The emergence of the idea of patients' rights was intended to improve the situation in which people are treated. It's mostly about people whose goods were often violated during of therapy. For some time -also in Poland- we observe the emergence of offices, which aims to protect patients' rights and control of the reported infringements. As it turns out, full independence in undertaking similar actions, have mostly NGOs. In that group for special attention deserve centers known as, think tanks. These centers take the constant analysis of the situation regarding: security, educational problems and health problems. In the proposed article, will be shown the action of two similar centers, that have a particular impact on the level of debate on the protection of the rights of people using the health care system services.
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The following paper focuses on the importance of the inherited administrative culture which is believed to define the character of the administration system in the years to come. Moreover, administrative culture strongly influences the way organizations operate, including the acceptance or rejection of new policies and directives. This study highlights the power of the hegemonic cultural paradigm and the resistance it shows toward possible changes. The countries of Greece, Italy, and Spain are used as case studies, since they follow the Napoleonic administrative tradition. Additionally, these countries continue to present vivid features of the respective tradition, despite the numerous changes that have been imposed during the reform period from 1980 until 2000. The aim of this study is to put the New Public Management doctrine into a new perspective, by questioning its ability to be successfully implemented to national administrative systems and deliver positive results.
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Representatives of the Vietnamese minority for the first time in its history in Poland took part in the local elections in 2014. This event is another element in the process of integration and equality of minorities in the country of residence. In the present text, I take issues related to the functioning of minority candidates Vietnam’s image in the media, along with the characteristics of the factors affecting its shape during the election campaign.
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This article is an attempt to analyse and interpret the position of the representatives of the Austrian School towards the political activity of politicians associated with the US Republican Party in the second half of the 19th century. This article proves that in the opinion of the representatives of the one of the most radical and uncompromising social and economic science school the US Republican Party was a political group which supported centralisation of power, mercantilism, subsidies for big business and realisation of the model of state which would be compatible with their religious beliefs. The author shows that the Republican president Abraham Lincoln was critically perceived by adherents of the Austrian School, who accused him of limiting liberties, especially in the economic aspect.
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The article is a twofold attempt: at re‑reading the category of a topos after the Shoah and at interpreting the particular record of the oral history in the context of the liminal metamorphoses the notion of the topoi – crucial in European culture and literature – has undergone. In the first part of the text, the author recapitulates the studies on the aforementioned category – from Aristoteles to the twentieth century scholars (Curtius, Lausberg, Ziomek, Abramowska, Panas); in the second part, she tries to apply it in interpretative practice.
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W życiu publicznym współczesnych społeczeństw narasta zapotrzebowanie na nowy rodzaj polityki. Takiej, która konsekwentnie stanie po stronie najsłabszych i najbardziej kruchych. Konsekwentnie za życiem. Konsekwentnie bez przemocy. Konsekwentnie po stronie osób marginalizowanych i pozbawionych przywilejów. Uważam, że podstawą takiej polityki powinien stać się sposób myślenia, który w USA nazywamy konsekwentną etyką życia.
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This paper deals with the concept of political topology in the light of geopolitics and hybrid warfare. Traditional geopolitics can be regarded as a point of departure for the search for better tools for political decision making. Comparison and confrontation of different, theoretical and practical, concepts of hybrid warfare can be heuristically inspiring and lead to a compact system of politically relevant knowledge – to political topology.
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Bulgarian state is in crisis, the main reason for that is the lack of analysis of the actual state of constitutionalism and anti-constitutionalism. Over the past quarter century, a number of state institutions did not meet fully their constitutional obligations towards the citizens and the state as a whole: a) the state abdicated from the defense of a number of constitutionally enshrined rights of citizens; b) a condescending attitude has been imposed to the new constitution, while its fundamental principles are interpreted and developed in the current legislation in a way different from the actual meaning of the constitutional norms; c) fundamental to the modern parliamentary practices issues are problematized; d) main elements of the democratic society are disclaimed. In place of the examination and analytical assessment of the Bulgarian judiciary law-enforcement nihilism takes place. The war against the Bulgarian statehood has many motives, the main being economic interests and incompetence.
