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‘Scientific Atheism’ as an Ideological Construct and Educational Project (1950s-1980s)

‘Scientific Atheism’ as an Ideological Construct and Educational Project (1950s-1980s)

Author(s): Marianna Shakhnovich / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2021

The main goal of this article is to identify the socio-historical context of the emergence of the ideologically loaded concept of ‘scientific atheism’, constructed in the USSR in the 1950s-1980s during the period of the announced transition from socialism to the construction of communism. The article uses the method of the historical sociology of concepts, which makes it possible to identify the connection between semantic contexts and institutional practices and to show how the conceptual category around which the corresponding discourse was formed became an instrument that produces socially significant meanings used in the practice of ideological production. The classics of Marxism did not consider atheism as a separate doctrine from materialism; despite this in the late 1970s, scientific atheism in the Soviet academic space turned into a separate science with its own subject of research. At the same time, scientific atheism was opposed to all other forms of atheism as the most consistent and the only true one.

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“DEĞERSİZLEŞME” VE “SERMAYENİN ORGANİK BİLEŞİMİ” KAVRAMLARI ÜZERİNDEN ERKEN DÖNEM POULANTZAS’IN SINIF ANALİZİNİN ELEŞTİRİSİ

“DEĞERSİZLEŞME” VE “SERMAYENİN ORGANİK BİLEŞİMİ” KAVRAMLARI ÜZERİNDEN ERKEN DÖNEM POULANTZAS’IN SINIF ANALİZİNİN ELEŞTİRİSİ

Author(s): Turgay KAHVECİ / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 1/2022

It can be said that the emergence of class theories has a parallel history with the development of the Industrial Revolution and the establishment of capitalist production relations. However, this development adventure does not deny the existence of classes before capitalism from a factual point of view, does not fix them on the established order of capitalism. The essence of Marxist class theory is the idea that the dynamics of the historical process are class struggles. In this study, first of all, the class definitions of the Marxist tradition from early Marxism to Neo-Marxism and the social historiography of labor are discussed in a general framework. Traditional Marxism and the trends in the literature that followed it were examined. Then, with the book “Political Power and Social Classes”, a special title was opened for the early period Poulantzas, and his approach to the state, social formation and classes was conveyed. In the class analysis Poulantzas put forward in his early texts, the inclusivity of the notions of productive labor/unproductive labor was discussed, and the classifications of the working class, traditional and new petty bourgeoisie were examined. The main argument of this research is the claim that Poulantzas's class analysis during his early period, excluding his late period from structuralist-functionalism to relational state theory, could not respond to economic notions such as devaluation and the organic composition of capital.

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„Copiii cumpliți ai modernității” – Peter Sloterdijk. Book Review

„Copiii cumpliți ai modernității” – Peter Sloterdijk. Book Review

Author(s): Mihail M. Ungheanu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2017

Book review of: Peter Sloterdijk – Die schrecklichen Kindern der Moderne, Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp, 2 Auflage, 2016, 489 seiten.

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„Jedność w różnorodności”: geneza i geopolityczne znaczenie idei

„Jedność w różnorodności”: geneza i geopolityczne znaczenie idei

Author(s): Witold J. Wilczyński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 39/2022

The formula "Unity in diversity" expresses one of the ideas that exert a significant influence on social consciousness and political reality in many countries, indirectly influencing their geopolitical situation. The purpose of this study is to explain the origin of this idea, both in the Western tradition and in other cultural circles, as well as the different ways of interpreting it and using it to achieve political goals. The first part explains the philosophical interpretations of this slogan, starting from the Ionian philosophers (7th century BC), up to the European modern philosophy, as well as its scientific significance in the classical period of geography development. The second part is devoted to the presentation of equivalents of the slogan "unity in diversity", which appeared at different times within other cultural circles: Arabic, Indian, Chinese, and in South-East Asia. The third part shows the influence of this idea on the political practice of Western countries, especially the United States of America, Italy and Switzerland. Particular attention has been paid to the destructive impact of the change in the understanding of the idea that has taken place in the European Union.

