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In the periodicals of landsmanshaftn, 1921 was the year referred to with obsessive regularity as the most important moment of German solidarity; a nationalistic goal that should now be fulfilled.
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Even when both regionalist movements seeking to appropriate Upper Silesia aimed to nationalize the inhabitants, they did so in favor of the strong regional consciousness, and “national indifference”.
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The tone of the German press intensified murders and anti-Polish terror that was introduced by various right-wing sections and militias. This ethnic cleansing had a relatively broad social support.
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I barely started to speak, and the hall shouted, demanding a call-off of the rally. In the midst of total confusion, someone grabbed a chair with both hands and forcefully pushed it towards me.
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Imprisoned in an open city, crowded on an area of about two square kilometers with 70,000 contemporary people, with constant fire, violence, no hope of relief.
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Family stories about my grandfather were set in an extraordinary story, similar to adventurous novels about knights, musketeers, Kmicics, Wołodyjowskis, and Hubals.
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Both sides were aware that moving images would better address recipients than written appeals, especially in a region where a large number of cinemas allowed for the mass propaganda.
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Actually no one, except Silesian authors, was interested in him, no one undertook an in-depth reflection on this personality. This was only done by the German from Gliwice – Horst Bienek.
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Michał Grażyński is recognized as the creator of the Polish insurgent myth. This is a misunderstanding. The Sanation governor only rationalized the spontaneously arising myth, captured the atmosphere flowing in the air and gave them a consistent content.
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Today, myths are not attractive. Neither the traditional one from the times of Michał Grażyński nor that of Edward Gierek’s people.
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A few years ago, Dawid Kostempski, the president of Świętochłowice, called Jarosław Bełdowski with the idea to create in this town the museum of risings.
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In the first life they are officials, traders, students. In the second, they wear uniforms and weapons, they fight. Each of them has an ancestor who has inhaled gunpowder somewhere.
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Can you imagine a better place for the act of reconciliation between two nations? However, on 12th November 1989, this event took place in Krzyżowa in Lower Silesia. Why?
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Thanks to bringing the archives located overseas since the Second World War back to Poland, anyone can personally verify family legends about his grandfather who fought at Anaberg.
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Here is the diary of Teodor Tyc, a young employee of the plebiscite office. He lived only 31 years.
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Through the fog I see myself as I play with some medals. Was the Silesian Cross of Merit among them?
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Grandma Maria bought and gathered all the books about Silesian uprisings issued after the war.
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The aim of this article is to show how both Jan Patočka and Jürgen Habermas, starting from are interpretation of the idea of «lifeworld», engaged a critique of modern civilisation, aiming (with different outcomes) at a redefinition of the concept of political community. In order to achieve this goal, I firstly focus on Patočka’s understanding of modern rational civilisation and its attempt to fix the fracture between «life» and «world». At this stage, I take also advantage of Hans Blumenberg’s distinction between these two terms, in order to better clarify Patočka’s stance on this problem. Secondly, I analyse Habermas’ ideas of lifeworld and system, and their uncoupling in modern societies, as well as the reemergence of this issue in Habermas’ recent works on the European economic and political crisis. Finally, I focus on the very different ways in which Patočka and Habermas tackled the ideas of conflict and crisis in contemporary world, also in view of a possible path out of this crisis through a re-constitution of Europe.
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The paper puts emphasis on the experience of cultural identity through various social contexts: traditionalism, modernism and postmodernism. Special attention is directed towards the analysis of the position of an individual, and the social framework in which that individual creates his/her identity. Analysis of different theoretical approaches reveals that the cultural identity is a category which permanently changes, but we should not lose sight of the fact that there are certain determinants which suggest that cultural identity in traditional, modern and postmodern societies bears certain similarities. In most scientific studies there is a claim that an individual overcame his/her ontological connection to community and dependence on it, and that reflexivity becomes the norm. However, if you go deeper into the essence of social relations you can find that space for individuality and free acting of an individual is freed from heteronomy as a traditional form of behavior, but not freed from the strong influence of market ideology that largely determines and affects human activities. Therefore, an individual more and more consumes what already exits, while less and less acts as an authentic creator. That dependence goes through a metamorphosis, expressing itself in a different form and with different intensity in different social contexts, but does not disappear.
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