More...How Russia’s National Security Strategy Threatens a Western-Based Approach to Global Security, the Rule of Law and Globalization
The Russian National Security Strategy of 2015 aims at achieving autarky from Western influences on global security, the rule of law and global trade. Russia aims at attaining this by applying a holistic mix of military, political and economic means to weaken the West and to strengthen its own role as a global player. The Russian approach builds on a strategy of reflexive control which as such is an old method, but the outcome of the application of this approach results in hybrid warfare which as such is a new emerging concept of warfighting. This short article looks at one particular aspect of this Russian strategy, namely using Hybrid, or non-linear, Warfare against its Western direct neighbours in particular and the West in general. We will discuss the underlying cultural logic in Russia’s actions and will reflect on the impact of Russia’s utilization of the existing cultural asymmetry as a form of warfare in regard to the West. The examples used in this text are taken from the context of the conflicts of Ukraine and Syria, but have to be seen as constituting a part of an on-going global conflict aimed at NATO and the EU. The text builds on years of research within the hybrid threat, warfare respectively, context by both authors.
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The paper is presenting the examination of the cyberwarfare phenomenon in its legal context. The cyberattacks are increasingly effective measures of modern combat and would probably become the most crucial dimension of forthcoming armed conflict. The role of the international humanitarian law is to determine whenever the cyberattack is reaching the threshold of an armed conflict. The aim of the article is to present the existing framework of ius in bello in terms of its temporal scope of applicability, especially in the light of the Tallinn Manual on the International Law Applicable to Cyber Warfare. It supported conclusion that the international law requires an revision of the armed conflict definition to sufficiently addressed the challenges arising from growing cyber activity.
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After 2008, European governments undertook austerity measures to come out of the global financial crisis. The policies were imposed to reduce the states’ debts and deficits, increase their economic competitiveness, and restore business confidence. Inevitably, the results of their implementation were socially noticeable and triggered the occurrence of new social movements which became a powerful player on a political scene. In some states, the stakeholders of anti-austerity movements used physical political violence while in the other they settled for mental. The article introduces findings of the comparative study on the relationships between patterns of culture of political violence and intrastate, regional, and colonial explaining factors. By applying statistical analysis, it tests empirically Negussay Ayele’s explanatory model of militant culture of political violence for a theory-verification purpose. As a result, it makes a contribution to the structure of explanation encompassing the particular configurations of indicators.
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The crisis of postmodern liberal pluralism after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, that is, following the end of the Cold War and the establishment of ‘global politics’ and domination of a single superpower and, more importantly, of a single economic and biotechnological political order, re-provoked possibilities for examining ‘politics’ and ‘the political’ as a significant response to the apparent weakness or absence of any kind of the political in the apparently apolitical or extra- political neoliberal technological practices of organising public and private everyday life in post- modernity. In postmodern and then globalised neoliberal society, politics has acquired the character of a techno- managerial cultural practice, moving from fundamental social, global questions to individual cultural as well as artistic activities in the domain of identity and representation in the everyday. A cynic might conclude that in globalised times, everything – meaning culture and art – is politicised, except politics itself, which is depoliticised. Therefore, in the 1990s and 2000s, it became important to invoke and reconstruct ‘politics’ and ‘the political’ in relation to politics as a form of sociality, as well as a form of organisation, governance, control, and implementation. At that moment, ‘politics as a practice within or across general sociality’ manifested a need or, even, desire for meta- theory as the organisation of the singular as opposed to the particular in relation to universal political knowledge and action, and traditionally, the meta- theory of ‘politics’ is philosophy.