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Теорија државне суверености Слободана Јовановића

Теорија државне суверености Слободана Јовановића

Author(s): Boris Z. Milosavljević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2011

This paper deals with Slobodan Jovanovic`s theory of state sovereignty. Following the tradition of the general theory of state (Allgemeine Staatslehre), Jovanovic stresses the sovereignty of the state as a person. The sovereignty of a state is the authority and power of the whole over its parts, and hence the state is superior to the sovereignty of any one of its members, bodies or organs. Jovanovic criticizes Rousseau’s theory of popular sovereignty and the theory of natural rights. The aim is to consider specificities of Jovanovic’s theory of sovereignty of a state and his criticism of the theory of sovereignty of people.

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Технологичен прогрес, икономика на знанието и етика
 в глобализирания свят на дигиталната цивилизация
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Технологичен прогрес, икономика на знанието и етика в глобализирания свят на дигиталната цивилизация

Author(s): Sylvia Mineva / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Issue: 5/2017

The article describes and analyzes the need for, and subject field, of an ethics of intellectual technologies seen as a critical discourse on, and corrective of, their development. For this purpose, the discussion includes analysis and com¬men-tary on tendencies and phenomena that characterize technological progress, in-cluding digitization, computer literacy, economy of knowledge, globalization, etc., in terms of their moral perspectives and moral risks.

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Технохуманизмът и дейтъизмът – новите религии на бъдещето
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Технохуманизмът и дейтъизмът – новите религии на бъдещето

Harari, Y. N. (2016). Homo Deus. A Brief History of Tomorrow. Harvill Secker. ISBN-10: 1910701874

Author(s): Vasil Sivov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Issue: 3/2017

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Толерантност, дискриминация и език
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Толерантност, дискриминация и език

Author(s): Valeri Lichev / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Issue: 3/2018

Political correctness is blamed by its opponents for the failed model of multiculturalism, the influx of migrants, and the threat of terrorist acts. The author refers to the contemporary achievements in semiotics, hermeneutics and philosophical anthropology. His criticism is directed at: 1) the paradoxes of postmodern philosophical attempts to justify the idea of political correctness; 2) the way new terminology is introduced, leading at a linguistic level to exclusion, not inclusion, of disadvantaged people: E. Benveniste asserts that the third person is rather a non-person. The article concludes that politically correct language should be grounded on a basis that takes into account the three persons of the conjugation of verbs. Similar philosophical and ethical ideas can be found in the works of J. Kristeva, T. Todorov, P. Ricoeur. This is one of the possible ways to overcome the exclusion of disadvantaged people who are named using terms, but are not in a way that designates them as participants in social and political dialogue.

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Трактат о постмодернизму, друштву и политици: Quaecumque ab x dicta essent, commentitia esse

Трактат о постмодернизму, друштву и политици: Quaecumque ab x dicta essent, commentitia esse

Author(s): Đorđe S. Stojanović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 3/2013

The main research intention of this monographic study is more comprehensive understanding of post- modernist discourse and refutation of the most common conceptual misconceptions and critical stereotypes associated with it. The first part deals with general epistemological and methodological assumptions associated with postmodernism, second part trying to define the basic principles of modernity and modernism, while the third part deals with the basic principles of post- modernity and postmodernism. Today, for a significant number of “theoreticians and practitioners”, of this or that academic orientation and rank, there is nothing that would attract so strong, persistent and blatant intolerance as is the case with the ideas of postmodernism. The intention of this monographic study, therefore, is to identify the focal positions of postmodern discourse and, in that process, to demystify or amortize all those superficial, ignorant and malicious interpretations that are associated with definition of postmodernism. This can, by changing perspective and by expanding intellectual horizons, contribute to a clearer siting of external and internal Serbian power construct, in which the Serbian state is „caught“ and by which Serbian state „hunts“, and complete understanding of the fragmentation of Serbian society and identity issues.

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Труд и игра: бележки към една политическа икономия на естетическото
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Труд и игра: бележки към една политическа икономия на естетическото

Author(s): Ognian Kassabov / Language(s): English,Bulgarian Issue: 3/2016

The article deals with the meaning of Kant’s metaphor of free play of faculties in aesthetic judgment, discussed in the perspective of Schiller’s contrasting of work (labour) and play, which gave rise to a peculiar fictional, but conciliatory, status for the aesthetic. The article then traces some articulations between the realms of alienated labour and of free creativity in Hegel and Marx, and concludes with notes on the lasting social significance of this contrastive aesthetic metaphor.

