Филозофско контекстуисање (пост)хашке истине
Приказ/Review: Зоран Арсовић, Оно што након Хага остаје, Арт принт, Бања Лука, 2010.
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Приказ/Review: Зоран Арсовић, Оно што након Хага остаје, Арт принт, Бања Лука, 2010.
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This paper shows the origin of the idea of a social contract in Greek ancient philosophy. The Greeks first discovered this idea in their mythological and cosmological notions. Sophists developed it on the basis of natural law. During its evolution in Greek ancient philosophy the social contract was differently understood: sometimes in a unity with natural law, sometimes in opposition to it. Socrates pointed out the abstract nature of the social contract, while Plato and Aristotle tried to solve the contradictions set by the sophists. The origins of these ideas are very important, because modern and contemporary theories of social contract which use both different customary language and are based on different rationalization of the notion of nature are in part developed on a logic similar to that which can be found in Greek ancient philosophy.
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In this study are considered: Philosophy – included in the values of the organization and management culture; philosophy as a factor and a model in public management and the practical activities; philosophy and pragmatic orientation of management actions.
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Liberal West and its philosophy security face a number of challenges. On the one hand, these are internal problems of the West, on the other hand, are different in cultural and civilizational modes.
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Filozofia w obronie człowieka. Idea człowieczeństwa w nowożytnym humanizmie
The author takes up the question of the place of the idea of humanity in the crisis of modern humanism. This issue is contemplated in the context of defending by the philosophy of the idea of humanity against the threats posed by modernism as a „posthuman” culture. The condition of defence is the understanding and interpretation of contemporary social and cultural discourse and the overcoming the false philosophical-anthropological proposals of modernist humanism. The new humanistic program, referring to the „intuition of limits”, would be define the horizon of „universal meanings”. The idea of the humanity should turn from the metaphysical into a permanent reflective and fundamentally discursive.
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The paper attempts to analyze the historical, philosophical and methodological aspects of the philosophical and legal views of Hans Kelsen as interpreted from the point of view of the ‘classical’ theories of natural law, obligations and justice. The author outlines the main concepts and categories of normativity in the context of the principle of relativism and discusses some features and applications of the principle of relativism in the cognition of legal reality, and reconsideration of causality in the legal field. Attached is a translation of Kelsen’s important article “Causality and Imputation” (1950).
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This article attempts to radically reconsider Marx's philosophy as a philosophy of complete material and spiritual social activity of human being (Praxis). Unlike all previous interpretations focusing on the materialistic interpretation, the author emphasizes the effectiveness of the Praxis: at different stages of historical development as the most efficient motive powers appear either material (nature, technics) factors of human activity, or ideal (technology, the organization, a science, the information), or their synthesis. Therefore in K. Marx's philosophy takes place the efficacious-praxeological interpretation of history, in which the author reveals social-production, anthropological and existential levels of historicity.
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The author is an expert in the problems of criminal rehabilitation. In the paper are considered some philosophical, psychological, ethical and legal dimensions of the integration of former criminals.
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In this text, we will focus our attention on the first Fichte’s work Random Thoughts on a Sleepless Night which indicates the future interests of this philosopher. In “Random Thoughts” Fichte describes the political situation and the general decadence of German society which directly depends on the hedonistic life of higher classes. The loss of moral considerations of those in the highest social positions reflects on the overall functioning of the state, and in linking the ethics and politics Fichte raises the thesis that the immoral behavior of princes, nobles, and all responsible persons who run state affairs causes the general social collapse. In this paper, Fichte in some way appeals for each individual to be morally transformed because only moral communities and societies can hope for prosperity. Later political-legal texts point to Fichte's enlightenment aspirations to raise the general self-consciousness of their compatriots through education and improvement.
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The article analyses the peculiarities and the main provisions of the philosophical reflection of the subject of power in traditional societies. The author examines the basic views on the power of philosophers of antiquity (Plato, Aristotle), of the middle ages (Augustine, F. Aquinas), Renaissance (N. Machiavelli).
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The article is devoted to research of value orientations of civil society in different directions of non classical philosophy. General philosophical theories of interpretation of civil society, continuing strategy of the classics in interpretation of social space on the whole, and civil society in particular, create their liberal and positivism versions.
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The interest in the genealogy and in the history of power shared by Foucault and Nietzsche raises the question about the status and the meaning of lying in Foucault’s work. This article is an effort to reconstruct his attitude to this topic, which appears in many places of the discussion but everywhere overshadowed by other problems, especially by those of the truth. It’s the turn in Foucault’s understanding of the truth what motivates me to split the text in two parts. In the first I trace out the stage of his studies devoted to the transgression by which the Self could achieve certainty in itself. But the main accent stresses the discovering of Nietzsche, made by Foucault, against the background of his own conception of knowledge management. No doubt that the following syntheses between power and knowledge leads to temptations to recognize the uses of lying as a justified tool, what Foucault finds out by himself in some praxis of psychotherapy, but also denounces as delusive and counterproductive. The second part deals with the changes in Foucault’s genealogy, occurring with the reevaluation of the governmentality as a different kind of power exercises and uses of truth. Here I reconstruct the appearance of a series of new concepts, constructed and experimentally implemented by Foucault, which helps to discover the main moments of the so called “subjectification” as a peculiar reshaping of the borders between true and untrue. The culmination of this part is devoted to the practices, in which the authenticity presupposes (increasingly) personal disclosure and fearlessness and, on this ground, the use of half-lies and half-truths seems permissible because in the end it doesn’t mix truth with lie.