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Modern globalization based on the idea of one world is one of the most popular international concepts that aroused huge expectations and fueled tremendous energy. Aspiration for unified governance of the world is as old as the world itself and the continuity of global political tendencies can be traced back to the earliest beginnings of the social history of humanity. However, an idea aimed at geographical and political unification of the world was never before so powerful and seductive as is the case with contemporary globalization. Proponents of globalization have claimed that the triumph of the West in the Cold War competition confirmed the superiority of the liberal model and represented a break with the real politics perception of international politics. In this way, as argued, the conditions were created for the societies around the world to start their own reconstruction and define new directions of social development through the prism of neo-liberal school of economics. The process of global rapprochement, creating a global culture and universalization of democratic governance, permanently overcoming war and the establishment of lasting peace was announced. This mission of creating a global society in which economic forces define all other social contents is declared as the inevitability and necessity. The analysis indicates that it is now evident that the social and political reality has not developed as announced by the proponents of globalization at the beginning of the last decade of the twentieth century. Fascinating technological achievements cannot mitigate devastating failures and painful consequences of globalization that open spaces of long-term instability in the world and the social, economic and political wasteland of its development. It is increasingly evident that the outcome of global processes strongly denied the truth about the inevitability of economic theoretical concept whose ambition was to transform the political, economic and social fields of modern societies. The modern world fell into a time of confusion, uncertainty and insecurity, growing into a global risk society. The economic crisis and financial instability discredited the idea of the global market, and inequality and poverty desocialized the space that has reached planetary proportions. Strong reapprochement of nations, political communities and cultures and intensifying their interdependence encouraged more intense disagreement, the emergence of new national models, radicalizing definitions of identity to the most devastating forms. The return of the concept of the world in which the instruments of real politics become prevalent is more certain, which reverses the optimism about relations in international politics. Globalization has not transformed the world, and the concept of global governance of the world proved to be a failed attempt, manifesting a variety of system dysfunctions. Turbulent economic trends, geopolitical situation that is perhaps more dangerous than any other the world has had since the Second World War, chaos and extremism in the East, disoriented and weakened Europe and increasingly prominent hierarchization of the world into those who have and those who do not have represent dominant characteristics of the concept of global society. Instead of global rapprochement, which has been the supporting idea of global processes, the modern world is facing intense global process of divergence, and the multicultural concept of global community is threatened by intrusive ideological universalism, unjustified in terms of social, economic and cultural trends in the world. All this indicates that the modern world is going the opposite direction, giving priority to competition rather than cooperation, and that global order permanently institutionalizes inequality, making global peace and stability difficult to achieve. At the same time, globalization, especially its technological achievements, increased the number of problems that require global engagement and multiplied activities that require international regulation. Transnational endangering security, above all, terrorism, weapons of mass destruction, organized crime, environmental degradation and population explosion, as well as the practice that transnational security associations and the armed forces of the most powerful countries in the world are often engaged contrary to the rules of international legal order defining the use of force in international relations, are just part of the phenomenon of contemporary reality seeking global approach. Hence, although demonstrated substantial shortcomings of global governance of the world discouraged belief in a unified humanity, it did not reduce the objective need for a global approach to many contents of modern human existence.
More...The Self-limiting Revolution of Solidarity and the Gorbachev's Policy of „New Thinking”
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In Poland, feminist perspectives in the field of musicology are still notonly very rare, but also hold a highly problematic status. Both an overviewof relevant Polish literature and scholars’ experiences reveal a two sided problem within Polish feminist musicology, where there is on theone hand a great disregard for the study of intersections between sex,gender and music, and on the other hand a significant controversy overhow to approach the subject once it is acknowledged. The challenges which today’s feminist musicology in Poland needs to confront, areconnected with complex and very often ambivalent way in which classicalmusic culture and the feminist discourse have been shaped sincethe beginning of the communist era (1945-1989). Reaching back to thatperiod, various historical, political and social factors have influencedthe study of women and gender in the contemporary Polish musicology.Three equally crucial issues are investigated in order to understandthe status of feminist musicology in Poland: 1) the challenges Polishmusicology has had to face due to the communist propaganda; 2) theway in which communist reality has shaped the attitude to feminismin the society; 3) the way in which history of Polish classical music isinfluenced by the figure of Grażyna Bacewicz. The essay characterizes each of these phenomena and presents how they may have contributed to the problematic status of feminist musicology in Poland nowadays.
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In ‘Critical Image/Image of Criticism,’ Georges Didi-Huberman presents the phenomenon of negative dialectics as a turning point in the entire philosophical tradition. According to this new interpretation, negative dialectics allows us to rethink the image as a critical instance. The French philosopher offers a commentary on Adorno’s concept, but he also outlines a vision for a critical practice at whose centre we have images of a practice that goes beyond the dichotomy of engagement and non-engagement. Images provoke strong affective reactions, allowing us to define our own position with respect to reality, and this is why they can be said to enable politically meaningful experiences. Didi-Huberman’s attempt to relate visuality and politics is consistent with the ever more urgent necessity he sees, across his output, to think about the political as an essential horizon for intellectual activity.
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How political are the humanities in Poland today? Kuziak examines the possibilities and limitations of this question in the discourse of humanities scholars. He focuses on the formula ‘reading Poland’ that reappears in these discourses, but also on projects of possible otherness and rescue history. The humanities’ political nature is shown to legitimize scholarly discourses in that it connects them to history and society.
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