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Турци, Срби и неоосманизам: исходишта и озбиљења

Author(s): Slobodan Nagradić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2011

Policy of the modern Turkish state in the last decade, inner, and even more foreign, in the international arena, is inspired and defined with principles and parameters which can be called neoosmanism. That ideological orientation and political practice has its start point in the principles and practice of Ottoman Empire political activities, which leading turkish politicians, summoned arround Justice and development Party, lead by current Turkish prime minister Rejep Tayip Erdogan, today strive not only to rehabilitate, but also to implemetn the postulates of its rule and values that are imanent to Islam. In an international arena, where one of the directions and goals of their activities is also Balkans, meaning also Serbian people and their countries (Serbia, BiH and others), neootman Turkish policy acquires reputation and sense with the doctrine, which its author, Turkish minister of the foreign affairs Ahmet Davutoglou, called strategic depth. So, Serbs are facing a challenge of confronting neootmanism as a policy which will result in new geopolitical redesign of Balkan, Asia Minor, Middle Eastern, Middle Asian, and Caucasian congigurations of power and influence, thus it is important what historical reply to this challenge will they provide. The author pleds that a reply and attitude of Serb people and its countries towards neootmanism should base on principles and values of real-politics.

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У ОДБРАНУ ПОЛИТИЧКЕ ФИЛОЗОФИЈЕ

У ОДБРАНУ ПОЛИТИЧКЕ ФИЛОЗОФИЈЕ

Author(s): A. Semenov / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 183/2022

До XIX века политическая философия была всеобъемлющей наукой о человеке и обществе. Но с появлением и развитием других социальных наук, всего за сто лет, политическая философия достигает точки закрытия. Исайя Берлин и его коллеги смогли продемонстрировать, что предмет политической философии остался неизменным со времен Древней Греции. Иными словами, до тех пор, пока в нашем обществе не доминирует только одна цель, пока существуют различные интерпретации эмпирических событий, и авторы, способные открывать нормативные истины, политическая философия будет занимать свое место среди общественных наук. Ее место находится между позитивной политической наукой и философией. В то время как первая отвечает на вопрос «что есть?», философия ищет ответ на вопрос «что (должно быть сделано)?», а политическая философия содержит вопрос «что делать, когда есть разногласия по поводу того, что делать». Таким образом, в самом своем бытии остается нормативный подход, но он не обсуждается в каком-то вакууме. Цели и предмета, конечно, недостаточно, чтобы называть дело наукой, но оно должно обладать систематическим и организованным знанием предмета в форме поддающихся проверке объяснений или принципов, каких-то правил поведения или методов. Благодаря теории справедливости Ролза, а также политическим теоретикам его века, мы получили методы, которые проверяют мыслительный процесс теории. Однако использование одного и того же метода не приносит с собой равного уровня теоретизирования. В то время как теория справедливости Ролза создает новое общество, нормы которого противоречат нашему 359 существующему обществу, теория консоциальной демократии Лейпхарта участвует в модернизации существующей системы, опираясь на эмпирические данные и дедуктивные выводы. Другими словами, теория справедливости является вершиной теоретической области, а с другой стороны, теория консоциальной демократии показывает нам нижнюю границу теоретизирования, необходимую для теории.

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Удвояване или за любословието на филологията

Удвояване или за любословието на филологията

(Рецензия на „Модерният мимесис: Саморефлексията в литературата“ на Камелия Спасова, 2021)

Author(s): Miglena Nikolchina / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 10/2021

Modern Mimesis: Self-Reflexivity in Literature is a passionate defence of philology that traverses the distances from Ancient Hellas to present-day Japan, from Ulysses to robots. This movement follows a logic described by the author as reconceptualization, and creates conceptual nodes configured through horizontal and vertical, temporal and spatial self-reflexive reduplications. The broad arc from the libraries of Alexandria and Pergamum to the mimetic valleys of robotics thus turns out to be underpinned by the reconceptualization of the ancient dispute between ‘analogy’ and ‘anomaly’, turning any attempt at ordering into an ‘endless series of rearrangements’.