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This article explores the articulation between two of the main projects that characterise Michel Foucault’s work in the 1970s and the 1980s: the project of a history of truth and the project of a genealogy of the modern subject. After addressing the meaning and ethico-political value of Foucault’s history of truth, focusing above all on the shape it takes in 1980 (namely, a genealogy of a series of “regimes of truth” in Western societies), it offers an analysis of the related project of a genealogy of the modern (Western) subject, and more precisely of Foucault’s account of the processes of subjection (assujettissement) and subjectivation (subjectivation) within the Christian and the modern Western regimes of truth. It eventually argues that the essential political and moral issue that Foucault raises is not whether the subject is autonomous or not, but rather whether he or she is willing to become a subject of critique by opposing the governmental mechanisms of power which try to govern him or her within our contemporary regime of truth and striving to invent new ways of living and being.
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In this article the author analyses various theoretical conceptions of biopolitics in Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben through the issue of their relation towards Modernity. In confronting divergent standpoints, the author especially focuses on particularities of Foucault’s position, arguing that Foucault’s homo politicus appears as an still uninvestigated possibility of synthesis of politics, ethics and philosophy. In that context, the ways in which Foucault and Agamben relate towards Modernity are presented as decisive for interpretation and understanding of biopolitics and new possibilities of the political. The author concludes in arguing that genealogy of contemporary phenomena of biopolitics, as a continuation of Foucault’s approach in the present, opens up with itself the theoretical possibility for new political subjectivity.
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This paper examines Heidegger’s political engagement on the basis of the concept of meta-politics, which Heidegger for the first and only time introduced in his so-called “Black Notebooks”, written during his 1933/34 Rectorship at the Freiburg University. Through the concept of “metapolitics”, Heidegger attempts to deconstruct the modern politics by demanding that the theoretical reflections after Hitlerʼs takeover of power in national socialist Germany give priority to the (spiritual) action. Philosophical concepts thereby operate as a “weapon” in the struggle against modern democracy and are put into service of the German people, understood as “true community”, which is the only one capable to ask the question of the Being from the horizon of the “metaphysics as metapolitics”. Heidegger labelled his political engagement as a “spiritual National Socialism” and tried to implement it through the reshaping of the German educational institutions. Thus, one part of the paper will also examine his understanding of the education as a means of his political engagement. In conclusion, this paper strives to show the ambivalence, agonism and the messianism of Heideggerʼs philosophical conception of the politics, but also the unavoidable Antisemitism of his theoretical and political engagement.
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The paper traces and analyses the main highlights in Hannah Arendt’s political ideas as reflected in her various writings. It examines her main concepts of politics, totalitarianism, power, freedom, and violence. With her interesting and unconventional research approach, she established a dominant position as a political thinker of the 20th century, and she continues to be a highly relevant and widely read author in the present day.
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In this article author analyzed Hegel’s contributions to political theory within a framework of his significant and extensive work Aesthetics. Although in this work Hegel did not decidedly define politics as illusion of art, still it possible to think in this context on basis of Hegel’s stance on art and politics in this and other work of this philosophical giant, and also on basis of analysis of other philosophers’ works from this period or before it. On the basis of abovementioned, it is possible to claim that Hegel has such approach to politics as phenomenon, but that also he considers other political phenomenon in similar, theoretically discreet approach. Although politics as the art of illusion does not represent a part of aesthetics, it does provoke scientific interest. This article is written as some sort of contribution to the process of getting beyond a tension existing between aesthetics and politics for centuries, which is the process that has started since the middle of 18th century.
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In this article the author deals with the conception of a nation by the German philosopher Johann Gottfried Herder. In this paper is pointed out Herder’s conception of language as the main feature of the nation. In addition, special attention was paid to Herder’s notion of “national spirit”. According to Herder, every distinctive characteristic of a nation is essentially a product and a manifestation of a “national spirit”. In the third part the author deals with German philosophers view upon the question of relations between different cultures. Thus the fundamental features of Herder’s cultural nationalism are indicated as well as his relationship with enlightment’s cosmopolitism. The purpose of this work is to emphasize the roots and the beginnings of the modern considerations of nation, nationalism and national identity.
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In the first part of the article, play is considered as a sport. In this case, sport is interpreted figuratively - as a metaphor for a particular type of being of humans. Ortega y Gasset’s essential definition of sports as play refers to the urge toward self-overcoming: „the game requires playing, as much as possible, better“. The second part of the article analyzes the relationship between play and „good utopianism“. Finally, the author analyzes the interpretation of Ortega y Gasset’s idea of hunting and reveals another meaning of play – as a form of relaxation from reality. The article draws comparisons between the idea of play in Schiller, Huizinga and Ortega y Gasset.
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The article considers the development of chronopolitics, a new current in political science, which studies political time and its structurally-spatial features. Its conceptual foundations date back to the 1970s, to the world-system theory of I. Wallerstein and G. Modelski’s “long cycle” theory, which, for their part, serve as a conceptual basis of contemporary geopolitical research. The author views the two connected sciences (chronopolitics and geopolitics) as mutually complementary in a theoretical and applied aspect.
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