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Уильям Митфорд об истоках противостояния Афин и Спарты

Уильям Митфорд об истоках противостояния Афин и Спарты

Author(s): Nikolay Anatolevich Yasnitsky / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2020

William Mitford’s interpretation of the origins of the rivalry between Athens and Sparta was analyzed. W. Mitford considered the clash of Athens and Sparta as inevitable. He gave particular importance in this process to the conditions determined by the political and material situation of that time, rather than to the personal views and aspirations of the political leaders, which was typical for historians of those years. It was concluded that the source of the rivalry in W. Mitford’s interpretation is connected with the course of the Greco-Persian wars, but the strengthening of the rivalry was due to the internal political struggle and the contradictions between the two alliances led by Sparta and Athens. W. Mitford believed that a special role in worsening of the contradictions was played by the political order of Athens established after the reforms of Efialta and the despotic power of the People’s Assembly, which was based on material interests and predetermined the policy of Athens in relation to the allied states. The comparative analysis proved a considerable similarity in the interpretations and general assessment of the politics and state structure of Athens and Sparta by W. Mitford and modern researchers. W. Mitford’s theoretical arguments bring up the issue of the English historical thought originality during the period of Enlightenment, mainly owing to the internal political struggle in England during this period.

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Унутрашњи оружани облици угрожавања капацитета безбедности државе

Author(s): Radoslav Gaćinović / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 1/2012

Origins of theoretical elaboration of the nature of social conflicts derive from the Antic age and philosophical attitudes of Heraclites, Plato and Aristoteles. Further development of the thought on conflicts is connected with theological, natural-legal, geopolitical and Malthusian interpretations of social conflicts. However, only with development of sociology and psychology as separate branches of sciences there were developed significant scientific-methodological and theoretical directions and research schools on conflicts. Depending on different factors, in most general sense these approaches are divided into psychological and sociological ones. This division is made on the basis of consideration of the causes of conflicts – whether the causes are in the character of a human being or his/her social structures and institutions, or in other words, whether the conflicts are analyzed on the basis of the perspective of an individual or on the basis of their collective behavior (groups, institutions, communities, cultural systems and similar.) Social conflicts are “large and massive social actions or consciously directed, dynamic and practical mutual confrontations and battles of collective social subjects over significant and by their nature limited resources.” Essence of conflicts as “the states of social interactions and open antagonisms with confrontation and battle as basic directions” are internal-group and inter-group battles with the objective of accomplishment of mutually conflicting interests, values and limited but still important resources. This battle can be “the war without rules, to greater or lesser extent almost always limited by wide social, legal, moral, religious, technical or other norms and rules.” Rebellion can be defined as an organized armed-political battle of which objective may be taking over the governance by a violent upheaval and the change of existing government (governance), while in other case the objectives may be more limited. For example, the efforts of rebels to distance (separate) themselves from the control of the government and to establish an autonomous state within traditional ethic and religious borders. The rebellion’s objective can be taking over limited political concessions which cannot be achieved by implementation of less violent means. Terrorism is an organized implementation of violence or a threat by violence by politically motivated executors who are resolved to impose their will to the government bodies and citizens by causing fear, anxiety, defeatism and panics. Guerilla implies a higher level of violence in comparison with terrorism. Not every guerilla war aims at a social revolution. Guerilla’s objectives can be separation, the change of one political structure, counter-revolution, etc. Guerilla can be defined as a form of combat-organized political activity of small armed and very mobile illegal groups who aspire to represent the interest of the people and who, finding support in the people, collectively use the armed force as direct violence against the government. Civil war is an armed battle between political, national and other antagonistic social groups in one state for purpose of accomplishment of political and economic interests. Significant causes for it can be also accumulation of unsolved social, economic, political and other relations among the peoples. In case of internal conflicts it is very important to timely find out whether it is the word about civil war or some other sort of internal armed conflict. There are many cases in history that internal unrests, uprisings and civil wars, including even military coups and the state coups, were supported from abroad for purpose of accomplishment of interests of great powers or creation of appropriate environment for foreign military intervention – aggression. Most concrete example of encouraging of internal conflicts by some great powers was creation of turbulent state of affairs in Kosovo and Metohija as a vanguard for aggression of the NATO-pact on Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999.

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ФЕНОМЕН МЕРЕЖЕВИХ ВІЙН: ДО ПРОБЛЕМИ ФІЛОСОФСЬКОГО ОСМИСЛЕННЯ

ФЕНОМЕН МЕРЕЖЕВИХ ВІЙН: ДО ПРОБЛЕМИ ФІЛОСОФСЬКОГО ОСМИСЛЕННЯ

Author(s): Oleg Gennadiyevich Danilyan,Olexander Petrovych Dzoban / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 3/2021

The article substantiates that the modern social system, the dynamism and specificity of which are due to the intensive development of information technology and network communications, has dramatically changed the nature of conflict resolution and warfare. It is shown that, in essence, network warfare is reduced to a special form of conflict, when their participants use network forms of organization, doctrine, strategy and technology that are best adapted to the current stage of development of the information society. It turns out that one of the goals of the impact of network wars on society is the destruction of the meaning unity of the world and man, in connection with which the basic values of the people and the state, national, religious and cultural identity are destroyed. The dialectical interrelation of network wars with information and information-psychological wars is shown.

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ФЕНОМЕН ТІЛЕСНОСТІ В ПЕРФОРМАТИВНІЙ ПАРАДИГМІ: ВІД ЗІБРАННЯ ДО ПРОБЛЕМАТИЗАЦІЇ ПОЛІТИЧНОГО

ФЕНОМЕН ТІЛЕСНОСТІ В ПЕРФОРМАТИВНІЙ ПАРАДИГМІ: ВІД ЗІБРАННЯ ДО ПРОБЛЕМАТИЗАЦІЇ ПОЛІТИЧНОГО

Author(s): Inna Igorivna Kovalenko,Eduard Anatoliyovych Kalnytskyi,Yuliia Vasylivna Meliakova / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 1/2020

Problem setting. The contemporary sociopolitical reality reflects high dynamics of the cultural development and features uncertainty, insecurity unexpectedness, transfer and fragmentation. These conditions transform the traditional views on social and political practices, revisiting individual understanding of identity. To describe cultural process peculiarities, social and humanitarian sciences actively use the performative approach, which allows researchers to focus on the underlying force of human actions and the way they generate cultural senses.While studying social and political actors a major theme is the phenomenon of masses, which testifies to significant changes in political discourse, in particular, the destruction of the traditional channels of political expression.Recent research and publications analysis. In today’s conditions of the crisis in interpretation there is a trend to go beyond the meaning and address trans-semiotic elements of the human existence. The process of rethinking the mankind discursive interpretation and sense genesis opens a way to corporeality theories that enable to reproduce subjective experience in the performative paradigm. The study of performatives and their potential to create socially and politically meaningful effects is a promising and insufficiently developed field of research.Paper objective. The research discusses the phenomenon of corporeality as a new practice of political self-expression within the performative approach.Paper main body. The study is devoted to the contemporary research into the problems of corporeality and its role in the political discourse.Structural and post-structural philosophy understands reality as a text and, respectively, focuses on the communicative role of the language and the interpretational nature of human-world relations. This semiotic discourse substitutes the sense with meaning. It was shown that the discourse approach, based on the link between the world and the language, interpretations, exchange of meanings and their production in the human world building does not consider the opportunities of the trans-semiotic experience.It was confirmed that the conceptualization of new political practices in the conditions of world rewriting by itself is a most important theme in the modern philosophy and it sets the task to search for new approaches to the issue of a political subject as an agent. It was demonstrated that one of these approaches emerges in the theory of performativity. Under the conditions of corporal communication a performance is the means of personality expression, the way to enter communication, which implies certain attitude and understanding from other communicators.The paper deals with the prospect of considering political issues, given in the performative paradigm and followed in the works by Judith Butler, and other researchers of the new political realm. It was particularly shown that the body as a discursive field always has a political perspective. Therefore, the work dwells on the concepts of gathering, power, precarity, democracy, justice, sources of corporeality politicization etc. It was emphasized that the phenomenon of going out into the street, caused by the vulnerability and dramatism of personal stories, requires considering such motives, and also reflecting on the conditions and ways of accepting political attitude on the whole.Conclusions of the research. The conventional political articulation is being replaced by the density of corporeality and performance, which is, in turn, becoming a new driver of political processes. One of the versions of the political subject is gathering unlike masses, parties and people. This approach outlines a broad field of research into the new political language for contemporary political practices.

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ФЕНОМЕНОЛОГИЯ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО ДЕЙСТВИЯ

ФЕНОМЕНОЛОГИЯ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО ДЕЙСТВИЯ

Author(s): Maja Soboleva / Language(s): Russian Issue: 1/2022

The article focuses on a phenomenological study of political action. The analysis includes three directions: the concept of action, paradigms that determine political actions, and the purpose of action. In the analysis of action, I first use the distinction between the concepts of “act” and “operate.” “To act” means a conscious, deliberate, rational action. In contrast, “operate” means to behave unconsciously, mechanically or automatically, passively or instinctively. The political implications of the distinction between an “acting” and “operating” person can be formulated in the terms “freedom of action” and “coercion to operate,” and the latter can be used as a criterion for determining the type of social system, as well as for evaluating the correlated psychological state of society. As the next step, I analyse the action as a process and a result. I argue that in the social sphere, action appears as the sum of these moments, and the social sphere is a derivate of action. The last aspect of the analysis of action is responsibility. I claim that responsibility can be interpreted as the awareness and recognition by the individual of her role in history. The second part of the work is the study of paradigms and rules of political action in so-called open and closed societies. I claim that political action within the framework of an open society is limited only by legislation. In a closed society, political action is practically impossible: citizens do not act, but “operate” since there are no conditions for actions. After that, I analyse the role of social myths as a factor affecting people’s political activities. In the last part, I analyse the ultimate goal of political action. Traditionally, political philosophy assumes that the goals of politics are exhausted by the problems of relationship between the state and the individual. However, based on the theory of Hannah Arendt, it is possible to formulate the task of political action as the achievement of humanism in a human being, taken not in her relation to the state but in relation to herself. I argue that the minimal political action that can be qualified as humanism consists of the ability and courage to use one’s own mind.

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Феноменология русского самодержавия на рубеже XIX–XX веков в оптике «политической повседневности»

Феноменология русского самодержавия на рубеже XIX–XX веков в оптике «политической повседневности»

Author(s): Dmitry Aleksandrovich Andreev / Language(s): Russian Issue: 31/2020

This article discusses one of the main issues in K. A. Solovyov’s 2018 monograph on the political system of the Russian Empire from Emperor Alexander III until the reforms of 1905–1906. Solovyov, a chief research fellow of the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, states that the regime in this period should be studied from the point of view of “the political everyday life”. This would help scholars develop a “new political history” and reconstruct the past in a way closer to historical reality than is done at present. This approach has met criticism. Despite a number of successful examples of the use of Solovyov’s optics of “political everyday life,” it is not sufficiently comprehensive or robust for understanding the phenomenology of the late autocracy, because it does not take into account the most important features of this regime: the status of the monarch and the nature of his power. Those phenomena cannot be understood in the context of exclusively administrative practices. To support this claim, the author analyzes both the concepts of political thinkers Solovyov studied and did not mention. The author suggests that the prism of “everyday life” cannot provide a correct interpretation of events.

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Филозофија људског рада пред изазовима новог доба

Филозофија људског рада пред изазовима новог доба

Author(s): Darko Marinković / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2009

Modern age, and that is industrial society, that had been founded on human freedoms and rights, multiparty parliamentarian democracy and market contestability, has brought about fundamental changes in the nature, character, content and way of human work, therefore presenting a whole line of challenges to the ethics and philosophy of human work. A new way of production has not only influenced the human work as a process of creation of material and spiritual achievements, but also has changed a whole way of life, human interrelations and the system of social and moral values. Human daily lives have gained not only a new content, but also a new structure. This has brought about a clear and visible division between working and non-working parts of day. From the area of a dominantly agricultural production with the nature being both the working and life environment, the human work has been moved to a closed space of industrial machinery therefore establishing a technical division of work and the work has become increasingly specialized or partitioned. It is especially important to underline that it has led to emergence of an extremely great dynamics of the changes in the field of human work as well. Therefore it is possible to declare that it is precisely the dynamics of the changes that has actualized the old issues and created a whole line of new issues in the philosophy and ethics of human work.

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